1. Introduction
The rapid ascendance of professional soccer in the United States within the last quarter of a century has changed the American sports landscape. Major League Soccer (MLS), the top-tier soccer division in the United States, averaged over 21,000 attendees per game during the 2019 season after struggling to draw 15,000 fans to games for much of its first 15 years of existence [
1]. Similarly, the United Soccer League (USL), the second-tier professional soccer division in the United States, has almost doubled its average game attendance during the 2010s, with the 2019 season bringing in nearly 4500 fans per game [
1]. In addition, recent polls indicated more than 50% of 18-to-34-year-olds held an active interest in the sport of soccer, putting it on par with the sport of basketball among this key age demographic and suggesting this growth of soccer fandom in the United States may be sustainable over the long term [
2,
3]. Alongside the growth of professional soccer in the United States has been the emergence of dedicated soccer supporters’ groups [
4], a phenomenon with strong tradition among European soccer clubs but a relatively novel concept within the American sports landscape. Soccer supporters’ group members differ from traditional sport fans through their expressions of organized fandom. Commonly, these groups occupy a specific section of the stadium together and exhibit flags, banners, and other visual displays; organize cheers and chants; and play musical instruments to enhance the in-stadium atmosphere and provide a more active and engaged form of support for their team [
4,
5,
6,
7]. To orchestrate this type of collective behavior requires coordination and social interaction among group members. Therefore, soccer supporters’ groups rely upon social networks, or collections of individuals who share relationships [
8], to advance goals related to their fandom. Yet, little is known about the network characteristics of these groups or how relationships among group members impact sport consumption behaviors [
9]. For example, does shared membership in the same supporters’ group impact game attendance? What about variance in other attributes between fans, such as age, gender, or level of team identification? Research providing insight on these questions can help sport organizations understand factors impacting positive fan behavior, such as increased game attendance. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore the relationships formed and behaviors exhibited among individuals associated with soccer supporters’ groups utilizing a multilevel egocentric network analysis.
The resurgence of professional soccer fandom in the United States during the 2010s correlated with expansion at the beginning of the decade into new markets with established supporters’ groups, particularly Seattle (Emerald City Supporters) and Portland (Timbers Army) [
4,
10]. The success of these organizations at the ticket office, as well as the in-stadium atmosphere created by these groups, changed the way MLS viewed organized supporter culture and forced MLS to recognize the value in supporting and highlighting organic soccer fandom [
10]. Since this realization, MLS has pivoted to a new marketing strategy and now promotes its most visual and vocal fans as the heart of soccer culture in the United States. The results from this new strategy have been successful. Atlanta United, for example, averaged approximately 50,000 fans per game since its inaugural season in 2017 [
1] despite being located in a market with relatively little historical support for soccer. These attendance numbers have been driven largely by the passion and enthusiasm of members from four official supporters’ groups (Footie Mob, Resurgence, Terminus Legion, and Faction). Other recent entrants into MLS, including FC Cincinnati, Orlando City, and Minnesota United FC, began their existence in USL and developed an organic supporter club culture at the second-division level before joining MLS as expansion franchises. Each of these organizations ranks in the top half of MLS in terms of average game attendance [
1], in large part due to the fan culture developed during their time in USL.
These examples of growing soccer support in the United States underlie a phenomenon well understood by sport fan researchers: individuals with higher levels of team identification are more likely to display higher levels of consumption behaviors. Traditionally, team identification studies have investigated the strength of a fan’s identification with the team itself [
11,
12]. However, recent research suggests team identification is not the only way to build strong bonds between fans and sport organizations. Fan-to-fan relationships can significantly influence sport consumer attitudes and behaviors [
13,
14], indicating fan communities serve as an important conduit to achieving outcomes traditionally linked with team identification. In fact, in a study of Japanese soccer fans, attachment to a fan community was the only salient predictor of future attendance [
15]. Without an ability to maintain strong fan-to-fan relationships, individuals may cease game attendance regardless of their level of team identification [
13]. Given that soccer supporter group members display high levels of identification with their club [
16], it is important to understand how an individual’s association with a supporters’ group, and the relationships developed through a fan community, can impact their behaviors.
This study seeks to investigate the topic by positing that soccer supporters’ groups represent social networks. A fundamental assumption of the social network approach is that ties among actors in a social network matter [
17] and these relationships influence behaviors [
8]. A growing number of studies have applied social network analysis to sport in a variety of ways, and numerous scholars have called for increased application of social network analysis within sport [
18,
19]. Thus far, scholars have answered this call within an array of sport settings ranging from studies of team cohesion [
20] to citation networks [
21].
Many of the existing network studies in sport journals utilize a version of a bounded network—or some sort of defined boundary around the population of actors included in a network. In sociocentric networks, or “whole-network” studies, such a boundary is a fundamental requirement of examining the network. Some boundaries are clear, such as all athletic directors and senior woman administrators within the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) [
22] or all members of a particular team [
23]. In such cases, there is a clear boundary (e.g., institutions within the NCAA), and all members within this boundary are included in the network. Some other boundaries require a bit more exploration prior to data collection. Wäsche [
24], for example, began with a list of potentially relevant sport tourism organizations in a particular geographical location and, after surveying each of the potential 45 actors, decided to include 37 of them in the network. The network boundary thus became the 37 identified organizations. Hambrick, Svensson, and Kang [
25] similarly had to identify all active agencies in a sport for development coalition; those organizations deemed part of the coalition were included in the network and those who were not were excluded. Establishing a network boundary is a key consideration in sociocentric network studies, yet not all network studies require such a boundary nor benefit from one.
In some cases, establishing a network boundary is both unrealistic and potentially inappropriate given the setting. As an example, how might scholars define the population of all Manchester United fans, or the population of fans interested in the Summer Olympics? Where would scholars even begin to conceptualize such a network boundary? Social media researchers might define a network by all users adopting a particular hashtag [
26] or all followers of a particular Twitter account [
27]. Both represent innovative ways to conceptualize a fan network, yet both clearly capture only those fans engaging on that particular platform. One other approach to identify boundaries of sport fans involves formalized supporters’ groups, an area where a formalized boundary potentially exists. Katz et al. [
9] initiated such a study, identifying the boundary of their fan population as official members of one particular supporters’ club. Using the population of official members, Katz et al. [
9] examined the consumption and socializing networks of the members to model how network variables impact consumer behavior. However, how rigid are the population boundaries of a supporters’ club? By only examining actors explicitly within the group, those members indirectly connected to group members (e.g., members’ friends or members of another supporters’ group for the same team) who might impact the network of the group are left forgotten. Once a network boundary is established, those on the outside of the population are excluded from the network.
When it comes to sport fans, even those in supporters’ groups, we argue the network boundary is more fluid than rigid, where potentially both those within and outside the supporters’ group affect the actors within a network. The structure of a sport fanbase or fan community resembles the multiple in-group identity framework [
28], which posits that sport consumers belong to subgroups within a superordinate identity. As such, fans can belong to multiple subgroups and interact across those groups. This definition aligns well with the reality of soccer supporters’ groups, where multiple subgroups support the same soccer team (superordinate identity for the fan). It is common for soccer clubs to recognize several official supporters’ groups (subgroups) and common for fans to identify as a member of more than one subgroup. This makes sense given multiple supporters’ groups for a soccer team will commonly mingle together during pregame tailgate parties, congregate together in the same section of a stadium during a match, and participate in the same displays of vocal and visual fan support for their team. Additionally, it is reasonable to assume supporters’ group members interact with individuals who do not identify as a member of a particular subgroup, yet still maintain strong identification with the team. Therefore, it becomes difficult—and perhaps inappropriate—to place rigid boundaries around supporters’ group networks, making sociocentric network analysis of these groups less reliable.
To alleviate the issues surrounding a sociocentric network analysis of soccer supporters’ groups, this study employed an egocentric network approach. Egocentric network analysis offers several conceptual and theoretical advantages over sociocentric networks when studying sport fans. Egocentric network studies remove the rigid boundaries established by a sociocentric network and instead place the focus on an individual’s relationships within their social environment [
29]. Crossley et al. [
30] suggested three main advantages of an egocentric network analysis. First, it provides an avenue for analyzing large networks where a complete mapping of actors in a network is not possible or realistic due to network size. Second, it is compatible with most techniques commonly found within social science research, ranging from purely descriptive statistics to structural equation modeling. Third, egocentric network analysis allows for intersecting and overlapping social circles. Therefore, this analysis technique better mimics real-world situations where people live their lives simultaneously within multiple social circles (e.g., family, friends, work, religious institutions). Employing a sociocentric network analysis technique could fail to properly bound this myriad of social circles, thereby missing key actors affecting one’s social network.
The visual presented in
Figure 1 demonstrates a generic egocentric network. In this fictional example, a main actor (ego, e.g., a fan of a soccer team) shares a relationship with three individuals (alters, e.g., other fans that attend matches with the ego). Each alter is represented by a different shape in the diagram because each alter possesses a unique set of attributes (e.g., age, gender, level of team identification). Additionally, the line connecting the ego to each alter varies in weight, indicating varying frequencies of interaction between the ego and their alters. Finally, lines connect Alter 1 to Alter 2 and Alter 2 to Alter 3, indicating the alters within an ego’s network can also share relationships among each other.
Sport scholars have used egocentric network approaches, either as case studies of a particular network or through larger data collections and more traditional statistical modeling. To illustrate the difference, Naraine and Parent [
27] examined central users in two different national sport organization egocentric networks, treating each egocentric network like a sociocentric network. This is a reasonable and appropriate technique for examining egocentric networks. However, egocentric research can also be used to study random samples of egocentric networks and examine the results through standard statistical analysis. Katz et al. [
14] used structural equation modeling to explain attendance behaviors with egocentric network variables among college hockey fans, and Katz, Heere, and Melton [
31] used egocentric network analysis to predict season ticket holder retention. Using random samples, incorporating standard social science statistical modeling, and removing the need for bounded populations reflect the advantages of egocentric research as proposed by Crossley et al. [
30]. Additionally, when scholars are interested in outcome variables at the ego level of analysis, standard regression modeling is appropriate [
29].
Yet, when scholars condense, or amalgamate, information about specific alters into a general statistic for each ego, they inherently lose richness in the data. Such aggregation ignores the variance among alters. With whom the ego interacts matters; the individual attributes, behaviors, and attitudes of alters undoubtedly influence the ego. Variances exist among such alter characteristics because not every alter with whom an ego interacts is identical. To incorporate the variance among alters while controlling for dependence on the same ego requires a slightly different approach than the aforementioned egocentric studies: multilevel modeling [
29]. Similar to commonly used hierarchical techniques, such as students nested in classrooms or employees nested in organizations, multilevel networks account for the dependence of both the intercept and slope [
32]. In egocentric multilevel modeling, alters are nested in an ego as a way to control and utilize the dependence associated with such hierarchical data structures [
33].
Figure 1 demonstrates multilevel modeling within a generic egocentric network. Theoretically, such a structure assumes both alter- and ego-level variables affect the outcome of interest [
29,
30]. One recent study of National Football League (NFL) fans used egocentric multilevel modeling to explain how co-consumption among fans generates emotional support [
34]. The authors found that alter-level attributes (examined as the relationship of an alter to an ego, e.g., the alter is a friend or the alter is a family member), ego-level attributes (e.g., size of egocentric networks), and ego–alter ties (e.g., outside communication) each explained the variance in the dependent variable.
Returning to the current study of soccer supporters’ groups, we operationalized co-attendance as the primary variable of interest. In this research context, co-attendance is used to describe communal or collaborative attendance where fans attend games with other fans. United States-based soccer clubs have reported sizeable increases in attendance and have attributed much of this growth to the inclusion and promotion of soccer supporters’ groups [
10]. Thus, it becomes important to explore factors that could influence attendance, particularly attendance with other fans. Based on our review of the sport marketing literature, we hypothesize that ego attributes, alter attributes, and other ego–alter ties could each affect the strength of co-attendance. In terms of ego attributes, we expect standard consumer behavior attributes such as team identification [
11], hours spent on team-related social media [
35], number of years as a fan [
9], and whether the ego is an official member of a supporters’ club [
9,
13] to all significantly affect co-attendance. We also expect network characteristics to affect the co-attendance strength, such as the network size, density, and heterogeneity, consistent with previous studies on fan egocentric networks [
31,
34]. Yet, we also expect alter attributes to impact co-attendance ties. We hypothesize that when an ego perceives their alter to be a highly committed fan, co-attendance ties are stronger than for alters of whom the ego does not perceive to be a highly committed fan [
34]. Other alter attributes, such as the alter being a member of the same supporters’ group as the ego [
9] or the relational classification (e.g., family, friend), may also affect the strength of co-attendance. Finally, we hypothesize that other ties between the ego and alter may impact the strength of co-attendance ties, including how often the ego and alter communicate via social media and how often they socialize in ways not related to the focal soccer team.
For this Special Issue on the role of social networks in sport, we emphasize the value of examining sport fans via an egocentric multilevel modeling approach. Such a methodological approach allows for including boundary spanners, non-group members, and other overlapping social ties in a network analysis. Additionally, conceptualizing egocentric networks as multilevel structures allows for the exploration of both ego- and alter-level variables. Supporters’ club members do not only belong to their particular group; they are members of the larger superordinate group (i.e., the soccer club; [
28]) and presumably interact with members outside their own group. Through an egocentric approach, we examine the relationships formed between fans and other supporters of the same team and employ multilevel modeling to examine how characteristics of the focal fan (i.e., ego), characteristics of fans with whom the ego interacts (i.e., alters), and the resulting network structure affect co-attendance behavior.
3. Results
We approached HLM modeling with a two-level model and consequently created two sub-models at Level-1 and Level-2. As a first step, we tested the level of dependence within the structured dataset. Using co-attendance as the dependent variable, we tested an unconditional model to provide estimates of the partitioning of variance at both Level-1 and Level-2 using full maximum likelihood estimation. The unconstrained model was significant (
X2 = 674.95,
p < 0.001); thus, we rejected the null hypothesis that all residuals are independent. Rejection of the unconditional model confirms the need for HLM to account for ego (Level-2)-induced dependencies. From the unconditional model, we then calculated the intraclass correlation (ICC), which provides a measure of the proportion of variability in co-attendance that exists between units [
42], or the within-cluster correlation [
45]. ICCs are calculated by dividing the between-group variance (
τ00) by the sum of the between-group variance and within-group variance (
σ2). The ICC was 0.4713, suggesting that over 47% of the variance in co-attendance occurs at the ego level, with the remainder occurring at the alter level.
Based on the unconditional model, we continued to the second model by including Level-1 variables. To test the relationship between alter-level variables and co-attendance, we created a random coefficient model to examine mean differences across alters within a particular ego. Using model fit deviance testing, we included Level-1 variables and tested whether they increased the fit of the model. Social media communication was entered first as a group-centered mean variable and significantly improved the fit of the model, based on a chi-square deviance test (X2 = 27.03, p < 0.001). Outside socialization was entered next as a group mean-centered variable and significantly improved the fit of the model (X2 = 10.27, p < 0.01). Alter commitment, centered on the group mean, was the third Level-1 variable and showed a significantly improved fit of the model (X2 = 139.123, p < 0.001). The same model fitting technique was used for same supporters’ group as an uncentered variable (X2 = 118.453, p < 0.001), alter degree centrality as a group-centered variable (X2 = 6.21, p < 0.05), and alter gender uncentered (X2 = 21.66, p < 0.001), which were all significant and included in the model. Finally, to test the Level-1 effect of relational classification, we included spouse, family, and co-worker in the model—not centered because they are binary variables. We included three relational classification categories and used friend as the reference variable for interpreting results from the other categorical variables. Including the relational classifications into the model did not significantly improve the model fit (X2 = 2.65, p > 0.50); therefore, the relationship variables were excluded from the model. The alter-level variables social degree centrality as a group-centered variable (X2 = 3.61, p = 0.064), gender homophily uncentered (X2 = 0.1423, p > 0.50), and alter structural holes as a group-centered variable (X2 = 0.05, p > 0.050) also did not improve the model fit and were thus excluded from the model.
The final Level-1 model was significant (
X2 (92) = 786.68,
p < 0.001), and a deviance test confirmed an improved fit over the unconditional model (χ
2 (6) = 939.97,
p < 0.001). Results for predictor variables are provided in
Table 2. To calculate the effect size of the Level-1 model, we calculated the variance explained by including the alter-level variables; thus, we divided the difference between the null model within-group variance (
σ2Null) and Level-1 model within-group variance (
σ2Level1) by the null model within-group variance (
σ2Null). Through our inclusion of social media communication, outside socialization, alter commitment, same supporter group, alter degree centrality, and alter gender, the model with alter-level predictors explained an additional 39.21% of the variance in co-attendance compared to the conditional model.
In the third model, we removed the Level-1 variables and included ego-level (Level-2) variables using chi-square deviance testing to understand which variables increased the model fit. Supporters’ group member, uncentered, was entered first, demonstrating an improved model fit over the unconditional model (X2 = 11.00, p < 0.001). Using a step-by-step model fit strategy, social media hours (X2 = 4.13, p < 0.05), team fan years (X2 = 5.72, p < 0.05), age (X2 = 4.55, p < 0.05), gender (X2 = 4.97, p < 0.05), fan density (X2 = 23.63, p < 0.001), social density (X2 = 7.94, p < 0.01), and same group heterogeneity (X2 = 5.30, p < 0.05) each significantly improved the fit of the model and remained in the final model. Other variables that did not significantly improve the fit of the model were team identification (X2 = 0.04, p > 0.50), ego network size (X2 = 0.22, p > 0.50), broker (X2 = 0.03, p > 0.50), structural holes (X2 = 1.15, p = 0.21), relationship heterogeneity (X2 = 0.37, p > 0.50), and gender heterogeneity (X2 = 0.02, p > 0.50). Each of those variables was removed from the model. All binary variables were included as uncentered variables; other variables were entered as grand mean-centered variables.
The final ego-level model was significant (χ2 (84) = 282.07, p < 0.001) and significantly improved the model fit compared to the unconditional model (χ2 (8) = 67.28, p < 0.001). To calculate the effect size of the Level-2 predictors, we calculated the variance explained by including the ego-level variables, explaining an additional 63.243% of the variance in co-attendance compared to the conditional model. Significant effects for ego-level variables include supporters’ group member (γ01 = 2.29, se = 1.03, p < 0.05), age (γ04 = 0.11, se = 0.04, p < 0.01), fan density (γ06 = 0.24, se = 0.04, p < 0.01), social density (γ07 = −0.11, se = 0.04, p < 0.01), and same club heterogeneity (γ08 = 6.72, se = 3.07, p < 0.05). Gender was approaching statistical significance as a Level-2 variable (γ05 = 1.78, se = 1.03, p = 0.08). Social media hours (γ02 = 0.17, se = 0.17, p = 0.32) and team fan years (γ03 = 0.63, se = 0.47, p = 0.18) were not statistically significant in Model 3.
In our fourth and final model, we combined ego- and alter-level variables. All alter-level variables were group-centered, and all ego-level variables were grand mean-centered, except for binary variables, which were not centered. The final model was significant (χ
2 (84) = 417.11,
p < 0.001) and represented a significantly better fit than the unconditional model (χ
2 (14) = 372.84,
p < 0.001). In the combined model, supporters’ group member (
γ01 = 1.32,
se = 1.00,
p = 0.18) and same club heterogeneity (
γ08 = 2.16,
se = 2.83,
p = 0.16) became non-significant at the ego level when compared to Model 1. Moreover, social media (
γ10 = 0.35,
se = 0.19,
p = 0.07) and alter gender (
γ50 = −0.90,
se = 0.51,
p = 0.07) approached statistical significance at the alter level in the combined model. All other variables remained consistent with previous models. Full results for the combined model are provided in
Table 2.