1. Introduction
Quality Of Life (QOL) is a complex and multidimensional aspect of human societies [
1,
2,
3]. QOL is defined as the interaction of human needs and the perception of their fulfillment [
4,
5,
6]. Being an eminently subjective issue, quality of life is difficult to quantify objectively [
7], and represents a specific measurement challenge for different disciplines—from psychology to medicine, from social science to environmental studies [
8]. Since the 1930s, QOL has been investigated in different geographical and socioeconomic contexts [
9,
10,
11]. While representing a hegemonic concept in social science, the QOL notion has no clear origin and no shared definitions [
12,
13,
14,
15]. However, there is a general consensus on the fact that “quality of life”—to a greater or lesser extent—consists of two basic ingredients: an operational (or environmental) context and a psychological milieu [
16]. In other words, the notion includes a condition that is perceived by local population and translated into varying degrees of a sense of wellbeing [
2,
17,
18]. This is because ‘quality of life’ can be regarded as a genuine, subjective experience and hence makes the quantitative assessment more difficult [
3]. In these regards, Lambiri et al. [
19] argued that “the social and physical environment of an area can influence the wellbeing of people residing in that area”.
According to Luger [
20], “quality of life depends on the assortment of amenities that individuals and businesses value. Differences in the amount and mix of those amenities should affect the geographic “sorting out” of households and businesses, as well as welfare”. At the same time, while external environment does not influence everybody’s life at the same way [
21], the objective characteristics of a given location may affect the overall individual perception together with a complex function of subjective psychological and physiological factors “responsible of producing a sense of satisfaction (or non-satisfaction) from the environment” [
19].
Being investigated in theory and practice, quality of life is increasingly becoming a ‘hegemonic’ notion in social science [
3]. In this ambit, quality of life has become a particularly articulated issue including socioeconomic, cultural/ethical and political/institutional challenges [
22]. Earlier studies have attempted to evaluate the multidimensional nature of the notion [
23], proposing (more or less refined) measures and indicators [
24]. Problems of measurement arise from the complex nature of this concept [
25]. In regional studies, the increasing interest on this dimension of urban life basically depends on the fact that QOL may significantly affect local competitiveness, social cohesion, and environmental sustainability, shaping urban growth and settlement expansion [
1,
26,
27]. According to Royuela et al. [
28], quality of life can play an important role in location decisions taken by households and businesses.
Quality Of Urban Life (QOUL) specifically refers to wellbeing of individuals and local communities living in cities and metropolitan areas at large [
29,
30,
31,
32,
33]. Improving QOUL is an explicit (or implicit) goal for individuals, communities, and nations [
34,
35,
36,
37]. In this ambit, QOUL is a relevant dimension of recent theories and practical approaches of urban design and planning, including the ‘new urbanism’ theory, ‘smart growth’ issues and, more generally, sustainable/resilient management of cities [
15,
30,
38,
39,
40]. A strong limitation of livability studies in urban areas is “their failure to connect outcomes with inputs. In short, they are atheoretic and of limited use for policy making since no attempt is made to model and estimate cities’ ‘production functions’. However they are measured, QOL outcomes may have less to do with public spending and more to do with demographic, socioeconomic and environmental factors” (Luger, [
20], p. 751). For this reason, investigating QOUL implies a comparative and integrated analysis of citizens’ perceptions and the places where they live [
41], considering the specific socioeconomic characteristics of cities and metropolitan regions [
6,
21,
28,
42,
43,
44].
In this regard, QOUL is considered a multivariate concept whose meaning and perception may differ across local contexts, because of the complex relation with socioeconomic factors such as income and wealth, welfare, local traditions, cultural and religious issues [
3,
45,
46]. According to Marans [
47], the QOUL experience of each individual is embedded in the social context of the evaluator. Studies addressing QOUL should recognize the nature of the human–environment relationship as a key issue in social science [
4,
9,
48]. By this way, it is possible to identify objective dimensions (urban environmental contexts) and subjective dimensions (people perception) as two QOUL dimensions [
1,
14,
49]. In this regard, Marans [
47] argued how QOUL is a composite notion grounded on individual’s psychological (subjective dimension) and physical wellbeing (objective dimension) spheres, and closely linked to concepts such as satisfaction, human development, happiness, and wellness [
24,
50,
51]. It was also argued that “objective” measures are proxies for individual experiences based on a “subjective” association of policy goals [
8,
39,
44]. Hence, the distinction between objective and subjective indicators is somewhat illusory [
5,
11,
17]. Marans [
47] assumes that some objective characteristics of local societies, such as poverty, crime rates or pollution levels, contribute to peoples’ judgments of their life quality. This assumption suggests how a complete assessment of QOUL requires a refined understanding of both components and the related linkages [
52]. Nevertheless, this is a controversial and still debated issue [
53]; consensus has not been reached yet on specific issues such as (i) how many aspects (i.e., analysis’ dimensions) should be measured, (ii) the relative importance of different dimensions, and (iii) the use of objective
vs subjective indicators [
30].
Since the 1960s, some general measures of QOUL have been proposed through the use of (single or multiple) indicators [
8]. In the 1970s and 1980s, the QOUL has been increasingly considered a multidimensional concept that includes different dimensions of human life [
9,
22,
54]. At the same time, empirical studies proposed specific methodologies assessing QOUL through the the joint use of objective and subjective indicators [
16,
34,
55]. More recent studies about QOUL focused on environmental quality in inner cities [
6], where unemployment, the increasing concentration of less skilled workers because of immigration, population aging, and class segregation, contributed to a progressive decline in life quality [
48]. QOUL frequently deteriorated in large cities because of a declining economic base and a progressive degradation of physical infrastructures [
2]. These issues were recently framed in the sustainable development paradigm [
56], considering together the increasing complexity of built environments and citizens’ perception of urban life [
15]. In this regard, Turkoglu [
57] investigated the relationship between urban sustainability and quality of life, evidencing the impact of environmental, economic, social, physical, and health-related factors on QOUL.
To estimate QOUL in metropolitan contexts, two basic approaches have been proposed. The first approach quantifies QOUL through a set of diachronic indicators built-up from aggregated spatial data and variables derived from secondary sources (e.g., official statistics), such as population/housing censuses, or sampling surveys such as the labor force survey [
3,
28,
58]. Specific information, such as household income and wealth, crime rates, pollution levels, or housing costs, can be directly or indirectly derived from such statistical sources [
47]. The second approach is based on primary data sources (sampling surveys) that estimate the individual, subjective assessment of several QOL domains together, including place-specific characteristics of each study area [
4,
51,
52]. This approach typically measures satisfaction with both specific issues and life as a whole [
59]. In some studies, individual survey questions have been combined with the aim to create indicators and composite indexes [
8], assuring a greater reliability of the integrated assessment of QOUL [
60]. Results of earlier studies demonstrate the broad applicability of QOUL measurement based on subjective approaches [
61].
QOUL in emerging economies has attracted the interest of scholars for the intimate linkage with more general phenomena such as the progressive deterioration of urban environments [
7,
24,
51]. In these contexts, urbanization stimulates fast economic growth [
61] with negative externalities that include vehicular traffic, congestion, lack in housing, resources, infrastructures, diurnal and night noise, as well as air and water pollution [
53,
56,
57]. A close relationship exists between QOUL and sustainable development of urban areas in emerging economies [
16,
46,
51,
62,
63]. By exploring a specific case in Iran, Sheikh Azami and Razavian [
34] argued that QOUL is connected with a variety of urban life aspects because of the interplay of socioeconomic and environmental issues. Such relationship has been affected by the social features of urban life [
64]. Therefore, a comprehensive assessment of QOUL in emerging economies should address all the domains characteristic of the QOL issue at the base of a truly sustainable development [
65].
In this line of thinking, joint improvements in QOUL and environmental quality are considered a basic goal of Sustainable Development policies in emerging economies [
40,
55,
66]. In these contexts, urbanization, late industrialization, and socio-political development have a great impact on the quality of urban life, shaping sustainable development [
34,
49,
67]. Due to the increasing concerns in urban life quality [
68], QOUL studies should concentrate on industrial cities, a type of urban agglomeration still frequent in emerging countries [
57,
69,
70].
A broader convergence on standard definitions of QOUL [
49], as well as shared approaches and models investigating subjective QOUL, are increasingly required [
71]. The partial availability of variables and indicators relevant in the analysis of the QOUL in emerging countries poses a problematic aspect for both statistical reporting and implementation of local development policies. In such contexts, subjective analyses based on pilot surveys and a broader-spectrum investigation evaluating individual perceptions with respect to multiple QOUL dimensions, contributes to a fine tuning of policy interventions with the specificity of local environments. This basic knowledge is necessary when designing integrated, official surveys and statistical systems for a comprehensive assessment of QOUL in emerging countries. More specifically, an integrated evaluation of a large number of potentially relevant QOUL dimensions is needed to evaluate how specific characteristics of the local community may influence the individual perception of life quality.
The present study contributes to this deserving issue with a comprehensive assessment of citizens’ perception of urban life quality in Iran, based on subjective indicators. Iran is exemplificative of emerging economies in the Middle East region [
51,
56,
72], with rapid growth of cities and metropolitan areas fuelled by internal migration and high (but declining) fertility [
59]. Although some previous works have analyzed specific problems dealing with quality of life in Iran [
51,
56,
59], our study refers to a particularly large ensemble of QOUL issues [
2,
16,
57]. More specifically, we evaluated 38 dimensions of QOUL in a representative sample of residents in an industrial city representative of complex urban growth dynamics in Iran. By investigating how the specific characteristics of local communities shape the individual perception of QOUL, the present study adds to the literature on QOL in urban areas, providing empirical evidence for less known social contexts in emerging economies.
4. Discussion and Conclusion
Quality of life in cities, and especially in industrial cities of emerging countries, is a challenging issue in urban policy and planning [
1,
46,
78,
79]. Based on this premise, quality of life in Arak, Iran, has been evaluated from a subjective perspective. On average, 51% of the respondents expressed a high attachment to their place of residence. However, 24% of respondents were dissatisfied with the social security system. On average, respondents’ evaluation of environmental quality was middle-low. An even lower satisfaction for public transportation was recorded (56% of respondents considered public transportation in the city as particularly ineffective).
Taken together, the subjective evaluation of QOUL in Arak was relatively low, and particularly negative judgements for environmental sanitation and public transportation were observed, in line with earlier studies in similar socioeconomic contexts [
64,
65,
80]. Neglecting adequate infrastructure investments for a long time resulted in a lack of fundamental facilities and tools [
58,
81,
82,
83]. These results indicate that Arak, the fourth agglomeration in the urban hierarchy of Iran, is a deprived city as far as quality of life is concerned [
51]. Attentions should be paid to improvement of specific life quality aspects [
49,
54,
84,
85,
86], especially environmental sanitation and public transportation.
The multivariate statistical analysis developed in this work provides an original interpretation of the complexity of the QOUL issue in Arak [
3], identifying the QOL dimensions that have received a homogeneous and transversal judgment from all the components of the local community (22 dimensions out of 38). These dimensions were distinguished from a smaller set of specific QOL dimensions that have been judged in a different way by specific segments of the resident population. In particular, economic satisfaction and the quality of public transport seem to be perceived differentially by the different segments of the population. This result appears relevant both in a positive context (e.g., when developing or improving a statistical survey of the various aspects of the QOUL) and in a regulatory context [
24]. In particular, the empirical results of this study suggest that socio-demographic policies supporting urban sustainability should be better phased with (i) the specific demand of local communities and with (ii) the particular needs of specific components of the local population [
57]. These assumptions, although linked with the specific analysis’ context, deserve further investigation through comparative studies in similar socioeconomic contexts [
16].
An important distinction has been made between feelings and judgments in QOUL assessment [
48,
65,
71]. While feelings are an important component of subjective wellbeing [
4], research into specific QOL domains like QOUL should be increasingly focused on subjective evaluations of multiple targets, e.g., housing, transportation, or social security [
5]. At the same time, while subjective dimensions play an important role in the assessment of QOL domains, measuring such dimensions may benefit from the joint use of objective indicators in order to establish their significance [
47,
50,
87]. In a socioeconomic context typical of emerging economies, supply of official data sources and indicators concerning QOUL is a pre-requisite to reach an appropriate and refined knowledge of different dimensions of urban sustainability [
22], which can inform more effective policies matching local development and economic competitiveness with social cohesion [
88].
While presenting the results of an exploratory analysis, our study outlines the urgent need of making available homogeneous and comparable collections of macro- and micro-data assessing multiple QOUL aspects at both city- and metropolitan-level [
52]. A more comprehensive analysis of factors underlying subjective wellbeing is particularly appropriate when developing interpretative models that investigate individual perceptions as a function of individual characteristics and contextual factors, e.g., locational patterns (central
vs peripheral neighborhoods), class/ethnic segregation, infrastructures and amenities [
28,
39,
89]. In these regards, awareness of critical conditions stemming from integration of objective and subjective evaluation leads to a better understanding of social problems in daily life and implementation of decision-making processes in urban development ([
19,
54,
88].
New theoretical and practical approaches, integrated methodologies and composite indicators are necessary tools for a refined analysis of multiple aspects of QOL at both urban and metropolitan scales [
45,
50,
90,
91,
92,
93]. By identifying the urgent needs for improvement of the available data sources [
94,
95,
96,
97,
98], methodologies that integrate primary and secondary data and new indicators for statistical reporting are particularly appropriate for this crucial aspect of urban science in emerging economies.