1. Introduction
During the COVID-19 pandemic that started in 2020 and is ongoing at the time of writing, non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs), including mask mandates, partial or full school and business closures, restrictions on private and public gatherings, domestic mobility restrictions, restrictions on public transport, stay-at-home orders, and international travel restrictions (entry restrictions, quarantining, isolation, and testing) were widely implemented in most countries to mitigate the spread of the disease [
1]. In 2021, the KU Leuven Metaforum, an interdisciplinary think tank for societal debate, launched a short-term research project entitled “Construction of a Dashboard for the Evaluation of COVID-19 Policies”, to evaluate how NPIs deployed during the pandemic affect different components of wellbeing [
2] for different target groups. The results of a literature review have been presented in a matrix, showing how the epidemiological effects of measures can be linked to trade-offs or synergies in other domains [
3]. Assessment of the impact of NPIs should consider the various dimensions together. In this article, we investigate the impact of international travel restrictions in border regions where cross-border travel is intertwined with daily mobility.
International travel restrictions, as defined by the WHO [
1], include entry restrictions, quarantining, and testing. Travel measures played an important role in the early transmission dynamics of the COVID-19 pandemic [
4]. During the pandemic, travel bans lowered the number of COVID-19 imports overall, yet the effectiveness on individual countries varies and also depends on changes in the behavior of returning residents and citizens [
5]. Tourism and travel, a major contributor to the service industry worldwide, was hard hit and was among the most severely impacted global industries [
6]. The lifting of border control policies is key to global economic recovery [
7]. Vaccination is considered a primary measure to contain the spread of COVID-19, and the increasing share of the world population vaccinated [
8] is a strong argument for lifting international travel restrictions. However, at the same time, vaccination is less effective when travel restrictions are removed [
9]. Assessing the impact of the international travel restrictions should therefore consider the specific local socio-economic and cultural conditions, as well as international travel in general and transborder travel in particular.
An analysis of nine EU countries, including Belgium, based on their population density and the degree of impact of the epidemic in the first six months of the pandemic, showed that the massive flow of personnel exchanges in the border area between The Netherlands, Belgium, France, and Germany (see
Table 1 and
Table 2) was one of the main reasons they ranked among the hardest-hit areas in Europe, in addition to the small size and high population density of The Netherlands and Belgium (NL: 41,543 km
2 and 508 inhabitants/km
2, BE: 30,688 km
2 and 375 inhabitants/km
2, EU: 109 inhabitants/km
2). The study concluded that large land borders and well-developed transportation infrastructure between countries exacerbated the spread of COVID-19 [
10].
In Belgium, internal borders also played a role in incidence. A nationwide survey conducted in September 2020 investigated the knowledge, understanding, and behavior of the adult population regarding COVID-19. Understanding (the logic of) the measures is essential to motivate people to adopt appropriate protective behavior. This understanding was lower in the French-speaking south of the country than in the Dutch-speaking north [
11]. Transborder mobility effects depend not only on the characteristics of the neighboring country but also those of the Belgian border region. Limited intranational transborder mobility among regions may create border effects in incidences in a similar way to international travel restrictions.
The goal of this paper is to examine the incidence curves in Belgium’s border areas and contrast these with the corresponding curves in the neighboring areas across the border, as well as in Belgium. It is hypothesized that the relationship between the incidence curves in the border areas and the incidence curves across the border depend on the social and economic ties, the urbanization level of the area, and the health measures that were in place in both Belgium and the neighboring countries throughout the pandemic. This would imply that, even when included in international travel restrictions, transborder mobility affects incidence in border areas. Similarly, the incidence curves relating to intranational regional and community borders are analyzed. It is hypothesized that weak mobility leads to a clear distinction in incidence curves between both sides of these borders, at certain times during the pandemic (autumn 2020, autumn 2021, and winter–spring 2022), when the corresponding national curves differed considerably. The study is limited to the period October 2020 to December 2021. During the first wave of the pandemic, the test capacities were limited, and the reported incidences were not representative of the true incidences. This period is therefore excluded from the analysis. In addition, the first part of 2022, with many European countries reporting the highest incidences so far, is not included in this paper. Studying the different health measures and their relationship to the incidence curves in Belgium and its neighboring countries during this period is a topic for further research.
In
Section 2, the study area and data are described. In
Section 3, the results are discussed for The Netherlands, France, Germany, and Luxembourg, respectively. The results for the intranational language border are also discussed. We present the conclusions in
Section 4.
2. Materials and Methods
The course of the COVID-19 pandemic from October 2020 to the end of 2021 was studied in the border areas of Belgium and its neighboring countries (The Netherlands in the north, Germany and Luxembourg in the east, and France in the south). Belgium is a small (30,688 km
2), densely populated (375 inhabitants/km
2) country with a long (1445 km) international border, with 56% of the population living less than 25 km from an international border [
12]. Following the Schengen Agreement in 1995, Belgian border controls were abolished, and cross-border relations intensified. As a result, in the border regions, international travel and daily transborder travel are intertwined.
Belgium is a federal state, composed of communities and regions. The three geographical regions (Flanders, Brussels, Wallonia) have their own legislation, Regional Parliament, and Regional Government. Furthermore, the country consists of three language communities (the Dutch-speaking Flemish community, the French community, and the German community). Brussels is bilingual (French and Dutch), while Wallonia is French-speaking apart from the small (less than 1% of the national population) German community. The communities have powers relating to culture (theater, libraries, audiovisual media, etc.), education, the use of languages, and matters relating to the individual which concern on the one hand health policy (curative and preventive medicine) and on the other hand assistance to individuals (protection of youth, social welfare, aid to families, immigrant assistance services, etc.). The Flanders and Walloon Regions are each subdivided into five provinces. To avoid fragmentation in the fight against the virus, a Concertation Committee was set up, where the governments decided on nationwide measures [
13]. The differences between the regions in Belgium are thus not linked to widely different measures, as opposed to the different measures applied in neighboring countries [
14]. Indeed, there were only three differences, applying for a limited amount of time: (a) the Province of Antwerp established strict measures in late July and early August 2020 (including a curfew) to counteract the rapidly rising incidence in this province; (b) the nationwide curfew established in the autumn of 2020 started at midnight in Flanders but at 10 pm in Brussels and Wallonia; and (c) the establishment of the Covid Safe Ticket occurred at different points in time in the autumn of 2021.
On 20 March 2020, in an attempt to mitigate the viral spread, the Belgian border was closed, and border controls were temporarily reintroduced. It was prohibited for anyone to cross the border who did not have a reason mentioned explicitly on an exemption list (such as transborder employment). This measure had far-reaching consequences for the inhabitants of border municipalities. From one day to the next, they were confronted with closed border crossings and identity checks. Such measures are particularly invasive when the international border runs through a municipality’s built-up area, such as in Putte. A notorious case is Baarle-Hertog, a Belgian exclave intertwined with the Dutch municipality of Baarle-Nassau, with the border crisscrossing through houses and shops. During times when the health measures were different on both sides of the border, this led to confusing situations, with neighbors on either side of the border having to follow different rules.
During the first wave of COVID-19 in 2020, the NPIs in Belgium and its neighboring countries were similar, with all countries closing schools, restaurants, and bars, enforcing working from home, and limiting social contacts. There were, however, some differences, such as non-essential shops being closed in Belgium during the first lockdown, while they could remain open in The Netherlands provided that social distancing among customers could be guaranteed. Nevertheless, as the borders were closed during this period, this could not lead to cross-border traffic.
In the autumn of 2020, the number of infections rose again, and new lockdowns were implemented all over Europe. The national measures were not coordinated between countries, leading to different timings and stringencies in the second lockdown [
15]. On the Dutch–Belgian border, for example, there were weeks where non-essential shops, bars, and restaurants were closed in Belgium but open in The Netherlands and vice versa, leading to recreational border traffic. Arguably, this had an impact on the epidemic curves in the border regions.
The COVID-19 incidences in Belgium were monitored on a daily basis by Sciensano, the national public health institute for human and animal health. The daily numbers of infections were reported for each Belgian municipality [
16]. Based on these data, the 14-day incidence rates per 100,000 inhabitants are calculated for each municipality, province, and region, in addition to the national figures.
The 14-day incidence rates per 100,000 inhabitants for the neighboring countries are based on data reported by the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control [
17]. This dataset contains the incidence rates on a subnational NUTS1 or NUTS2, level. For The Netherlands, NUTS consists of the provinces, with Zeeland, North Holland, and Limburg sharing a border with Belgium. For France, the regional level consists of the regions, with Grand Est and Hauts-de-France sharing a border with Belgium. To study the area in Belgium close to the French city of Lille, data published by Santé Publique France were used [
18]. For Germany, NUTS consists of the states, with Nordrhein-Westfalen and Rheinland-Pfalz sharing a border with Belgium. Luxemburg is a NUTS area on its own. The different regional levels considered are shown in
Figure 1.
Data on work-related border traffic, travel rates, the proportion of people with a different nationality, the stringency index of the NPIs, and the degree of urbanization on the level of the municipality are used as explanatory variables for incidence close to the borders.
The data on work-related border traffic, summarized in
Table 1 and
Table 2, are calculated based on the outgoing commuters per municipality reported by Steunpunt Werk [
19] and the fraction of the population living less than 20 km from the border. The largest group of people working in a neighboring country but living in Belgium are those working in The Netherlands and Luxembourg, with the majority of them living in the Belgian provinces of Limburg and Luxembourg, respectively. On the other hand, the largest group of people living in a neighboring country but working in Belgium live in France, with the majority of them working in the province of Hainaut.
The degree of urbanization (DEGURBA) and the Functional Urban Areas (FUA) classification published by EUROSTAT [
20] according to a methodological manual [
21] are used to identify contiguous cross-border functional areas. Cities are defined as densely populated areas when at least 50% of the population lives in urban centers. Towns and suburbs are defined as intermediate-density areas when less than 50% of the population lives in rural grid cells and less than 50% of the population lives in urban centers. Finally, rural areas are defined as thinly populated areas when more than 50% of the population lives in rural grid cells [
21]. The DEGURBA is shown for Belgium and the border areas in
Figure 2. The border with The Netherlands mostly consists of areas of high or intermediate density, while the border area with France, Germany, and Luxembourg mostly consists of rural areas. An exception is the area around the large French city of Lille, lying next to the border with West Flanders and Hainaut.
Data on the nationalities of people living in Belgium per municipality are reported by Statbel [
22]. People with French (170,000) and Dutch (159,000) nationalities represent the largest group of foreign nationals in Belgium, followed by Italians (156,000) and Portuguese (105,000). The numbers for Belgium’s neighboring countries are summarized in
Table 3. In
Figure 3, the municipalities with the 10% largest proportion of people with Dutch and French nationality are shown. The municipalities with the highest proportion of Dutch nationals are situated alongside the Dutch border in Antwerp and Limburg, while the municipalities with the highest proportion of French nationals are in Brussels and close to Lille.
The stringency index is a composite measure with a value from 0 to 100 (with 100 being the strictest), developed by the Oxford Coronavirus Government Response Tracker. The data were downloaded from Our World in Data [
23]. For Belgium and its neighboring countries, the stringency index is shown in
Figure 4. The stringency index in Belgium is systematically lower than in Germany, but higher than in Luxembourg. Alternating periods of higher and lower stringency are seen when a comparison is made with France and The Netherlands. In
Figure 5, a visualization is provided for a subset of NPIs implemented over time in Belgium and its neighboring countries, based on the Response Measures Database (RMD) of the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) and the Joint Research Centre (JRC) of the European Commission [
24].
The data on the travel rate (Sciensano), i.e., the number of weekly incoming travelers per 100 inhabitants, and the positivity rate of incoming travelers doing a PCR test from January 2021 onwards are shown in
Figure 6. Note that there are no reference data from before the pandemic. In Belgium, a ban on non-essential travel was in place from 27 January 2021 until 19 April 2021, leading to relatively low travel rates during this period. Another trend is visible during the second half of 2021. The periods of school holidays in summer, autumn, and around Christmas are associated with higher travel rates. Furthermore, the travel rate in Brussels was higher than in Flanders or Wallonia, as expected given the metropolitan character of the city region and its European and international mission.
The primary vaccination rate (at the end of 2021) was relatively close to 75% in the countries and regions studied. This was true for Grand Est (75%) and Hauts-de-France (75%) in France, Germany as a whole (78%), Belgium as a whole (79%), and Luxembourg (73%). Exceptions were The Netherlands as a whole (69%) and the Brussels Region (62%) at the low end and the Flemish Region (84%) at the high end.
We performed a time-trend analysis of the 14-day COVID-19 confirmed case incidence at the level of Belgian provinces, well-defined border areas within Belgium, and adjacent regions in the neighboring countries. With the aid of line charts and representative maps, we assessed the relationship of these incidences with work-related border traffic, travel rates, the proportion of people with a different nationality, the stringency index of the non-pharmaceutical interventions, and the degree of urbanization at the level of the municipality. Data processing and analysis were performed in R 4.1.3, available from the Comprehensive R Archive Network (CRAN) at
https://CRAN.R-project.org/ (accessed on 1 April 2022).
4. Conclusions
In this section, locations are prefixed with their country code to avoid confusion, except when the intra-Belgium language border is discussed.
In this study we compared the incidence curves during the COVID-19 pandemic from October 2020 to December 2021 in the border areas of Belgium with the incidence curves in the neighboring countries of The Netherlands, France, Luxembourg, and Germany. In addition, the impact on incidence of the intra-Belgium language border between Flanders and Wallonia was examined.
The clearest evidence that a border region was influenced to some extent by the neighboring region was seen between BE-Limburg and NL-Limburg, which form one contiguous cross-border functional area, and also between BE-Antwerp and NL-North Brabant. The effect was less pronounced between both BE-West Flanders and BE-East Flanders, and NL-Zeeland. NL-Zeeland is more rural, sparsely populated, and relatively isolated from Belgium and the rest of The Netherlands, due to the main rivers that act as natural barriers.
The influence of France on the Belgian border regions was visible near the metropolis of FR-Lille and was greater on the border region in BE-Hainaut than in BE-West Flanders. The rest of the border region between France and Belgium comprises rural areas and natural parks, and consequently there was less influence.
The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg had a visible impact on the incidence in the border region of BE-Luxembourg, especially in autumn 2021. In this case, cross-border travel is not related to a high degree of urbanization. A large number of people live in this rural and forested Belgian province and work in Luxembourg.
Germany did not appear to influence the Belgian border region incidence, in spite of the presence of the germanophone Ostbelgien. BE-Liège, including its border region, had a huge peak in autumn 2020, with no peak at all in the German states of Nordrhein-Westfalen and Rheinland-Pfalz. Moreover, in late 2021, Ostbelgien was even further away from the German states in terms of incidence than the rest of BE-Liège.
The intra-Belgian language border, running between Flanders and Wallonia, with Brussels nearby in the center of the country, showed a variety of border effects. The urbanized area surrounding Brussels within Flanders (Halle-Vilvoorde) had an incidence curve very similar to that of Brussels. The language border east of Brussels was clear in the COVID-19 incidence curves: the border regions followed the incidence of their own provinces on the one hand, with the adjacent provinces north and south of the language border often having very different incidences, especially in the autumn of 2020 (much higher incidence in Wallonia) and the autumn of 2021 (much higher incidence in Flanders). To the west of Brussels, the language border was slightly less impenetrable, with the border region of East and West Flanders influenced by Hainaut in autumn 2020. Early in 2021, the border region in Hainaut followed East and West Flanders, with the rest of Hainaut exhibiting higher incidence.
During certain periods, the NPIs in place in Belgium and its neighboring countries were different (e.g., the closure of non-essential shops, restaurants, and bars in The Netherlands at the end of 2021). Especially in urbanized transnational regions, regions with many citizens from the neighboring countries in residence, or regions with considerable work- and school-related transborder commuting, coordination of NPIs is important to avoid intensifying contacts even further at times when it is epidemiologically necessary to reduce contacts. While this advice seems self-evident, the packages of NPIs in the various countries underscore the fact that decisions have sometimes been taken otherwise.
At the same time, such coordination is less urgent in regions with limited transborder contact, such as in rural zones (unless they are residential areas with transborder commuting such as the forested province of Luxembourg), regions with natural barriers, or regions with cultural separation. The latter is the case, for example, over the better part of the intra-Belgium language border.
Arguably, such recommendations will be useful for policymakers at a national and local (province, department, state, municipality, etc.) level, as well as at the European level, where a framework is needed to counteract a pandemic and where guidelines for coordination between (neighboring) countries are needed. This goes hand in hand with the need for high-quality data, both at the epidemiological level (including but not limited to data on confirmed cases) and in terms of covariables such as high-quality mobility data (e.g., based on data from telecommunications operators).
A limitation is that the effect of variations in NPIs was not established using a randomized experiment. However, the fact that there were periods with very similar stringencies and others with quite different stringencies acts as a natural experiment. Further, for the intra-Belgium language border, the NPIs to its north and south were virtually always the same, except for a period in late 2020 and early 2021 when the Flemish curfew started at midnight and that in the rest of the country at 10 pm. Furthermore, the so-called Covid Safe Ticket (to assess the vaccination, testing, or recovery status of the bearer) was introduced in Flanders a few weeks later than in the rest of the country. It is important to note that intra-Belgium mobility restrictions were never imposed during the period under investigation. At the transborder level, the border was closed in March and April 2020 (outside the study period), and non-essential travel was banned from 27 January to 19 April 2021 (but still with school- and work-related mobility, as well as mobility for well-defined essential purposes allowed in the border regions) but was unrestricted otherwise. Therefore, the effects observed around the language border and Brussels are largely attributable to “natural” contact between the regions rather than to NPI-induced additional mobility.