Communicating through Cyberfeminism: Communication Strategies for the Construction of the International Feminist Strike in Portugal

Abstract

Despite the considerable attention given to how mainstream media portrays feminism and social movements, there remains a notable research gap regarding the exploration of how these movements themselves engage in internal articulation and employ communication strategies to connect with their publics. To examine communications practices of cyberfeminists within the fourth wave of feminism and the 8M movement (feminist strike), this study analyzes the communication platforms utilized by Rede 8 de Março, which mobilizes the strike in Portugal in three dimensions: (1) institutional and internal communication; (2) content production for online dissemination on digital platforms; and (3) mobilization strategies and action repertoires. Specifically, we focus on the years 2020 and 2021, considering the pandemic context, using a combination of netnography and semi-structured interviews with organizing activists. Our findings indicate a significant rise in Instagram’s platform utilization and exploration, concomitant with the establishment of WhatsApp as a central tool for both organizational and internal communication. These observations enhance our scholarly grasp of the intricate communication dynamics inherent in these organizational contexts and feminist movements, thereby offering significant contributions to our understanding of its operational mechanisms.

1. Introduction

Contemporary feminist movements emerge on a global scale and have local implications, assuming a clear transnational dimension through street demonstrations and, notably, digital activism—in the case of the feminist movement, cyberfeminism—which challenges inequalities in women’s representations in online spaces (Martinez 2019; Haraway 1995). Thus, this contemporary feminism assumes a diverse and multifaceted character, advancing through an exchange of cultural values at both global and local levels, conferring feminism with transnationality (Fraser 2007).

Some scholars argue for the emergence of the fourth wave of feminism, rising from digital networks and platforms, promoting the inclusion of differences and the power matrix of oppression, thus emphasizing intersectionality (Munro 2013; Silva 2019; Fernández et al. 2019; Chamberlain 2017), which, as a theoretical framework, is more compatible with the fourth wave movement, as it seeks to politically intervene and enable change without resorting to segregation, silencing, and marginalization (Zimmerman 2017).

Portugal, having experienced over 40 years of dictatorship, exhibits vulnerabilities and particularities regarding the feminist movement, a trajectory marked by progress and setbacks (Tavares 2012) that has sought to incorporate feminist issues into the public sphere via different communication and action strategies (Cerqueira et al. 2017).

In this context, the International Feminist Strike—also known as the 8M movement—has become a transnational movement that is repoliticizing feminism in this century (Arruzza et al. 2019), acting as a movement characterized by the mobilization and association between digital and street activism.

To understand how cyberfeminists communicate within the fourth wave’s context, we analyze the communication platforms from Rede 8 de Março, responsible for calling the strike in Portugal. We examine the years 2020 and 2021, also considering the pandemic context, through netnography and semi-structured interviews with the organizing activists in order to answer the question: how do cyberfeminists use new media to communicate, convene, and implement the 8M movement in Portugal?

Many studies have focused on how mainstream media visualize (or not) feminism and other social movements (Rhodes 1995; Pineda et al. 2020; Cerqueira et al. 2023), but we observe a certain gap in studies that focus on how the movements themselves articulate and communicate with their audiences. Therefore, it is our intention to identify (1) institutional and internal communication; (2) content production for online dissemination on digital platforms; and (3) mobilization strategies and action repertoires to provide significant contributions that augment our comprehension of its communication operational mechanisms.

2. Cyberfeminism and the Fourth Wave—An Overview

The Cyberspace constitution allows for horizontal and democratic communication, changing the way people communicate and inform themselves. This transformation arises from the erosion of a distinct demarcation between the sender and receiver identities. This shift is attributed to the heightened information dissemination, resulting in the convergence of emission and reception practices, ultimately orchestrated by a unified authorial entity.

The profusion of information and the speed with which knowledge becomes accessible and swiftly replaced by new content exert a direct influence on the subjectivity of participation. Thus, “participation means involvement with the political, regardless from the character or scope of the context. It therefore always in some way involves struggle” (Dahlgreen 2016, p. 26).

It is worth noting that the Internet and cyberspace are increasingly functioning as direct counteractions against hegemonic media instruments. This represents a genuine resistance to conventional media due to the democratic nature of the content they propagate. Nevertheless, mainstream media’s significance in shaping the agenda and disseminating activist activities within the digital realm remains noteworthy (Chamberlain 2004).

It is pertinent to acknowledge, however, that the democratic nature referenced here pertains only to those who enter this emerging public sphere, as access continues to be somewhat restricted. This aligns with Dahlgreen’s (2016) explanation that, despite their interconnectedness, offline and online spaces maintain distinct compositions, each with its own unique experiences and possibilities.

This field of cyberculture fosters the development of collective actions in the search for fundamental changes and true social transformations that do not depend on a geographical origin, objectives, and performance (Fernández et al. 2019), which, in the case of feminism, allowed for greater dissemination and debate among women, questioning gender inequalities and women’s relationship with electronic culture, science, and technology, thus instituting cyberfeminism (Martinez 2019).

The term cyberfeminism emerged in the 1990s, attributed to the philosopher Sadie Plant, who used it to point out the relationship between women, machines, and new technologies, and to the Australian feminist collective VNS Matrix, for the Cyberfeminist Manifesto launched in 1991, in a homage to the work of the theoretical Donna Haraway (1995). This document proposed the breakdown of binarism through reflections on female representations and the roles developed in the computerized and digital world (Martinez 2019), since, according to the author, female empowerment in relation to politics is made from existing means of production, that is, the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) themselves.

Cyberfeminism allows the propagation and dissemination of feminist ideals, employing discourses from social experiences, expressing opinions, criticisms, and thoughts (Lamartine and Cerqueira 2022), which, according to Castells ([2012] 2015), would constitute true cultural movements in allowing social actors to become subjects, defining their action based on their experiences and values, without considering a specific institution or organization they belong to since the virtual organization would make it difficult to censor due to the impediment of identifying a probable leadership.

Thus, the specific issues that are linked to each woman’s individual experience start to detach themselves from certain organizations or institutions, gaining greater prominence and dissemination in the fourth wave’s feminist movement (Silva 2019; Martinez 2019). As Harvey (2020) emphasizes, although the possibility of escape from bodies, institutions, and geographies can be very attractive, it is necessary to critically consider who the actors of this change are, and which communities would be implicated, marginalized, and silenced in these discourses.

In any case, it is undeniable that new media usage has ensured the reimagining and proliferation of various feminist communities, giving greater visibility to contemporary feminist politics. Beyond the opportunities facilitated by these new media, they intersect with an increasingly popular feminist movement (Keller and Ryan 2018; Mendes et al. 2019).

Despite the lack of consensus in the scientific community, the term “fourth wave” has been adopted by journalists, academics, and activists to describe the new phase of the feminist movement. Due to this flow of communication facilitated by digital social media, a new consciousness has emerged, a “call out” culture that confronts misogyny and sexism, offering a platform for discussion and a pathway for activism (Munro 2013).

It is important to note that this does not imply that the issues raised in the previous waves have been completely resolved. However, the conception of waves “can be a way to approach temporality in feminism by considering how the past and future influence the affective immediacy of the present moment” (Chamberlain 2017, p. 1).

The main characteristics of this wave are online feminist activism (cyberfeminism), the use of humor, rape culture, and inclusion, namely, intersectionality (Cochrane 2013). Consequently, interconnectivity is evident within the context of globalization, wherein the underpinnings of intersectionality play a pivotal role concerning matters of gender equality. Hence, it is discernible that contemporary feminists exhibit a heightened emphasis on incorporating representational diversity into feminist discourse through an intersectional lens (Parry et al. 2018).

According to Parry et al. (2018), the demarcations between successive waves are notably fluid, with indistinct demarcation points. Nevertheless, technological mobilizations constitute an integral facet of the fourth wave’s feminist endeavors. This is exemplified by the swift and diverse reactions to instances of sexual violence in “the way that these women mobilized others to fight against sexism in their community, igniting a larger global discussion on victim-blaming” (p. 9).

In this sense, Chamberlain (2017) introduced the concept of affective temporality as a constitutive pillar from the fourth wave. For her, responsive activism is impelled by affect, which serves as a catalyst for action, fostering informative solidarity among women.

It is noteworthy that the rhetoric of affect has already been employed within the feminist movement, as exemplified by Hemmings (2011), who delves into academic feminist narratives as a political grammar of feminism, encompassing the premise of sharing an affective or emotional disposition. In a similar hint, Ahmed (2013) explores affect and emotions, seeking to understand how they move, solidify, and shape feminist practices.

What distinguishes Chamberlain’s (2017) concept is the perspective of reframing the present moment within the immediacy of technologies. Consequently, the promotion of affective communities capable of bridging historical points between the past and the future enables new forms of theorization and activism within the feminist movement.

At this new moment of contemporary feminism, various digital manifestations in support of women have emerged from hashtags and hybridism, such as #Slutwalk, #NiUnaAMenos, #MeToo, and #8M, among many others that arise at the local level, as seen with #VermelhoemBelém in Portugal. The utilization of hashtag feminism has evolved into a core constituent of feminist media strategies, embodying both a contentious manifestation and a performative act through which activists transform personal experiences into political expressions, amplifying their visibility (Clark-Parsons 2021).

From this perspective, it is recognized that the Internet offers possibilities for multiple voices (Ribeiro 2019), allowing for the questioning of issues such as harassment, rape, and misogyny, among others, and providing an opportunity to subvert the exclusionary dynamics present in social power relations (Tuzcu 2015). For Mendes et al. (2019), the enhanced prominence of these activist initiatives can be attributed to “the ways that digital technologies are being used in creative and innovative ways to further feminist aims since the turn of the century” (p. 3).

The formation of these waves formation around affective temporality creates a connection between historical recognition and the search for answers to contemporary struggles (Chamberlain 2017). This implies an understanding of the need for comprehensive analyses that address diverse definitions of women and their multiple forms of oppression, which can only be truly understood through intersectionality, which has become the dominant framework at this moment, especially with the reach of digital media (Zimmerman 2017).

3. Women’s Strike: Following the 8M Movement

The 8M Movement defines itself as a feminist strike front that protests the inequalities that women face in society and the violence to which they are conditioned. This modern-day movement originated in 2016 against the illegality of abortion in Poland, uniting more than one hundred thousand women on the march, expanding to Argentina in opposition to misogyny violence, revolving around the murder of the young Lucía Pérez, chanting in chorus “Ni una a menos”, which became a watchword in other countries, consolidating a transnational movement (Arruzza et al. 2019).

During 2017, the movement’s guidelines also included a resistance against neoliberal policies promoted by extreme right-wing governments from the perspective that these governments attack LGBTQIAP+, deny the autonomy of women over their own bodies, and promote the rape culture through a traditionalist family protectionism, as Feminist International explains on its page.

In 2018, Spain reached the mark of six million people joining the strike, which allowed the movement greater notoriety and visibility, surprising the international media with the unexpected and unforeseen success (Campillo 2019). Therefore, the emergence and development of the Feminist Strike did not happen in isolation, but gradually structured over the years, becoming an unprecedented and international driving force for the feminist movement (Gago 2019).

In Portugal, the 8M demonstrations in 2019 accounted for 30,000 women spread across 13 Portuguese cities on the march against wage inequality and sexist culture. Each year the numbers increase: “it was not only women and non-binary people, but also men, who joined the impressive demonstrations” (Arruzza et al. 2019, p. 26), making the 8M Movement, in this way, the biggest world movement of women in recent decades.

Several academic studies have emerged from various fields of knowledge, examining the significance of 8M in the contemporary international feminist movement (e.g., Arruzza et al. 2019; Campillo 2019; Fernández et al. 2019; Mason-Deese 2020; Gago 2019). These studies acknowledge the particularities of each engagement with specific cultural geographies, highlighting the importance of 8M.

In terms of communication strategies, some studies have focused on the use of social media in mobilizing the 8M movement. For example, Fernádez-Romero and Sánchez-Duarte (2019) analyzed the resources utilized for disseminating and communicating the strike on Facebook at both national and regional levels.

Farné et al. (2022) examined the construction of the strike through the websites of organizing collectives in a comparative perspective between Portugal and Spain, highlighting that “the current repertoire of feminist actions occurs in a scenario characterized by the widespread use of digital communication” (p. 311).

In a study by Suárez-Carballo et al. (2021), an analysis was conducted on the Instagram platform to investigate its utilization within the context of the 8M movement in Spain, specifically focusing on the visual aspects of the images. Similarly, Lamartine and Cerqueira (2022) explored the thematic dimensions of the strike within the Portuguese framework, also utilizing the Instagram platform.

Reverter and Medina-Vicent (2022) explored media organization through Twitter, a widely studied social network in this context, as evidenced by Calvo et al. (2020), Idoiaga Mondragon et al. (2022), and Arnáiz and Filardo-Llamas (2020), particularly in Spain.

4. Materials and Methods

In order to understand how cyberfeminist communication is carried out for the mobilization of the Feminist Strike in Portugal, we decided to analyze the digital platforms of Rede 8 de Março, a political organization that called the strike in the country since its beginning, during the first four months of 2020 and 2021, providing a comparative perspective that would also reveal the incidence of themes, considering situated knowledge (Haraway 1988).

Upon preliminary examination, it was observed that the Rede 8 de Março is present on Portugal’s most popular digital platforms, according to the latest report from 4gnews1, besides also having its own website. Since its establishment in 2011, certain platforms have waned in use, including YouTube and the organization’s website itself, which has not been updated since 2020. Facebook and Instagram persist as the principal social media platforms utilized by the organization. On Facebook, the organization’s follower count exceeds 9.6 thousand, whereas on Instagram, it surpasses 5 thousand followers.

Nonetheless, it is evident to us that content production is not custom-tailored to each platform in isolation; rather, it is primarily curated for Instagram and subsequently replicated on Facebook, most of the time. This assertion was later corroborated by the activists who were interviewed as part of this study.

Therefore, we opted for a netnographic methodological approach to the organization’s profile on the Instagram platform, as netnography constitutes a fundamental tool for understanding events in the virtual space due to its (a) naturalistic nature; (b) immersive nature; (c) descriptive nature, capturing reality; (d) multimethod approach; and (e) adaptability, facilitating the study of different computer-mediated communication tools (Kozinets 2019).

According to this definition, communications undertaken in cyberspace are not merely content but rather social interactions imbued with intrinsic meanings and cultural products. To carry out netnography, careful planning, selection, and immersion in the field are necessary, followed by data collection and analysis.

In this regard, the choice of months was based on netnography’s participant observation notes, which revealed that January marked the beginning of the organization, February marked the start of mobilization, March was the month of the strike, and April marked the closure of the event that year. Therefore, the period of analysis was from January 1st to April 30th, and the data were extracted using the Phantombuster platform, resulting in a total of 178 posts. It is important to note, however, that the platform activity did not cease in April. However, considering the objective of this article, this period was deemed most appropriate.

In addition, to better understand the construction of communication within and outside the organization, we conducted exploratory semi-structured interviews with Rede 8 de Março’s activists. It is necessary to clarify that the organization operates through volunteer work; therefore, there is no hierarchical structure regarding the execution of activities and communication.

Thus, the request for an interview was placed on Rede 8 de Marços’s Instagram page, where the research purpose was explained, and consent was sought to uphold research ethics. The proposal underwent a collective discussion, considering the organization’s collective nature, resulting in the agreement of five women.

The interviews were conducted both in person and through the Zoom platform, with an average duration of approximately 1 h each. Although being a small group, the activists are diverse women between the ages of 20 and 48 from different parts of the country, including Latin American immigrants who were members of various working groups within the organization, which offers a comprehensive perspective of the Rede as a whole. It is noteworthy to mention that all participants self-identified as cisgender and white women.

To comply with the ethical points and the anonymity of each interviewee, a letter designation from A to E was assigned to each interviewee. Hereinafter, they will be referred to as “activist” followed by their respective assigned letter (e.g., activist C).

5. Results

Below, we present the extracted data and the activists’ responses to questions related to the communication of their platform in all its dimensions, both internally and externally. With our objective in mind, we organized our codes into three major areas: (1) institutional and internal communication, (2) the production of content for online dissemination on digital platforms, and (3) mobilization strategies and action repertoires.

5.1. Institutional and Internal Communication

During participant observation, it was seen that there was no fixed model of institutional communication. “We create a mailing list and send it to all contacts, whether they are collectives we know, political parties, or media” says activist B. Press releases are prepared for social media, explaining the reasons for organizing the Strike in Portugal, the location, time, and, of course, the route of the demonstration. “We gave some interviews, especially in 2019, which was the first year of the strike in Portugal, right after the success in Spain”, comments activist D, referring to the 2018 strike in the neighboring country of Spain, which organized a 24-h labor, education, care, and consumption women’s strike that brought about one million people to the streets of Madrid, surprising the international public opinion (Campillo 2019).

The tone of communication is primarily informal and accessible, but due to the autonomy of each nucleus in making their own publications, there is a certain difficulty in standardizing the messages, as stated by activists A and D. Nevertheless, the communication is designed and “made by women for women” (activist D), paying attention to inclusive language and the use of plural forms.

Regarding internal communication, we observed that the Rede 8 de Março is structured in a non-hierarchical manner and emphasizes a horizontal dynamic, composed of various collectives and individuals, divided into nuclei according to the adherent city (e.g., Lisbon Nucleus). For this purpose, they use WhatsApp as a practical communication tool for both organizational and internal communication.

WhatsApp is an application that allows the free exchange of text messages, images, videos, audios, and documents, with the possibility of creating groups, an opportunity that has been widely utilized by the organization, as explained by activist A: “WhatsApp is of great importance, there are several different groups […] and workgroups, including communication groups, have been created”.

Currently, the organization has a national group that encompasses fifteen other groups, including the nuclei of Algarve, Aveiro, Braga, Bragança, Chaves, Guimarães, Leiria, Lisbon, Porto, and Vila Real, in addition to logistics, politics, and communication groups.

Concerning content production, “on WhatsApp, we discuss what can be published and how […] and each Nucleus has its autonomy as long as it aligns with the Rede’s pillars”, says activist E. In a horizontal manner, volunteers suggest and discuss what will be shared on the organization’s social media platforms.

In addition to these discussions, it is also on WhatsApp that possible dates and locations for necessary meetings are discussed, that is, plenary sessions, demonstrations, and assemblies are scheduled. “With the pandemic [COVID-19], the use of WhatsApp has become increasingly frequent”, explained activist C.

It is important to mention, as we saw before, that there is an internal working group focused on communication activities, and they are responsible for creating a visual identity and captions, and deciding whether to repost any content or not.

5.2. Production of Content for Online Dissemination on Digital Platforms

As previously elucidated, it becomes apparent that content for digital platforms is not individually designed for each channel, but rather developed for Instagram and subsequently replicated on Facebook, as noted by activist B: “the focus is on Instagram, although more people reach us on Facebook”. The activists confirmed that this is because “people use Instagram more on a daily basis” (activist D), which amplifies activist strength, even though there is a risk of “armchair activists only appearing when it suits them” (activist A).

For this reason, to gauge posting frequency, we chose to analyze Rede 8 de Março’s Instagram account from a comparative perspective between 2020 and 2021, considering the impact of the pandemic on cyberfeminists. It is important to mention that in 2020, the 8M manifestation proceeded without hindrance, as the pandemic was not yet of extreme concern in the country.

In terms of publication, a significant growth can be observed. In 2020, Rede 8 de Março’s account had a total of 73 posts, while in 2021, that number increased to 105 posts. This increase was interpreted by activist E as a consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic itself, as “the way [Instagram] is used changed considerably with the pandemic in Portugal”, given the impossibility of conducting in-person meetings.

This can also be seen in the number of followers from one year to another. In 2020, the organization’s profile had just over four thousand followers, and in the following year, it surpassed five thousand followers, with an average of 117.2 likes in 2020 and 366.47 likes in 2021.

Regarding this point, the actual protest, the Feminist Strike, was the last demonstration that took place in Lisbon before the 2020 lockdown. “There were many people there, it was big, unlike the one in 2021”, recalled activist A, acknowledging that it was not possible to hold a large-scale protest due to the sanitary restrictions imposed by the government. However, there was a small gathering because “we were still very concerned about masks. I remember there were some young girls, and I kept telling them, ‘Please put on your masks’, shouting through the megaphone while wearing a mask myself” (activist D).

As for the posts’ content applicability, in 2020, the majority focused on manifestation calls (37), followed by informative posts (19), while in 2021, informative posts (39) and dissemination (34) stood out. “There is a lot of sharing now”, explained activist C regarding the dissemination numbers. This means that the production of specific content by Rede 8 de Março decreased compared to the previous year, with more content being shared from analogous collectives and partners, which becomes more evident when we look at the themes.

Unsurprisingly, in terms of themes, 8M appeared as the first one in both years (46 in 2020 and 44 in 2021), as it is the organization’s main motto, explaining its importance and pillars, with an emphasis on the care work pillar. Following that, we see the mention of gender-based violence, particularly femicide, with other branches such as domestic violence, sexism, rape, and gender-based political violence being addressed in 2021. Another evident topic is the issue of COVID-19. There were three publications in 2020 (all after the March 8th protest), and 12 publications in 2021 specifically addressing the impact of the pandemic on women’s lives, particularly concerning invisible labor and mental health.

Albeit timidly, intersectionality is another theme that was addressed. There is a mention and reference to the importance of using an intersectional approach and making it accessible on social media because “intersectionality came through social media bearing issues that had to be addressed. It is very beneficial for the movement, opening important discussions and enlightening people who would not see it due to prejudice”, commented activist B.

Although they address intersectionality with the intention of claiming the title of inclusive or intersectional feminism, there is a predominance of mainstream feminism and distancing from other identity representations, such as lesbians and transgender women, who have fewer than five appearances in both years combined. Activist E claimed the following: “There is ignorance on our part, and privilege… There were specific groups that said they didn’t accept it and that we should not make them invisible and, therefore, we should talk about Women”. Supporting this, activist C added, “I see a lot of incorrectness because it is us who have to make the spaces safe and inclusive, it is not the other person who has to enter our space and be subject to violence to transform this space into a safe one”.

Finally, we noticed that there is a certain white hegemony, both in terms of the interviewed activists (all identified as white) and in the publications themselves, confirming what activist A pointed out: “What is considered the feminist movement is still very white. There is a lot of black feminism, and it doesn’t have much representation [on digital platforms]. The space is very hostile”.

5.3. Mobilization Strategies and Action Repertoires

Since its beginning, Rede 8 de Março has been concerned with inviting public opinion at the heart of the debate. In this regard, the main strategy is the call for discussion, as explained by activist B: “Assemblies are public and always open to anyone who wants to participate, whether they are women or not”.

In 2020, in addition to using assemblies and social media platforms as mentioned above, the organization occupied public spaces, as expressed by activist D: “Occupying the streets is fundamental for the feminist movement”. To achieve this, a series of actions was undertaken, including the distribution of flyers, poster campaigns, artivism, and actions related to the consumption pillar in fast fashion stores, all aimed at mobilizing people for the street demonstration on March 8th.

Due to the pandemic, activists had to “relearn how to use cyberspace” (activist B) not only for dissemination but also for engagement. One of the resources used, in addition to digital platform posts, was live streaming, an Instagram practice that became very popular during the pandemic. This live stream was even the stage for the March 8th demonstration itself in 2021, but it did not have a wide reach, because “It can’t be just online. It excludes people who are not immersed in technology” (activist E).

A solution adopted by cyberfeminists to encourage participation was the digital campaign #HANGUPTHEAPRON, aimed at spreading the concept of care work as a form of labor that can be subject to strikes. The campaign called on followers to display their aprons and share photos on digital social media platforms. In this context, the feminist movement seeks to redefine the notion of work by highlighting the diverse unrecognized tasks that generate value and challenge the hierarchical division perpetuated by wage labor between workers and the unemployed (Gago 2019, p. 62).

This movement exposes the realities of labor that are rendered invisible and normalized in a society rooted in the patriarchal system. However, it is crucial to note that these experiences predominantly revolve around the caregiving responsibilities of white women, often excluding other racialized groups from consideration (Richardson et al. 2023). The #HANGUPTHEAPRON campaign received fewer than 100 mentions, according to Instagram’s search tool. In this regard, due to the low level of participation, activist C says: “we need to reinvent ourselves in terms of communication and, above all, mobilization, because social media doesn’t seem to fulfill the same role, and we need to find alternatives”.

6. Discussion

Most studies that link feminism and social movements with communication have focused on the relationship between these organizations and mainstream media, and their practices of bias and invisibility (Pineda et al. 2020; Cerqueira et al. 2023). Others have explored the use of social media by social movements and feminist collectives as a space for positioning, resistance, and interactivity (Idoiaga Mondragon et al. 2022; Fernádez-Romero and Sánchez-Duarte 2019; Reverter and Medina-Vicent 2022). However, we observe a gap in studies that explore how the movements themselves articulate internal communication and communicate with their audiences, whether at the institutional or digital level while recognizing and acting directly for their public.

Our paper focused on this absence, specifically in relation to feminist communication practices and organizational strategies. Herein, we sought to understand how cyberfeminists use new media to communicate and mobilize for the 8M (International Feminist Strike) in Portugal and to analyze if there were any changes in their approach from 2020 to 2021.

It was our concern to give voice to the individuals behind the organization, ensuring, in addition to the concept of “place of speech” (Ribeiro 2019), the possibility of understanding how the organization is structured and functions internally by those who know it best.

We found that internal communication is underpinned by WhatsApp’s utilization, which operates as a strategic instrument for both internal and organizational communication. This observation holds significance, particularly considering the findings from the Marktest2 study, which indicates that WhatsApp was employed by merely about 16% of the Portuguese population during the studied years. This adoption rate is in contrast to Facebook’s Messenger, which was favored as an application for casual chatting purposes.

Additionally, there is a focus on using inclusive and informal language, indicating a refusal of organizational formalism, as Castells ([2012] 2015) understands it as a cultural movement since the members are both organizers and activists, i.e., actors and subjects.

Regarding content production for online dissemination on digital platforms, we noticed the intention of cyberfeminists to connect with their audience, as stated by the activists. For this reason, they are present in the main digital social networks in Portuguese, although some platforms are preferred over others or may not be up-to-date due to a lack of technological and human investment, as all the work is performed voluntarily.

An important aspect of this study was the significant growth in Instagram usage. Cyberfeminists have not only witnessed an increase in their follower count but also a rise in engagement levels and the number of publications. Like our prior mention of WhatsApp, Instagram does not stand as the most widely utilized social media platform in Portugal, trailing behind Facebook and YouTube. It is intriguing to note the emphasis placed by feminists on this platform, viewing it as a realm for communication and mobilization. This accentuation underscores the necessity for further investigations delving into this platform within the feminist movement.

Furthermore, they harnessed the digital realm to conduct the manifestation amid the COVID-19 pandemic by live streaming the physical protest site on the streets. This strategic move serves to foster frameworks that facilitate a symbiotic relationship between street-based and digital activism (Fernández et al. 2019), forging connections among activists engaging both in-person and virtually.

The themes presented align with the international feminist agenda, confirming the transnationality discussed by Fraser (2007), as well as addressing specific issues related to the strike, such as gender violence, bodies, the right to choose, borders, the economy (Campillo 2019, p. 254), and the so-called fourth wave (Cochrane 2013; Munro 2013). In this context, it is worth underscoring the issue of care work, an 8M focal point, which was also addressed in the digital campaign #HANGUPTHEAPRON. This matter distinguishes this movement by redefining the notion of labor and emphasizing the heterogeneous tasks undertaken by women, often unrecognized as work. This challenges the hierarchical division between employed and unemployed individuals solely based on wage conditions (Gago 2019).

Considering the importance of social context and situated knowledge (Haraway 1988), the COVID-19 pandemic was an evident theme. As activist E put it, “it caused a significant disruption not only for the feminist movement but also for exclusively online political activism”. However, looking at the numbers, we see that this period allowed feminists to have a greater reach, bringing important issues such as mental health to the forefront and highlighting the lack of representation.

In this regard, we agree with Harvey (2020), who stated that the rise of digital culture requires the analysis of media forms in their unique contexts and how they can enable the visibility of gendered ideas. It is worth noting that the organization claims the definition of intersectionality and thus acknowledges the privilege of creating space for marginalized feminists (Cochrane 2013), although further efforts are needed to address the inherent white hegemony.

The action strategies reflect the premise of affective temporality, a pillar of fourth-wave feminism, driven by adaptable activism rooted in the solidarity of information (Chamberlain 2017). This fosters the collective nature of women’s struggles and seeks the recognition of diverse identities. The #HANGUPTHEAPRON campaign, assemblies, flyers, and artivism demonstrate that cyberfeminists operate with a constant link between digital and street activism (Zimmerman 2017).

In summary, the strategic use of alliances and simultaneous in-person and digital dialogues has become a fundamental encouragement for the continuation of the International Feminist Strike (Fernádez-Romero and Sánchez-Duarte 2019), despite the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic. This highlights the relevance of the 8M movement, an unprecedented driving force for all feminism (Gago 2019).

Our study had some limitations, starting with the pandemic period itself, which made it impossible to schedule and conduct a larger number of interviews with the activists of the organization. Additionally, access and participation in the WhatsApp application presented some obstacles to netnographic participant observation, both due to the excessive number of messages and the inability to join specific groups, such as the communication group itself.

In the future, it would be interesting to observe if the communication practices highlighted in this study continue to be utilized by the organization, especially as other platforms gain prominence, such as Telegram and TikTok. Additionally, it would be valuable to examine the post-pandemic period in terms of communication and at the interpersonal level since the Internet is no longer the only possible means of communication. Another aspect would be to understand the activists’ perceptions of the media itself and how it impacts internal and institutional communication.

7. Conclusions

In this study, it was possible to perceive that communication is seen as a strategic element within a feminist organization, especially considering the numerous possibilities offered by the Internet, which allows greater visibility and action repertoires.

The Portuguese 8M movement is built upon voluntary activism in a horizontal and non-hierarchical structure, where there are no rigid models of institutional communication, emphasizing a more informal language among women/activists. Internal communication is mediated by WhatsApp, which serves as a practical communication tool for organizational matters, discussing topics, scheduling assemblies, and organizing in-person and digital meetings.

The impact of COVID-19 on the 2021 strike and the demotivation expressed by activists are noteworthy. However, quantitatively, there is an evident surge in the utilization and leverage of Instagram, firmly establishing itself as the primary platform employed by cyberfeminists for campaigns and promotions, signifying a strategic mobilization approach. There was also a higher level of online engagement that was not observed in the in-person mode, reaffirming the need for symbolic occupation.

Finally, the 8M movement in Portugal aligns itself with the international feminist movement, exhibiting transnational and glocal characteristics within the realm of cyberfeminism, inherently linked to the fourth wave of feminism. Communication through cyberfeminism allows women to reclaim a space of empowerment, participation, and resistance, thereby spotlighting subjects that frequently remain unseen or disregarded by traditional media. Nonetheless, it should be noted that the incorporation of intersectional voices into public discourse might not always manifest as effectively as initially intended within the context of cyberfeminist communication.