1. Introduction
Environmental factors can play a fundamental role in mental health prevention and promotion [
1,
2,
3,
4]. Although research in this area has typically targeted environmental risk factors, more recent studies focus on the role of positive environmental conditions that may promote resilience and adaptation to stress [
1,
5,
6]. In particular, exposure to natural landscapes or their composite features, such as plants and animals, is increasingly recognized as a source of relaxation and regeneration for humans [
7]. One of the possible connections between access to natural environments and health has to do with increasing social relationships [
8,
9,
10]. By providing an opportunity for social engagement, natural environments—including urban green spaces—may help to promote social integration, social ties, and a sense of community, reducing loneliness [
11,
12,
13]. All of these factors are known to play a beneficial role in the maintenance of physical and mental health [
5,
14,
15,
16].
Considering the evidence accumulated so far, rural areas appear to be an elective place to promote health and to build social interventions for people with (or at risk for) mental disorders. Recently, the European Commission has highlighted the key role of rural areas—which account for a large part of the European territory and of the population of the Member States—in addressing the current and future societal challenges in terms of provision of public goods, environmental sustainability, and improved social wellbeing for both rural and urban inhabitants [
17]. However, while being of great importance, rural areas are highly vulnerable; rural exodus and youth drain, geographical isolation, low educational attainments, scarcity of public resources, workforce shortages, and lack of appropriate models of health care, all represent considerable challenges to deliver appropriate health and social services for rural residents and to foster entrepreneurship in traditional rural domains [
18,
19,
20,
21,
22,
23]. The creation of hybrid governance models in which public bodies, local communities, and economic actors work together to co-produce social services may offer an innovative solution to buffer the financial (and organizational) challenges faced by the national health systems and to increase economic sustainability [
24,
25].
Social farming (SF) or
care farming—is the term used to describe short or long-term farming activities to promote social inclusion of people with different disabilities and vulnerable target groups [
26,
27,
28]. SF is playing a growing role in creating an independent local network of social support that, as a consequence, may sustain health-care institutions through practices involving vulnerable/disadvantaged people and embedded in local social contexts [
28,
29,
30]. Using agricultural resources, such as animals and plants, SF is able to address specific social needs, including rehabilitation, sheltered employment, life-long education, and other activities that contribute to social inclusion [
27,
31]. Targets of SF initiatives are often people with physical or mental disabilities, long-term unemployment, or, more in general, people experiencing social exclusion. By being included in agricultural activities, such as horticulture, food processing, selling of products, animal care, and management of the farm-restaurant, they have the opportunity to increase their social and professional skills and to be integrated into society and the labor market.
Together with its beneficial impact on the social, physical, and mental wellbeing of people, SF promotes and generates social services to local communities [
30,
32], strengthens the economic and social viability of rural communities [
27], and fosters the farming sector and society in general [
33,
34]. Moreover, this practice allows farms to broaden and diversify their scope of activities [
35], to provide new sources of income for the farming household, helping farmers to become more integrated into local communities [
31,
33,
34,
35].
Importantly, since SF is based on partnerships among public bodies, economic actors and local communities, the relational system in which farms are embedded is crucial to foster farm performance [
36,
37]. The network of alliances built with local actors is able to promote entrepreneurial dynamism and represent an advantage from the point of view of strategic autonomy and sustainability [
38]. Recently, Bassi and colleagues [
39] explored how structural (e.g., farm size) and relational variables (i.e., social, economic, and other relationships) affect the performance of farms engaged in SF in the Friuli Venezia Giulia Region of Italy. Their findings indicate that, more than structural variables, relational variables are directly and positively related to the ability of the farms to cope with market problems and to implement other activities, including the engagement of disadvantaged people.
Although these data point to the importance of relational variables as a key point in SF success, the nature of the relational system in which social farms are embedded has still not been fully described, and there is very little knowledge on the appropriate measures needed to strengthen the relations and networks at the local level. This paper aims to address this gap in knowledge. The study presented here was conducted in the province of Pordenone (Friuli Venezia Giulia, Italy) and had two main objectives: (i) mapping and describing the nature of the networks of a selected sample of farms engaged in social inclusion activities involving people with mental health issues; (ii) exploring network variations as a result of specific actions taken to facilitate farms’ networking and to potentiate/foster local SF initiatives.
4. Discussion
The aim of this study was to describe the social and economic relationships of a sample of farms involved in SF and to explore whether the engagement of persons with mental health issues in their activities, combined with dissemination and promotion actions, is able to affect their network. This information is of particular relevance, considering that relational variables are crucial to enhance social farms’ performance and, thus, for the functioning of the system itself [
36,
37,
39].
Although the number of social farms included in the survey was small, we still observed a certain degree of variability in terms of activities proposed (both agricultural and social), status (four social cooperatives and two sole proprietorships) and in terms of the extension and features of their networks.
Overall, at T0, the network of relations in which the surveyed farms were embedded did not appear to be particularly developed. Participants reported a number of nodes varying from 22 to 75, mostly based in the same province (local networks) and represented by private actors. The proportion of public institutions in the farms’ networks was less than one-third of the total nodes reported, except in a case study (farm D, a sole proprietorship), whose network at T0 was the largest (in terms of the number of nodes) and included a similar proportion of public and private institutions. As for the contacts with institutions operating in the non-profit sector, these were particularly scarce in the case of the two sole proprietorships (farms C and D), for which nodes in the third sector represented about 10% of the total. Consistently with the farms’ involvement with actors in the private sector—mostly tertiary/service, trade, and agricultural sectors—at T0 reported links of the interviewed farms were mostly represented by economic exchanges, i.e., buying and selling goods and services. In four of the six participating farms, the economic links accounted for more than half of the total, while in farms B and F, two social cooperatives, economic links represented respectively 38% and 46% of the total reported links.
Hence, the overall picture at T0 indicates an entrepreneurial/business vocation (e.g., production and direct sale or marketing of products and services) of the selected farms and diverse income flows deriving from the various multifunctional practices. This could be crucial, especially for small farmers, providing the income required to enable them to stay in business and reduce the risk of dependence on public funding. Through the building of new socio-economic relationships, SF is able to create market opportunities, thus representing an important source of diversification for farmers and a potential new source of income for the farming household [
35,
45,
46].
As expected, the aim of rural production appears to be well conjugated with the pursuit of social ends in the case of social cooperatives, which reported a relatively high proportion of health and social services in their network (range: 12–50% in the different farms). By contrast, the two sole proprietorships (farms C and D) reported a very low proportion of nodes active in this sector, though farm D appears particularly active in the education sector. Except for this latter case, all interviewed farms reported a very low proportion of nodes active in the education sector, as well as a low proportion of links represented by educational activities. This can be viewed as a limit, considering that promoting (or generating) education services represents the first step towards the inclusion of people with ‘low contractual capacity’ as those with mental and physical disabilities, migrants, and other people experiencing social exclusion [
27]. Indeed, SF programs have the potential to represent a driver for the provision of suitable local training, education, and capacity-building for people in rural localities to undertake local initiatives, ultimately contrasting low educational attainment and youth exodus characterizing rural areas [
45]. Through the contribution of professionals in various fields (psychiatrists, legal consultants, marketing experts, researchers), education activities are also crucial to create a strong foundation for the SF sector, to be built through guidelines, examples of best practices and quality criteria [
27,
31,
45].
Interactions among participating farms and between them and other social farms in the area, as reported at T0, appear extremely weak. Only some of the interviewed farms (four of the six participating) reported to have links with other social farms in the area, and the number of social farms in their network was very low (range: 2–6). Consolidated links between social farms–particularly in the form of collaboration in rehabilitation and job placement activities for disadvantaged people–could contrast entrepreneurial vulnerability. By creating networking opportunities and providing access to new resources, relations with other farms might, in fact, support the smallest (and more vulnerable) social farms and help them to improve their performance [
27,
39].
Overall, actions taken in the context of the present study–including the engagement of both private and public institutions (health, civil authorities, socio-economic actors), as well as dissemination strategies, appear to be significant to enlarge and diversify social farms’ network. In all the participating farms, both the number of nodes and the number of links increased over the study period. The increase was more evident for the social cooperatives than for the two sole proprietorships (C and D). Moreover, the specific actions taken resulted in changes both in the networks’ structure and in the flow within the networks. Overall, changes appear to be in the direction of a greater balance between economic and social activities. As an example, in comparison with T0, at T1 all examined ego networks were characterized by a higher proportion of non-economic exchanges, as well as of actors active in the educational sector (both non-economic links and nodes in the education sector were scarce at T0). Farms C and D (two sole proprietorships) reported the highest (although still moderate) increase of health and social services in their network, while the presence of contacts with health and social services decreased in the network of farms already reporting a high presence of nodes in this sector at T0, e.g., farm B. Consistently, at T1 farm B reported a higher proportion of nodes in the agricultural production in comparison with T0. Indirect empowerment, due to the participation in the project, might have contributed to the general growth of the farms, which is, in any case, a positive result of the activities proposed. As expected, actions taken actively encouraged initiatives promoting social inclusion and job placement, as well as initiatives linked to research and evaluation. Furthermore, the proportion of links with a direct impact on persons with mental health issues increased over the study period, particularly in the two farms (C and D) reporting the lowest percentage of these links at T0. Finally, it is important to emphasize that the intervention changed the size of shared networks among the farms, creating a greater number of shared contacts and much more complex territorial inter-relationships.
In general, our results emphasize the critical role played by network facilitation in diversifying actors, promoting heterogeneous relationships, and, in turn, system complexity. Hence, agricultural innovation policies should foster the emergence and functioning of connections among different actors involved in SF in order to build appropriate linkages and facilitate multi-stakeholder interactions [
47,
48].
The research has some limitations. The description of a few cases limits representativeness. Future research should widen the sample size and look at SF experiences in different areas and countries across and outside the European continent. Although the use of SNA for mapping, measuring and analyzing social relationships between people, groups and organizations appear a suitable method to investigate the nature—and variation—of the networks of farms engaged in social inclusion, the analysis of the ego networks has methodological limitations. The main limitation is related to the bias of reports. Analyses relied on the accuracy of reports from the focal actor, the ego, while we did not observe the status of relationships from the perspective of the alters. Moreover, since we focused only on links between the ego and the alters, we did not explore the links between the alters, although those links can potentially affect the ego. Lastly, we cannot exclude that other concomitant events (e.g., rural policies, funding) might have contributed to the changes observed.
5. Conclusions and Further Directions
According to Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (2018) [
49], one in six people in the EU is affected by some sort of mental health problem; this has an estimated total cost of over EUR 600 billion, exceeding 4% of the EU Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Moreover, the increased flow of migration is putting additional pressure on the EU’s inclusion policies. Recent studies have shown that nature-based private-public partnerships such as social agriculture and urban green infrastructures are providing cost-effective solutions to the above-mentioned trends [
28]. The agricultural sector has become particularly aware of the multifunctional character of the land and, although the core aim for agriculture remains the production of primary products such as food, fiber, and oil, it also provides other important benefits to society and the environment. In line with the recommendations of the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Mental Health Action Plan 2013–2020 [
50], by providing de-institutionalized care, SF may represent an innovative way to respond to the cultural shift from institutional psychiatry to community-based mental health care. Moreover, the promotion and strengthening of bottom-up approaches able to create social and economic networks of local communities have been pointed out as an essential element to contrast vulnerability and fighting poverty in rural areas [
51].
This paper contributes to our understanding of social farm’s networks by exploring how and to which extent they become embedded in the local network of actors. Since relational variables appear to represent the driving force affecting social farm performance [
39], these results may help policymakers and practitioners to promote SF initiatives.
Changes in socio-economic networks of social farms should, in the future, be analyzed in conjunction with their impact on persons included in SF initiatives. Considering the recent surge of interest in the potential of natural environments and nature-based interventions in contributing to the prevention and mitigation of mental disorders or states, SF may be viewed as an “open-air” laboratory to further explore evidence of an association between contact with nature and mental health and to identify the mechanisms underlying this link [
52,
53,
54,
55]. We are currently developing specific questionnaires for evaluating potential changes in the social network that the single individual may evolve after his/her involvement in SF programs and analyzing whether structural and relational variables of the farm have an impact on social inclusion and job placement of persons with mental issues. Measuring whether and to what extent SF initiatives help in reducing the burden on health and social care systems also appears crucial.