Traditional Livelihood, Unstable Environment: Adaptation of Traditional Fishing and Reindeer Herding to Environmental Change in the Russian Arctic

Abstract

The effects of climate change are much more pronounced in the Arctic region than in other places around the world. This paper highlights the practices of adaptation to climate change by Indigenous reindeer herders, e.g., Saami and Komi-Izhemtsy, and Pomor fishermen, in the Russian Arctic. Our major research question is: How does the interplay of social and environmental factors determine traditional reindeer herding and fishing in the Russian North in the context of climate change, including seasonal changes? A qualitative methodology was used in both reindeer herding and fishing communities using the same interview guide. As an analytical lens, we chose resilience theory combined with the actor–network theory. Resilience theory allows us to situate the adaptive capacity of reindeer herders and fisherman within a constantly changing context. The actor–network theory offers a non-human-centered framework which allows the reconstruction of the networks that emerge in the context of adaptation and link humans, material objects, and the living environment. We found that the traditional economic activity of reindeer herders and fishermen is significantly affected by socio-economic and environmental factors. Both reindeer herders and fishermen manage to adapt to the changing environment using local knowledge and different kinds of technical tools. However, socio-economic conditions and accelerating climate change put the resilience of Indigenous communities at risk.

1. Introduction

It is widely known that climate change is happening much faster and that its effects are much more pronounced in the Arctic region than in other regions of the planet [1,2,3,4]. Marine ecosystems of this region are warming twice as fast as the global average and are expected to have the largest species turnover with regard to invading and locally extinct species [5]. The effects of climate change on fragile Indigenous communities in the Arctic region are subject to active scientific and social debate, especially in the context of Indigenous rights and tensions between traditional and modern economic activities [6,7,8,9]. Indigenous communities in the remote parts of the Arctic, whose traditional livelihood is based on hunting, gathering, fishing, and the herding of reindeer (Rangifer tarandus), are confronted with an all-encompassing environmental change that concerns the climate, structure, and functions of the ecosystems that they rely on as well as social and economic conditions [10,11]. All these factors influence the livelihood of local Indigenous communities and their resilience to climate-induced environmental and social change [12]. Reindeer herding in the North is also severely affected in Finland, Norway, and Russia. The effects of climate change on reindeer herding in the Russian Arctic has been studied extensively in Nenets and Yamalo Nenets Autonomous Okrug. The papers demonstrate that Nenets reindeer herders observe multiple effects of climate change, such as recurrent thaws and frosts, causing mass mortality of reindeer in certain years and growing inconvenience with crossing rivers that remain unfrozen in late fall. However, reindeer herders on the mainland can still adapt and cope with these effects. In Nenets and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, there is a cumulative effect of climate change with overgrazing, land extraction by oil companies, and the difficult socio-economic situation. Therefore, adaptation to the current situation is becoming harder [13,14,15,16,17,18].

A dramatic situation was observed on Kolguev Island in Nenets Autonomous Okrug, where the whole population of reindeer died. Several factors caused reindeer death; however, climate change was the official explanation provided by local experts [19].

The effects of climate change on the Kola Peninsula were studied less than in Nenets and in Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug; there are only a few studies on this topic [20,21,22].

It is well known that with warming, Arctic aquatic habitats are changing, which affects fish populations. In the coming decades, changes in the dynamics of aquatic species may change dramatically, with the following changes in the food web: Fish are expected to move into new waters, affecting the fishing practices not only of commercial fishermen, but of Indigenous and local people. New fisheries management and societal implications of the changing climate in the Russian Arctic have become widely addressed by both natural and social scientists [23,24,25,26].

There are still very few studies on the effects of climate change on Pomor fishermen living on the shores of the White Sea [27,28,29].

Given the limited amount of research on the adaptation of Indigenous communities in the Kola Peninsula and on the shores of the White Sea, comparisons between different Indigenous practices and their adaptation to climate change are missing. To fill this gap, we studied the practices of adaptation in several communities of Saami and Komi-Izhemtsy reindeer herders and Pomor fishermen in the Kola Peninsula, Murmansk Region and Onega Peninsula, and Arkhangelsk Region, with a focus on day-to-day practices and the yearly cycle of activities.

Our research questions are:

• How does the interplay of social and environmental factors determine traditional reindeer herding and fishing in the Russian North in the context of climate change, including seasonal changes?
• What are the differences and similarities between reindeer herding and fishing in terms of the socio-ecological issues that local communities are facing and the mechanisms of coping with them?
• What are the strategies of adaptation employed by fishermen and reindeer herders, and how are these strategies impacted by weather patterns and biotic factors?

This paper starts with the Methodology section followed by the theoretical framework, in which we choose resilience theory combined with the actor–network theory as an analytical lens. In the next sections, we analyze reindeer herding and fishing practices affected by economic, social, and environmental factors. In the discussion section, we compare the case studies, highlighting findings via chosen theoretical optics, and, in the last section, we draw conclusions.

2. Materials and Methods

Our research was conducted in 2019–2021 during expeditions to the Kola Peninsula (8–14 August 2019 and 12–25 April 2021) and to two coastal zones of the White Sea: the Summer Coast in Arkhangelsk Oblast (2–12 September 2019; 19–30 July 2021) and the Tersky Coast in Murmansk Oblast (14–24 August 2019 and 19 September 2021–4 October 2021) (see Figure 1).

We traveled to six settlements in Murmansk Oblast, Kola Peninsula: Lovozero, Krasnoschelye, Umba, Varzuga, Kuzomen, and Kuzreka, and two settlements in Arkhangelsk Oblast: Lopshenga and Yarenga (see Figure 2a,b). The scope of our study included the seasonal cycle of reindeer herding practiced by Saami and Komi-Izhemtsy Indigenous Peoples as well as the socio-economic condition of reindeer herding cooperatives. The expeditions to the Umba and Varzuga settlements on the Tersky Coast and the Lopshenga and Yarenga settlements in Primorsky District focused on the seasonal cycles of species subject to commercial and subsistence fishing (such as Atlantic salmon, humpback salmon, herring, and saffron cod), the operation of the “Vskhody Kommunizma” fishermen cooperative, and recreational fishing, and their impact on the local community.

The research design and the case study strategy were set up to allow comparisons between the cases as well as confirmation of the findings [30]. Qualitative research methods were used in both the reindeer herding and fishing communities’ case studies. Qualitative research focuses on words rather than numbers and stresses how informants interpret and understand their social reality, e.g., meanings that individuals allocate to their day-to-day practices in a natural setting [31,32]. During the expeditions, we conducted participatory observations and semi-structured interviews [33] (see Figure 3a,b). The findings obtained via participatory observation were used to check against the informants’ narratives, outlining their own social world perspectives. Two separate visits to each community in 2019 and 2021 allowed prolonged exposure of the researchers to the lifeworld of fishermen and reindeer herders. For the purposes of our study, which was based on a qualitative methodology, Indigenous Peoples’ knowledge was essential, as they were reliable local experts on their surrounding environment [34]. Interviews with many individual fishermen (see Figure 4a-d) and reindeer herders as well as with multiple stakeholders allowed for the same processes and practices to be seen from different perspectives. Semi-structured interviews were designed with the interview guides for two-way conversations around each of the questions specified in the guide. The questions in the guide indicated topics of conversation, avoiding any prescriptiveness. Questions were asked about history, seasonal practices, the observed effects of climate change, and other social, economic, and environmental factors of reindeer herding and fishing affecting day-to-day activities. Thus, the changes in seasonal weather patterns (such as ice freeze-up or ice drift in case of Pomor communities) and cycles of activities related to reindeer herding or fishing between the 1980–1990s and the last decade have been reconstructed from our informants’ observations. The interview procedure involved some questions that would serve to clarify theoretical conceptions related to resilience and the actor–network theory, but most topics in the guide encouraged spontaneous narrative from the informant. The researchers’ interpretations were verified by asking specifying questions during each interview [34,35].

We studied reindeer herding in Tundra and Olenevod reindeer herding cooperatives in Lovozero District and fishing practices in the Sobachiy Porog tourist camp at the Kolonikha and Kitsa commercial fishing sites near Varzuga Village; at commercial fishing sites in the villages of Umba, Kuzreka, and Kuzomen on the Tersky Coast; and in fishermen communities and at commercial fishing sites in the villages of Lopshenga and Yarenga on the Summer Coast. Reindeer herding practices were analyzed using the information provided by the administration and employees of reindeer herding cooperatives, private reindeer herders, retired reindeer herders, and local Sami and Komi-Izemtsi organizations. In total, 36 interviews with informants related to reindeer herding and 73 interviews with informants related to fishing were conducted (See Appendix A and B).

Figure 4. Informants, Pomor fishermen in Lopshenga (a–c) and Yarenga (d) settlements (artist: Veronika Vologzannikova).

Figure 4. Informants, Pomor fishermen in Lopshenga (a–c) and Yarenga (d) settlements (artist: Veronika Vologzannikova).

We compared the mechanisms of adaptation to climate change in reindeer herding and fishing cooperatives. Cases in Krasnoshchelye and Lovozero were selected due to the differences in geographical and climatic conditions; the Onega Peninsula and the Tersky Shore of the White Sea were selected due to the differences in the climate, geography, and socio-economic conditions of fishing activities. Pomor communities in the Onega Peninsula practice seashore fishing mostly for subsistence and small-scale commerce, as Zarya, the local fishing cooperative, is nearly inactive. In the case of the Tersky Shore, operations of the active and relatively wealthy Vskhody Kommunizma fishing cooperative are oriented to open-sea commercial fishing as well as to commercial and regulated recreational fishing in the Varzuga River.

Despite the differences between reindeer herding and fishing, there are similarities in climate conditions across research sites, and the observed changes in seasonal conditions in the last few decades due to climate change play an important role in both activities. Analyzing the effects of climate change on these activities was an important focus of our research.

Our research has also included an art-science component in collaboration with several artists from the Arctic region who worked on portraits of our informants as well as on illustrations and animation features based on informants’ narratives.

3. Theoretical Framework

We are analyzing our findings through the double optics of resilience theory and actor–network theory (ANT).

We chose resilience theory as a well-established theoretical framework that allows us to situate the adaptive capacity of reindeer herders and fisherman within a constantly changing context.

We combined resilience theory with the actor–network theory, which offers a non-human-centered framework to analyze our findings. We used ANT to reconstruct the actor networks that emerged in the contexts of adaptation and to link humans, material objects, and the living environment.

Resilience theory, initiated in the early 1970s as a study of non-linear ecosystem dynamics underlying their stability or transformation as a result of their exposure to disturbances, gradually expanded from a strictly ecosystem-centered approach to include the interactive dynamics between social and ecological systems [36]. Such an expansion, however, brought the necessity to resolve the “nature-society” dichotomy; to address it, the concept of social–ecological systems (SES) was developed [37,38].

Social–ecological systems can be defined as complex, emergent, and adaptive systems that include both the bio–geo–physical system that usually contains several spatial and temporal hierarchical levels and the associated social actors and institutions involved in the processes of resource management, adaptation to arising social and environmental impacts, and the production of local knowledge [39].

Resilience is a property of social–ecological systems that relates to their capacity to cope with disturbances and to recover in such a way that they maintain their core function and identity. It also relates to the capacity to learn from and adapt to changing conditions. Adaptation, the mechanisms of which we are investigating, is the central active mechanism of resilience and is defined as the decision-making process and the set of actions undertaken to maintain the capacity to deal with current or future-predicted change; it is also concerned with actors, actions, and agency [40]. In the case of our study, such a change concerns weather patterns, the structure and functions of ecosystems that the Indigenous Peoples rely on, and social and economic conditions.

A crucial consideration for our research is that in the context of climate-driven environmental change, adaptation is not limited to humans. Marine, freshwater, and terrestrial species, which are an integral part of the Indigenous social–economic systems on which humans depend intimately, also adapt to climate change, e.g., by shifting locations in order to stay within their preferred environmental conditions or by changing their reproductive behavior [41,42]. Therefore, a need arises for an approach that brings together humans and their nonhuman surroundings in some kind of heterogeneous collective agency. Such a collective agency would take into account how “non-humans” limit and enhance human decisions [43]. Therefore, we are using the actor–network theory as a complementary lens.

Actor–network theory was initially conceived in the early 1980s as a descriptive approach to understand the interaction of humans, material objects (laboratory tools, means of communication, etc.), and institutions in the context of innovation and knowledge creation in science and technology [44]. Since that time, ANT has expanded to numerous fields of geography, sociology, anthropology, and other disciplines [45]. To date, applications of ANT within resilience studies have been limited [46]. At the same time, ANT has been sensitive to resilience since its early days. One of the first influential works in this field was dedicated to the study of the decline and subsequent restoration of scallop fishing in St Brieuc Bay [47], which clearly fits under the rubric of resilience of social–ecological systems.

The essential features of actor–network theory relevant to our study are:

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The adoption of a “flat ontology” or “generalized symmetry,” which abandons all a priori distinctions between the natural and the social and attributes equal importance and agency to humans and non-humans, e.g., material objects, other organisms, physical entities, and rules and regulations. It also ignores the differences between conventionally understood macroactors, such as states, the global economic system, or climate change, and microactors, such as a peasant or a stream [46];

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The shift of focus from the “system properties” of SES (such as agency, resilience, adaptive capacity, and self-regulation) to its representation as a constantly shifting networked structure of interconnected heterogenous agents, where adaptation and resilience are considered as ongoing processes of maintaining the coherence of this structure and not as constant properties [43];

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A strong emphasis on “following the actors to find out how they are shaped by those assembled relations” [48], which corresponds to our qualitative methodology of immersion into the relationships of our informants with various actors, both human and non-human.

One of the most important intersections between resilience theory and ANT that is relevant to our research is the notion of agency. From the actor–network perspective, agency is understood not as a uniquely human feature, but as the capacity to cause an effect, i.e., to make a difference to a state of affairs, which is not attributed to a single actor but that is distributed throughout the actor network [49]. Resilience theory, on the contrary, understands agency as “the power and freedom [of humans] to mobilize their assets, flexibility, social organization, learning, and socio-cognitive capacities to actively shape their future” [50]. An important question for us is how “collective agency” as an effect of actor networks relates to human agency, which is key to maintaining social–ecological resilience.

The operationalization of the actor–network and resilience theories in the case of our research consist of the reconstruction and description of heterogeneous actor networks that include humans (reindeer herders and fishermen); keystone animal species such as reindeer (Rangifer tarandus), herring (Clupea harengus), atlantic salmon (Salmo salar), humpback salmon (Oncorhynchus gorbuscha), or saffron cod (Eleginus navaga); other species (such as reindeer lichen, bears, gadflies, marine mammals, and other predators); key climate-related phenomena; elements of material infrastructure (vehicles and boats, corrals, fishing gear, stationary and mobile slaughterhouses, freezers, fish processing appliances, etc.); and regulatory entities and documents that constitute the legal, economic, and law enforcement frameworks relevant to traditional activities (rules of fishing, permits and licenses, the status of local communities and of individual fishermen). Such networks will allow us to understand how the agencies of human and non-human actors enable or limit each other in different contexts. This understanding will provide insights into how exactly the resilience of the Indigenous activities in question emerges from or is hindered by interactions within the heterogeneous actor networks.

4. Case Studies

4.1. Reindeer Herding Case Study

4.1.1. Background

Reindeer herding is the central traditional practice of the Saami and Komi-Izhemtsy Indigenous Peoples in the Kola Peninsula. Today, the organization of reindeer herding has distinct features of the traditional practice that underwent an ambiguous transformation during the Soviet period. On the one hand, the Soviet authorities provided modern infrastructure and stimulated the development of reindeer herding and other traditional economic activities; on the other hand, reindeer herding was not perceived as a traditional cultural activity, but merely as a job under the Soviets [51,52], and the inevitable sedentarization and cultural assimilation of previously nomadic people have undermined their traditional way of life. With a market economy, the formerly wealthy reindeer herding cooperatives are trying to adapt to the post-Soviet realities [22]. Since its foundation in 1930 and until the dissolution of the USSR, Tundra reindeer herding cooperative has been an important part of the regional economy, with numerous side activities (fur and dairy farms, deer hide treatment workshops). Since the early 1990s and the onset of the post-Soviet economic downturn, the size of herds and the yearly production of meat and hides have fallen dramatically [53]. Now, reindeer herders are facing climate change, which, besides being an important factor in and of itself, also exacerbates the existing problems in this activity [21].

4.1.2. Annual Herding Cycle and Climate Impacts

Historically, reindeer herding had a strict seasonal cycle that included migrations between summertime and wintertime pastures; mating and calving seasons; veterinary procedures such as castration, vaccination against anthrax, or cutting antlers; the separation of the herd into breeding and non-breeding populations; and the slaughtering of a part of the stock. During the late Soviet period, which was characterized by a relatively stable climate, these seasonal activities have been clearly structured, and there were no significant differences in yearly the cycles between Lovozero and Krasnoschelye [54]. Nowadays, the overall cycle is subject to significant change and variation between the two sites (see Figure 5).

Thus, according to our informants in Lovozero in 2021, during recent years, the beginning of the slaughtering period has varied between November–December [55] and February [56], with corresponding shifts at the end of the slaughtering period. In Krasnoschelye, the slaughtering period in 2021 started and ended even later—in February and April, respectively (see Figure 6a). Such a shift is also due to more complicated logistics and longer distances between pastures and slaughter zones [57].

After the slaughtering, the herd undergoes a number of veterinary procedures and is separated into breeding, non-breeding, and draft animals; these processes are time-consuming and require a lot of effort from the herders. In 2021, our informants in Krasnoschelye mentioned the difficulties caused by the overlap between the late end of the slaughtering period, veterinary procedures, and herd separation. Calving season lasts throughout the month of May (mating and calving seasons are more stable due to the synchronized behavioral yearly cycles of reindeer and are less dependent on climate conditions) and is followed by migration to summer pastures. During that period, reindeer herds are particularly vulnerable because the reindeer are weakened after the winter. In September, the reindeer return to their wintertime pastures in the forested areas for the mating season (see Figure 6b). In late autumn, the herds are corralled, and the reindeer marked for slaughter are kept apart from the rest. After the slaughtering period, the cycle recommences.

Climate change has a profound and varied impact on the herding cycle.

In wintertime, recurrent thaws and frosts create a many-layered ice crust in the snow, which makes it harder for the reindeer to find food and forces the herders to lead the weakened reindeer to new grazing locations (see Figure 7a). A large percentage of the reindeer die despite the abundant feed base of the Kola Peninsula [57]. Our informants also noticed that the reindeer damage their hooves while trying to break the ice crust to get to the food below [58]. Another consequence is the damage to the furry skin of the reindeer legs, which is highly valuable for producing hides.

The early melting of snow in springtime also slows down the herders that move around on snowmobiles and sleds. It starts in the month of April, which benefits the weakened reindeer: they do not have to dig into the snow to find to their food. Still, the weather during spring becomes unstable and unpredictable. Strong snowstorms in the month of May greatly reduce the survival rates of newborn calves. Thus, according to the reports of two reindeer herder brigades, these rates are between 30% and 70%, depending on the herd’s geographic location. Unstable March temperatures also hamper reindeer castration: instead of the cold and dry weather that is the most suitable for the procedure, the snow melts and produces pools of dirt, which increases the probability of infection [58]. The rapid succession of thaws and frosts prevent snow cover from forming and create flows of dirty melted water into local pools. The reindeer have to drink the dirty water and are sick more often.

Summers are now marked by increased droughts and wildfires: in 2019, numerous wildfires were raging in the region of the Teriberka aquatic system, which is on Barents Shore and in the Rybachy Peninsula [59]. Overworked reindeer herders often do not have enough time to repair the corrals that allow them to guide the herds toward the summer pastures.

Reindeer herders are particularly vulnerable in autumn due to late onset of thick ice on the surrounding water bodies: this leads to numerous accidents while crossing rivers and lakes (see Figure 7b). Some ice-free rivers have to be crossed on snowmobiles at high speeds. Here is how our informants describe it: “The rivers didn’t let us pass, so we had to cross them by boat. Cargos were transported on snowmobiles that we launched across the river at high speed; other snowmobiles, sleds and cargo were transported by boat. Some cargo drowned and got waterlogged, so we had to dry it.” [60].

“Sometimes people and transport drown. To counter it, the reindeer herders started creating artificial ice cover where the ice wasn’t thick enough: they bore holes in the ice, put the snowmobiles on top to push the water through the holes, and flooded the top of frozen lake to make the ice cover thicker” [58].

Longer autumn seasons and warm winters create difficulties with slaughtering and the storage of reindeer meat. Because of the late onset of ice, it is more difficult to bring the reindeer to the slaughter points. Reindeer herders indicate that “late slaughter reduces the quality of meat, since the reindeer lose weight with every day of waiting. Even if they feed during the trip, they don’t have enough food to keep their weight and lose up to 20 kg of meat each”.

Mobile slaughtering points can solve this problem: they allow for more meat of better quality to be produced [60]. Additionally, postponing the slaughtering period negatively affects the quality of hides because the reindeer start molting in springtime.

4.1.3. Other Environmental Factors

Besides the changing weather patterns and increased occurrence of extreme events, reindeer herding is also impacted by other environmental changes caused or amplified by climate change. Just as any other animal species, reindeer are dependent on their feed base, diseases, parasites, and predators. Changing climate conditions impact the distribution and behavior of these species, but also change entire landscapes. With the current number of reindeer and vast territories of migration, the feed base itself is abundant enough to sustain the reindeer; however, due to recurrent frosts, it becomes inaccessible during the winter. The snow crust under high vegetation is less thick, and reindeer herders often migrate between overgrown patches of tundra with more accessible food. On the other hand, this type of vegetation attracts not only the reindeer, but their predators as well. The numbers of bears and wolverines have increased during the last decade due to changes in vegetation and a lack of population control (see Figure 7c). Some informants have also mentioned wolves, which have not been sighted in these regions for many years and that and have presumably migrated from the south. Summer heat waves also provoke outbreaks of gadflies that sting the reindeer, while the young calves attract predators, such as wolverines, bears, wolves, and crows. Other respondents also claim that the behavior of the reindeer changes as well. Thus, during the separation of the finished stock, the reindeer marked for slaughter run away more often:

“Some reindeer already understand that they are marked for slaughter and don’t show up for the count—they run away” [55].

4.1.4. Social and Economic Factors

Social and economic factors have a significant impact on reindeer herding. Our informants, including the administration of the reindeer herder cooperatives, indicate the lack of funds for the support and development of their enterprises; the cooperative employees mention frequent delays in salary payments. Many employees and local residents have adapted to economic difficulties by informally using the cooperative land and technical infrastructure to manage their privately owned herds: “The government pays subsidies for every reindeer in the herd, but this year, we still had four months of delays in salaries. We have to live off selling our own reindeer meat.” [59]. “In economic terms, our enterprise is doing badly. Our results have improved slightly compared to pre-COVID period, but the high level of debt keeps the situation tense” [55]. “The cooperative got 25 Million rubles of subsidies last year, but it is unclear where the money goes: we still have 6 Million rubles worth of debt. The administration doesn’t do a thing—at least our cooperative provides jobs. 20 jobs is good, but they still don’t have decent salaries” [60].

These observations of our informants are corroborated by the official data regarding the amount and rules of provision of financial support by the government, which is marked by high inequality between regions. While Murmansk Oblast is seventh place among the regions with largest reindeer herds, with total herd size of over 58,000 reindeer [61], the total amount of state support via federal and regional support programs for 2021–2025 did not exceed RUB 108 million (EUR 1, 75 million according to the September 2022 exchange rate) [62]—a conspicuously low amount compared to the RUB 1249 million (EUR 20.22 million according to the September 2022 exchange rate) spent by the government on reindeer herding in Chukotka Autonomous Okrug in 2021 alone. Meanwhile, the total herd size in Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, the third largest reindeer herding region, is around 124,000 reindeer, i.e., only twice the size of the herd in Murmansk Oblast [61]. Thus, the average annual public funding of reindeer herding per reindeer in Murmansk Oblast is some of the lowest among the 16 reindeer herding regions, being over 30 times lower than in Chukotka Autonomous Okrug.

Northern National College in Lovozero has educational programs in the fields of tourism and reindeer husbandry; however, according to the employees of the local cooperatives, the graduates do not stay to work in the herd. This is due both to financial turmoil in local agricultural enterprises and the low attractiveness of the reindeer herding industry as a whole. Here is how our informants describe the difference between the conditions of reindeer herders in the Soviet period and now: “Herders were littering money back then. I remember visiting my uncle when I was a kid—he used to pull out a wad of bills and say: ‘Here, nephew, have some’. I could buy two bicycles with a single bank note, and he had pocketfuls of them. However, now, herders have debts for communal charges and bank loans” [60]. Such negative trends in working conditions and a lack of workforce renewal are not unique to Murmansk Oblast, but are common to all reindeer herding regions, being a matter of concern for regional authorities [61].

Unregulated tourism and poaching are also among the factors that reindeer herders have to contend with. In this case, our informants pay particular attention to the unregulated use of transport (such as off-road vehicles that destroy the fragile vegetation in the tundra) and other technical means that are inaccessible to the herders themselves:

“Modern snowmobiles, gadgets, walkies, phones—all this contributes to illegal fishing and hunting of reindeer and moose” [55].

Only a limited number of off-road vehicles here are involved in contracts for supplying the remote settlements with fuel, and the rest are used by tourists, hunters, and fishermen. “[Unlike other Arctic regions,] Murmansk Oblast doesn’t have a legally enforced method of estimation of feed base losses due to usage of off-road transport. Also, such expensive services for tourists are provided illegally, so the government loses millions in tax revenue” [59].

Land use is another important aspect of reindeer herding in the Kola Peninsula: the herders’ interests are infringed by mining companies and infrastructure projects as well as by the expansion of Russian military bases in the Arctic. According to our informants, the territories claimed by the Ministry of Defense for the construction of missile bases and radar installations have been denied access for their use during the renewal of land-use contracts without any compensation.

It is important to contextualize the profile of the socioeconomic issues described by our informants by comparing them to relevant research and expert evaluations of underlying geographical, economic, and legal factors. Thus, while Murmansk Oblast has a geographic advantage of proximity to external markets of the neighboring Russian regions and other countries, such as Finland and Norway, such proximity cannot be fully used to the benefit of reindeer herders’ communities due to the lack of local processing facilities that could efficiently utilize all the secondary products of reindeer husbandry (such as fur, leather, antlers, and blood), which currently have very low rates of processing (only 5% of non-meat products are transformed and commercialized), and ensure the production of high-added-value products [63]. Currently, raw reindeer meat is the most important commodity, and the added value is mostly appropriated by distribution networks that do not provide jobs to the local population or economic incentives to develop high-added-value products. On the other hand, land-use data questions the importance of our informants’ numerous accounts of land-use conflicts between reindeer herders and the Ministry of Defense: while 38.9% of the land surface of Murmansk Oblast is occupied by reindeer pastures, only 0.1% is classified as land reserved for national defense purposes [64].

4.1.5. Adaptation Measures and Resilience of Reindeer Herding in the Kola Peninsula

Reindeer herders in the Kola Peninsula demonstrate a number of tactics for adaptation to the changing conditions of their traditional way of life. Successful adaptation depends on their mobility. Most of these adaptations are technical in nature. Mobile slaughter points and freezers are the most important to simplify logistics in an unstable climate that renders the landscapes less permeable. Other tactics are related to using alternative ways of crossing obstacles, such as going across small water bodies on snowmobiles at high speeds, using boats, or creating artificial ice cover, as well as constant migration across tundra and forests in pursuit of available patches of reindeer feed. Thus, the key factor of adaptation to changing climate conditions is access to and the creative use of technical means that ensure high mobility.

4.2. Fishing Case Study

4.2.1. Background

The historical and environmental contexts of the fishing activities in Pomor communities on the shores of the White Sea broadly resemble those of the reindeer herders of the Kola Peninsula. Pomors (seasiders in Russian) are descendants of Russian settlers that came to the shores of the White Sea as early as in the XII century, and over centuries, they have contributed to the exploration of the Arctic, the establishment of trade routes, and the development of whaling, seal hunting, and fishing activity. Some of the Pomor settlers mixed with non-Slavic populations who were also practicing reindeer husbandry in addition to other activities [65]. Collectivization and modernization of fishing enterprises started in these regions (Letny and Tersky shores of the White Sea) in the early 1930s with the arrival of the first collective farms [25]. Pomor communities were less affected by Soviet modernization since their way of life was, unlike the reindeer herders, already relatively sedentary. Just as in the case of reindeer herding, the collective farms had supplementary activities that had also been practiced by the Pomor over centuries, such as hunting seals for hides, fat, and eventually meat (this activity was particularly important during the hungry years of WWII). The 1990s brought a set of challenges that was common for many territories in the Russian Arctic: an economic downturn; depopulation and adaptation both to market economy; and tighter regulations on fishing activities by government agencies [64,65].

4.2.2. Annual Fishing Cycle and Climate Impacts

Fishing activity on the shores of the White Sea is tightly linked to the yearly migration and spawning cycles of different species of fish, both native ones, such as herring, Atlantic salmon, and saffron cod, and introduced ones, such as the humpback salmon. Other species, such as lumpfish, cod, capelin, or Atlantic wolffish, have less significance as “by-catch” species. It is also heavily dependent on weather and climate conditions, such as storms and shifting periods of freeze-up and ice drift: fishermen are only able to do their jobs during mild weather in ice-free waters or on thick ice [66]. Thus, the influence of climate change on the environmental conditions consists of shifts in the migratory cycle of the commercial species of fish, the increased unpredictability of occurrence of storms, and increased intermediate periods when the fishermen are confined to the shore [67].

Climate change affects both the seasons of fish migration and their migration’s geography. Thus, warmer surface waters drive the herring away from the coastline, which makes it more difficult to harvest using traditional fishing boats and gear. This is one of the reasons for the 1.5-month long gap in herring fishing period—in July and the first half of August, the fishermen do not follow the schools of herring into the open sea and instead concentrate on fishing humpback salmon (See Figure 8).

Other observed effects of climate change include the increased severity and unpredictability of storms that are becoming more damaging to fishing gear:.

“Now there are more terrible storms than ever. It has to do with global warming, apparently. We never had storms that would rip our nets before, and this summer alone, we had three storms like that” [68].

4.2.3. Sea Fishing and River Fishing

In the Onega Peninsula, most of the fishing activities are concentrated on the seashores, with only limited periods of freshwater fishing (such as fishing saffron cod in January and humpback salmon in mid-summer in the mouths of spawning rivers). Fisheries of the Tersky Coast, however, historically were specialized in freshwater fishing in the waters of the Varzuga and Umba Rivers. These rivers are important spawning grounds for the native Atlantic salmon, which, until the mid-twentieth century, was zealously protected during the spawning season:

“Our grandfathers were tying the oar locks on their boats with rags and oiling them, so that they didn’t crick and scare off the Atlantic salmon during the spawning season. Even the church bells didn’t ring! (…) Before the Revolution, there were armed guards along the river shore during the salmon run. Whoever attempted fishing got shot.” [69].

Nowadays, these rivers prove to be especially fragile in terms of their capacity to maintain the population of native Atlantic salmon. The worsening quality of water due to deforestation in the river’s drainage basin; the disappearance of Margaritifera margaritifera, a local species of freshwater mussels that maintained the high quality of the water and symbionts of Atlantic salmon; overfishing as a result of poaching and poorly regulated recreational fishing; and competition for spawning grounds with humpback salmon (a non-native species introduced from the Far East in the 1970s)—these are the factors that contribute to the decline of Atlantic salmon population in Varzuga. Most of our informants notice that in Norway, the humpback salmon is considered a “rough fish” species, and fishermen are actually incentivized to catch more of it and block its entry into Norwegian rivers. In Russia, however, humpback salmon is still on the list of highly valuable (and therefore strictly regulated) species of fish. This, as well as milder winters that ensure higher survival rates of humpback salmon fries, may have contributed to the sharp increase in humpback populations since the 2010s, with massive spikes every two or four years. Adult humpback salmon enter the freshwater streams along the coast for the salmon run in mid-summer, hunting out smaller freshwater fish species.

“We were told to block the mouth of the river with some kind of net, right at the entrance. Otherwise, [the humpback salmon] would decimate our freshwater small fish. They are formidable predators, especially males—pretty scary even to look at!” [70].

Being semelparous, the humpback salmon die off massively after laying eggs, providing ample amounts of nutrients for predators and scavengers, but also polluting the water with their decaying bodies. In 2021, the decomposing corpses of numerous humpback salmon remained in the river as late as in the month of October. Atlantic salmon, highly sensitive to the water quality, had trouble finding suitable places for spawning; our informants have also indicated that their fries are also actively hunted by pikes and other predatory freshwater fish species, which puts additional pressure on the Atlantic salmon’s dwindling population.

“I remember, me and my son were rafting not long ago. We caught a pike in Varzuga, about four kilograms—there were twenty-two Atlantic salmon fries in its stomach. I told my kid: that’s who had to be arrested by the border control! A man could land in prison for one Atlantic salmon caught illegally, and pikes get away with much worse than that” [68].

Freshwater fishing on the Tersky Coast is more vulnerable than sea fishing due to many reasons: competition between two keystone species of salmon; high sensitivity of rivers to pollution and ecosystem change in the drainage basin; increased mobility of humans that can move around on the shores and put nets across the whole river; and limited mobility of freshwater fish species compared to the sea ones.

4.2.4. Biotic Factors

The biotic factors influencing freshwater and sea fishing practices are even more diverse than those influencing reindeer herding due to the complexity of the aquatic ecosystems that support fisheries in the White Sea. The overall catch of commercial species of fish (humpback salmon, Atlantic salmon, herring, and saffron cod) depends on their migration routes and population dynamics as well as the behavior of their predators. Thus, sea mammals (seals and beluga whales), seagulls, and even carnivorous amphipods, commonly known as “kapshaks”, are eating the fish stuck in the nets alive. Together, the predatory species constitute the “fisherman’s enemies” (see Figure 9), although for most fishermen, their “enemies” list is topped by the inspectors of governing agencies:

“As soon as I set my nets, there they go: first, second, third inspector on their boats, and next—seals, kapshaks, seagulls! They all will be after my catch. A whole lot of them, and only one of me.” [69].

According to our informants, the populations of sea mammals (seals, walruses, and beluga whales) have increased significantly in the last few decades due to the ban on hunting introduced in Russia in the 1990s under pressure from environmental organizations:

“There are more and more seals. They breed, but no one hunts them here. And they are good eaters, I have to say. Last year, I attended a meeting of ichthyologists. They told me that there were up to 5 million seals in the White sea. And each seal eats up to 20–25 kg of biomass [daily]. I felt sad when I started counting. It’s a matter of dozens of cargo trains of fish per day.” [70].

Pomor communities also witness other environmental changes: according to many fishermen, the overall fish stock is steadily diminishing. Some of our respondents attribute it to the disturbances caused by activity of Russian warships in the region:

“There are more atomic submarines [in the White Sea] than before. They launch Bulavas [RSM-56 Bulava, submarine-launched ballistic missile] during tests in the White Sea Throat [the strait that connects White and Barents seas], and the fish senses everything and goes away” [71].

Figure 9. Twenty “enemies” of a fisherman (artist: Elena Timofeeva).

Figure 9. Twenty “enemies” of a fisherman (artist: Elena Timofeeva).

4.2.5. Social and Economic Factors

Pomor Indigenous communities, like most populations in rural areas in the Russian North, have a mixed economy that draws on various resources. They include jobs in the commercial fishing companies or dividends from their activity (for members of fishermen cooperatives), fishing for subsistence or small-scale informal trade, local jobs not related to fishing, and other forms of income such as pensions, social benefits, or transfers from family members living elsewhere. While rthe Vskhody Kommunizma cooperative provides jobs and dividends thanks to its highly profitable trowler fleet that operates in the open sea, very few members of local communities work as independent entrepreneurs in the fishing industry. Among the factors that discourage them, our respondents mention excessive regulation, which puts a heavy strain on fishermen (lots of paperwork, inadequate sanctions for using “inappropriate” types of nets or the occurrence of protected species of fish as a bycatch, low fishing quotas, etc.), lack of timely responses from the governing bodies (such as an inability to remove restrictions for humpback salmon fishing in due time, i.e., before the salmon overwhelms the rivers and then dies off), and high investment costs to start a business, limited access to markets that would allow them to sell high-added-value products to other regions or abroad, and a lack of infrastructure (such as fish processing workshops or freezers). Rapid access to fish processing plants is crucial: fish must be processed within hours after catching. Most of our respondents have a pessimistic outlook on the sustainability of independent fishing in the White Sea.

“You know, if a Pomor of the old days rose from the dead and found out how the business is done nowadays, he would swear and crawl back into the grave. We’re filling out forms instead of fishing” [69].

While up-to-date and relevant data regarding the socioeconomic state of fisheries in the White Sea are deficient, we can partially contextualize the narratives of our informants by comparing their evidence with the partially available official statistics provided by the regional governments. Thus, according to the data provided by the government of Murmansk Oblast in 2018, fisheries constituted RUB 39.9 billion (EUR 650 million according to the September 2022 exchange rate), or 10.2% of the gross regional product, and provided over 6000 jobs in 148 companies. An important structural feature of the fisheries in Murmansk Oblast is a marked underdevelopment of the fish processing and conservation sector compared to fish harvesting; thus, the profitability of fish processing and conservation businesses has not exceeded 7% compared to 73.9% in open sea fishing, with gaps in average salaries exceeding 4.5 times (RUB 30,000 /month in the fish processing businesses against RUB 140,000 /month in fisheries, i.e., EUR 490 /month against EUR 2270 /month according to the September 2022 exchange rate), and their average production capacity utilization rates not exceeding 25–30% in 2018. Fisheries businesses are increasingly oriented towards exporting raw fish abroad instead of selling it to processing businesses within the Oblast: thus, the share of exported fish in the overall catch increased from 41% to 62% between 2009 and 2016 [72]. While these data mostly focus on the economic performance of large fishing companies whose impact on Pomor communities is limited, it corroborates the concerns voiced by our informants (notably, regarding the lack of fish processing facilities). Unfortunately, similar official socioeconomic data for recent years is unavailable for Arkhangelsk Oblast, which precludes any quantitative comparisons between the two regions of our study.

4.2.6. Adaptation Measures

Unlike reindeer herders, fishermen have no control over the movement of their stock, and, especially in the case of sea fishing, have limited possibilities to follow it on their boats. Most fishermen still use karbasy, traditional wooden boats that take up to 5 tons of cargo but are not very suitable for fishing further than several hundred meters from the shore. Additionally, unlike reindeer husbandry, which keeps the herders at work throughout the year, fishing has extended periods of inactivity during ice drift, which they dedicate to the maintenance of their gear (e.g., repairing nets and boats) and other activities. Historically, fishermen could compensate for their limited mobility with reliance on a broader variety of seasonal species of fish, the usage of various types of fishing gear and techniques, and local knowledge about the weather signs and the behavior of different aquatic species, both fish and other animals (see Figure 10). Now, given the recent changes in weather patterns, aquatic ecosystems population dynamics, and the behavior of fish, local knowledge inherited from previous generations has to be reviewed. Fishermen have to rely on their own observations and ingenuity in order to successfully adapt to changing conditions and to sometimes come up with unexpected solutions, such as usage of herring nets as incubators:

“Here’s what we discovered: our fishing nets, 10 to 16 mm in diameter, are excellent “maternity homes” for herring. [Marine biologists] have built artificial spawning sites along the coast which have a 6% survival rate [of herring fries] on average, and in our nets, it goes as high as 80%. It means that we breed herring in the same nets that we catch it with.” [71].

Local knowledge, the diversity of fish species, and fishing gear provide enough space for “tinkering” and local adaptation to climate-driven environmental change on a technical level, but in the context of the preservation of fishing as a commercial activity, Pomor fishermen have to operate within the strict limits imposed on them by regulating bodies and have no possibility to create high-added-value products due to lack of infrastructure and economic incentive. Therefore, the biggest issue for traditional fishing, whether commercial or subsistence, in Pomor communities is excessive regulation.

Figure 10. Species of fish and types of fishing gear (artist: Dmitriy Novitskiy).

Figure 10. Species of fish and types of fishing gear (artist: Dmitriy Novitskiy).

5. Discussion

Our research has shown the complex and interwoven nature of different factors that contribute to or undermine the adaptability and resilience of traditional livelihoods. The role of climate change is somewhat different in the cases of reindeer herding and traditional fishing. Sami and Komi-Izemtsy reindeer herders have to contend with the direct effects of climate change (such as recurrent frosts that increase mortality rates among calves in spring and that also make it harder for the reindeer to find food in winter) and significant changes in the yearly cycle of activities. In case of Pomor fishermen communities, climate change by itself does not threaten their traditional livelihood on the shores of the White Sea and in Atlantic salmon spawning rivers, but it amplifies the negative influence of other economic and environmental factors, making them harder to adapt to. However, a more detailed understanding of the mechanisms of climate impacts, adaptation, and resilience in the context of Indigenous way of life requires us to look how they translate into actor networks.

5.1. Living within Actor Networks: Reindeer Herders and Fishermen as “Indigenous Actor-Network Theorists”

Our informants’ accounts of the changing environmental and climate conditions that set the stage for interaction between people, species, tools, regulations, landscapes, and phenomena reflect the networked structure as the basis of their worldview. While they do not necessarily conceptualize their lifestyle in terms of actor networks, they tend to describe their interaction with objects in their environment (reindeer, different species of fish, other humans, organisms in the food web, and even inanimate objects) as actors that have multiple connections between them and that display certain adaptive behavior—or even some degree of intentionality.

Looking through the actor–network lens, which does not make distinctions between “microactors” and “macroactors” due to its “flat ontology” principle, climate change can be considered as an “actor”. However, the effects of climate change in different contexts are way too varied. Therefore, in our actor networks, we see climate change not as an actor but as a force that restructures the existing actor networks, sometimes in unpredictable and ambiguous ways (e.g., causing the growth of trees and shrubs that increase the variety of reindeer food, but that also render this food less available in the winter season due to recurrent freeze–thaw cycles). This also corresponds to how our informants perceive its effects. The fact that they rarely refer to “climate change” as a standalone explanation of the changes in their environment or practices does not necessarily point at their ignorance to the concept itself. Rather, in each specific situation, phenomena attributable to climate change (extended periods of melting ice, recurrent frost, heatwaves, storms, changes in tundra vegetation) constitute the specific context of interaction of different actors in the network. Examples include melting ice in rivers or lakes, snowmobiles, people crossing the dangerous melting areas at high speed or drilling holes in the ice and pushing the water through them to make artificial ice cover; snow crust, trees and bushes that break it, reindeer lichen and reindeer themselves that have to move around to find accessible patches of vegetation; blood-sucking insects breeding throughout the hot days, water bodies where the insects are spawning, the sea breeze that blows them away, and reindeer who seek windier places to get rid of them; herrings that migrate further from the shore during hot days, fishermen, who follow them into the open sea, and the jellyfish that emerge and clog the nets; or, finally, river banks overgrown with willows, the reindeer females with their calves that hide in the willows, and wolverines following their scent.

Thus, actor–network theory serves as a useful interpretative tool that allows us to contextualize and “disaggregate” the effects of large-scale processes, such as climate change, while not departing too far from our informants’ narratives about their complex environment and different ways of coping with challenges. In fact, we decided to look at our findings through the ANT lens after discovering that two of co-authors of this research thought of our informants as “Indigenous actor network theorists” independently of each other.

5.2. Where Agencies Meet: Human and Non-Human Agency as Seen by Resilience Studies and ANT

Agency is the most important concept for understanding the resilience of reindeer herding and fishing in the Indigenous communities of the Russian Arctic, both in the framework of resilience theory and ANT. If the agency of reindeer herders or fishermen in terms of resilience theory, i.e., the freedom and power to actively shape their future, is limited below some critical level that does not allow them to satisfy their needs by continuing their trades, they will react by leaving their home territory, finding other jobs or retiring. At the same time, at a level of daily interactions with their environment, their agency is translated into participation in heterogeneous networks whose elements, both human and non-human, also enable, limit, or mediate each other’s agencies. Thus, in order to understand the nature of resilience of traditional livelihoods, we examined how actors in the respective networks mutually condition each other’s agency, where agencies (i.e., capabilities to induce change by creation of networks) of human and non-human actors are equally important.

Fishermen, unlike reindeer herders, do not have control over the behavior of the different species of fish upon which their livelihood depends. Their mobility is also reduced compared to reindeer herders, although in the case of fishing in the rivers, they can move around or set the nets more easily. Thus, fishermen have to be more creative in order to obtain the catch required for their subsistence or commercial activity, i.e., to “meet” the agency of fish in the appropriate way. Unlike reindeer herders, they rely on several commercial species distributed throughout the year, not a single one that requires constant shepherding and that follows a strict cycle of procedures all year round.

At the same time, there are numerous actors that constrain the agency of fishermen, such as the rather rigid rules in use (such as the ones prohibiting the usage of gillnets of a specific size or imposing quotas) and regulation and enforcement agencies (the infamous “inspectors”). It is interesting to notice that regulations may not just limit the opportunities of fishermen, but also extend the agency of non-human agents. Humpback salmon, considered as “rough fish” in Norway, but not in Russia, may migrate from Norwegian shores, where they are not allowed to enter rivers due to physical barriers, to invade rivers in the White Sea catchment basin. Marine mammals such as seals and beluga whales (whaling and seal hunting are prohibited in Russia) also breed uncontrollably in the White Sea and “compete” with the fishermen. It is also important to notice the unintended effects of the tools used by fishermen, such as gillnets, when they interact with sea animals: they play an important role in the reproduction of herring, but they also attract seals and beluga whales and enable amphipods to eat the immobilized fish, which they normally cannot do. Thus, we can see that other species also “use” man-made objects or conventions to their advantage, which adds to the complexity of the actor networks related to fishing.

Reindeer herding differs from fishing in many ways. First of all, the goal of reindeer herders, in ANT terms, is to constrain the agency of the reindeer as much as possible by branding, shepherding, corralling, and castrating them. Herding is very time-consuming and sensitive to fluctuations in the numbers of reindeer because it implies oversight over all aspects of the reindeer’s life cycle, planning and preparation for the slaughtering campaign (slaughtering points, freezers, etc.), and managing the distribution of herds between the available grazing grounds.

Mobility is another important aspect that shapes actor networks in the context of reindeer herding. Reindeer herders must shepherd large herds of reindeer across vast territories, prevent overgrazing and scattering of the reindeer, protect them from predators, and also follow specific itineraries that are determined by the availability of reindeer feed, the permeability of territory, and the exclusion of land occupied by other actors (e.g., mining companies or the military). Unstable climate conditions and weather patterns have agency of their own. They modify the agency of the reindeer, their predators or parasites, and the reindeer herders themselves by provoking outbreaks of gadflies or bacterial infections, changing the permeability of landscapes, influencing the behavior of reindeer, and affecting the work capacity of herders during heavy rains, storms, or periods of extreme temperatures. Thus, we see the constant necessity to control the herds of a single commercial species and to follow them across terrestrial landscapes produce radical changes in the actor networks relevant to reindeer herding compared to fishing.

5.3. Balance of Agencies as A Mechanism of Resilience

The complex profile of risks that are in many ways shaped by, but not limited to, climate change, can be better understood if we consider an ominous example of the nearly complete collapse of reindeer on Kolguev Island. During the 2013–2014 winter season, of the initial population of over 8000 reindeer, barely 200 survived the unusually harsh winter. The recurrent frost has had much more severe impacts in tundra than in forested areas and on island ecosystems than on the mainland. However, there were many other factors contributing to the collapse of the reindeer population on Kolguev Island. These factors involve exceeding the carrying capacity of pastures, e.g., to large herds causing overgrazing. Management of the herd was also an issue. Reindeer herders stopped moving the herd between spring, summer, fall, and winter pastures. As an outcome of this free-herding technique, the reindeer consumed lichens in summer, and only decaying grass remained under snow in winter. Most of the reindeer died of hunger. In addition, they became wild, and it was hard to keep the herd together using snowmobiles, and reindeer were dying when trying to run away from the herders. Therefore, not only harsh weather conditions caused reindeer deaths, but the mismanagement of the herd did as well [19].

In terms of actor networks, this example shows us how the transition to a sedentary lifestyle and a lack of proper management under the guise of “free herding” has led to an imbalance between human agency and the agency of the reindeer. By leaving the reindeer to their own devices and letting them become feral, humans did not properly limit the agency of the species that they depended upon. The reduced variety of vegetation, the increased vulnerability of the landscape to the effects of recurrent frosts, and a lack of mobility rendered the reindeer even more vulnerable to climate change, which triggered the collapse.

On the mainland in Nenets Autonomous Okrug and in Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, contrary to Kolguev Island, reindeer herders work carefully with their reindeer, maintain nomadic lifestyle, and move their herds between seasonal pastures. In the years with harsh weather conditions, recurrent frost causes the death of thousands of reindeer, but the majority of reindeer in the herds survive. Overgrazing in these tundra territories is also an issue because of land extraction from pastures to oil infrastructure and by exceeding the number of reindeer in the herds. However, due to more effective management, the reindeer herds in Nenets and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug remain more resilient [13,14,18].

In the Kola Peninsula, rich pastures and forested land enhance the resilience of reindeer herders’ economic activity, while a lack of manpower in reindeer herder cooperatives overwhelm reindeer herders, with overwhelming work decreasing their ability to adapt to climate change. While technical adaptations such as mobile slaughterhouses are valuable in terms of adaptation to climate change, the imbalance of economic agency between the reindeer cooperatives and other players on the market, such as distributors and meat processing companies, reduces the economic and social incentive for young people to take up jobs in reindeer husbandry. For now, reindeer cooperatives remain resilient; however, socioeconomic conditions put resilience at risk; similar conclusions can be made about the socioeconomic issues in fishing and their influence on the resilience of traditional fishing.

In ecological terms, the decline of the native Atlantic salmon population in the Varzuga River serves as a contrary example of the dangers of unrestrained human agency. While the competition with humpback salmon—another important actor in the local network—also contributes to the decline, unregulated poaching and logging in the Varzuga River’s basin also have had a cumulative effect on Atlantic salmon and freshwater mussels. Historically, Pomor fishermen in the region were aware of the fragility of the river ecosystem and limited activities during the spawning season. Here, the landscape also plays an important role by enabling humans to move around and use their fishing gear wherever they want. Landscape factors such as the width of the river or the accessibility of riverbanks limits the agency of fish and enhances the agency of humans, while the agency of humpback salmon also “plays against” the preservation of a more valuable species. Thus, the observed local imbalance in agency in favor of humans and their tools undermines the resilience of freshwater fishing.

Examples of the mismanagement or outright destruction of key natural elements in social–ecological systems as a result of unrestrained human agency are inexhaustible. However, human agency can be exacerbated or mitigated by the agency of non-human agents such as local and invasive species, man-made objects “appropriated” by other organisms, or the effects of climate change. Therefore, the empirical concept of “balance of agencies” that we are proposing should not be considered as a contribution to the “Humans versus Nature” divide. The resilience of social–ecological systems is an effect of varied interactions between the human and non-human actors that maintain the network coherence and stability in various, and sometimes unpredictable, ways.

6. Conclusions

We demonstrated that the traditional economic activity of reindeer herders and fishermen is significantly affected by socioeconomic and environmental factors in the Russian Arctic. Both reindeer herders and fishermen manage to adapt to the changing environment using local knowledge and different kinds of technical tools. However, socioeconomic conditions (especially a lack of access to markets and infrastructure as well as lack of incentives to develop high-added-value products) and accelerating climate change put the resilience of Indigenous communities at risk.This paper demonstrates that to understand the resilience of both reindeer herders and fishermen in the Russian Arctic, highlighting both human and non-human agency within actor networks is important. If the agency of traditional reindeer herders or fisherman is limited by non-human agents to a critical point, they may lose their capacity to cope with both socioeconomic and environmental change. The opposite situation of unrestrained human agency, such as unregulated fishing in fragile freshwater ecosystems, can lead to the decline of the species that Pomor fishermen depend on. In both cases, traditional economic activities may collapse, and Indigenous People would be forced to engage in the conventional market economy of the mainstream society.

In future research, longitudinal observations of the effects of climate change on the transformation of marine and terrestrial habitats following changes in fish and reindeer behavior is crucial for understanding risks for Indigenous Peoples to maintain their traditional lifestyle.