1. Introduction
Urban expansion—as a considerable and universal phenomenon and a powerful force—has caused the most irreversible and artificial changes to global land use structures and landscape patterns [
1,
2]. Rapid urban expansion has improved the level of economic development and profoundly affected the surrounding rural areas, resulting in the transformation of urban–rural relationships and land use structures [
3] and a series of problems, such as urban traffic congestion, air pollution, housing shortages, and high housing prices [
4,
5]. Therefore, for urban planning and land management, a deep understanding of the sources, results, and driving forces of land use change is essential. Studying the driving forces of urban land expansion is extremely significant for formulating effective urban growth management policies and reducing or preventing the negative impact of unreasonable urban land expansion, urban spatial structure, and sustainable development [
6,
7].
Since the Reform and Opening Up, urban construction land in China has experienced substantial growth. In 2004, construction land totaled 30,781.28 km
2 [
8] and reached 56,075.90 km
2 in 2018 [
9], which was an 82.18% increase from 2004, and the average annual growth was 1806.76 km
2. Research shows that the growth rate of China’s large cities is much faster than that of small- and medium-sized cities [
10,
11,
12]. The rapid expansion of large cities has caused urban diseases, such as the shortage of urban transportation land and air pollution, alongside the loss of a large amount of high-quality agricultural land, especially arable land [
13]. China loses nearly 2000 km
2 of cultivated land every year due to urban expansion, producing more than 100 million land-lost farmers [
14] and separating rural people from their land, triggering many social conflicts, and deeply affecting national food security. Although central and local governments have adopted land management policies that strictly control the growth of urban construction land through urban and land use planning, urban land still maintains a trend of rapid growth [
15,
16]. Therefore, the mechanism of urban land expansion and its driving force in the formulation of effective urban land use containment policies are worthy of research.
China’s urban land expansion has become a hot topic within the government and academia [
17,
18,
19,
20]. Most studies use remote sensing data to measure the scale of urban expansion and analyze the expansion mode and spatial pattern. The results illustrate that Chinese cities present spatial patterns, such as mononuclear polygon patterns, mononuclear belt patterns, double-nucleated polygon-line patterns, multinuclear polygon patterns, and so on [
21,
22,
23], and some metropolises change from having a single center to multiple centers [
24,
25,
26]. Simultaneously, there is a high degree of temporal and spatial differences among China’s urban expansion. Dynamic expansion models, such as leapfrogging, linear, infilling, and edge expansion appear in different cities, and some large cities even expand using mixed modes, where several modes coexist [
27].
The influencing factors of land use changes are usually from a combination of elements, most of which constitute a mixture of natural factors (such as soil, topography, etc.) and human factors (such as economy, population, policy, etc.) [
17]. Extant analyses have formed a basic framework for the influencing factors of urban construction land expansion and have investigated the driving forces by assessing the natural conditions, location characteristics, economic factors, social factors, and policy factors, and select suitable variables to explore the influence of the different factors on urban land expansion [
28,
29]. The natural environment is a carrier of urban development and restricts the direction, scale, and development potential of urban construction land expansion, playing a leading role to some extent. For instance, the expansion of Chicago city—influenced by Lake Michigan—is an example of semicircular expansion [
30]. As natural factors that are relatively easy to quantify, topography, geomorphology, and soil are often used to describe the natural conditions of urban land. Among them, altitude and slope factors are the most commonly used factors, and most studies believe that they have a significant restrictive effect on the expansion of construction land [
31]. Simultaneously, some studies have also found that the limiting effect of natural conditions on the expansion of Chinese cities is gradually weakening [
32]. Moreover, it has been widely acknowledged that geographic location is an indispensable determinant of urban development and expansion. Globally, major cities are primarily distributed in coastal areas because of the advantages of the three types of traffic locations: sea, land, and air. Since accessibility represents the cost of land use decision-making, many studies choose location factors from the perspective of accessibility. The results indicate that there are differences in the direction and force of its impact on construction land expansion. Furthermore, while some studies use travel time to characterize regional accessibility [
28], more often investigated factors are the distances to the Central Business District, the road, and public transportation stations [
33]. Some studies have selected the distance to important locations in an area according to the characteristics of the study area [
34]. In terms of economy, some studies believe that economic growth plays a leading role in the expansion of construction land [
35,
36]. However, others have pointed out that there are regional differences in the impact of economic factors on the expansion of construction land, as in some regions, economic growth has little impact [
2]. Social factors are also considered to be vital in affecting the expansion of construction land, and it is generally believed that there is a positive correlation between changes in population density and size and the expansion of construction land [
37]. Economic and social laws behave differently in different places, which is often considered to be the reason that policy factors play a key role. In the process of economic and social transitions, extant studies generally suggest that policy and planning factors have noteworthy control over and a guiding role in China’s urban construction land expansion [
36,
38,
39]. Nevertheless, some studies have summarized that despite China’s strict land management policies, construction land continues to expand rapidly [
15,
16].
Although numerous studies have examined the spatial pattern, expansion mode, and driving force of urban land expansion in China, little is known about the differences among the different types of construction land expansion [
21,
35,
40,
41,
42]. This is a common gap existing in global research on this issue. In fact, a city is a multi-functional entity that encompasses living, employment, business, and leisure [
28,
43]. Different types of construction land expansion are very likely to be affected by different factors. Their expansion mechanism and government control strategies are also different. Therefore, it may cause deviations to only analyze construction land as a whole [
44]. For instance, in the past 20 to 30 years, China has adopted differentiated land use policies for corresponding urban land. For the sake of promoting economic development and attracting foreign investment, the central and local governments have established various development zones [
45,
46]. To attract investment, industrial land is often given to producers for free or even sold for negative land prices [
47]. Taking Beijing as an example, the Beijing municipal government, district and county governments, and township governments established more than 470 diverse development zones to attract foreign investment [
48]. To compensate for the loss of land rent from industrial land, the government monopolized the land market and used recruitment and auction methods to supply residential land, leading to a rapid increase in the price of residential land. Although the governments also tried to curb the excessive growth of housing prices through various housing purchase restrictions, these have demonstrated little effect [
19,
47]. Some studies have explored the driving mechanism of one or two types of construction land expansion within a city [
28,
49,
50]. However, a city is an organism that is composed of multiple functions with different requirements for urban location characteristics and land development conditions [
51,
52,
53]. It is thus necessary to explore and compare the spatial patterns and driving mechanisms of the different types of urban land. Only then can we truly construct an effective policy to restrain urban land expansion.
Another research gap in the literature on urban land expansion has been the ignorance of spatial correlation. An agglomeration economy is the fundamental driving force of urban development [
54,
55]. Different types of urban land have obvious spatial aggregation characteristics [
56]. The cluster of similar manufacturers can not only share infrastructure—such as roads, water supply, and power supply—and thus, reduce land use costs, but also share the labor market, various market information, and improve the labor productivity of enterprises [
55,
57,
58]. Previous studies have shown that land development within a city is affected by the adjacent land [
59]. Therefore, the influence of spatial correlation on urban construction land expansion cannot be ignored.
In view of these existing deficiencies, this study divides construction land into industrial, residential, public service, and commercial lands. Furthermore, it examines the driving forces and their differences in these four types of construction land expansion, adds spatial autocorrelation to the driving forces, and emphatically analyzes its impact on construction land expansion. Thus, the scientific questions studied herein are: (1) What are the factors that affect the transfer of non-construction land into industrial, residential, public service, and commercial land? Are there any differences between them? (2) Is the distribution of the newly added construction land affected by spatial autocorrelation?
The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. The second section elaborates on the research area, data, and methods in detail. The third section systematically generalizes the results and is divided into two subsections: the spatial pattern and driving force analysis of construction land expansion. The final section presents the conclusions and corresponding policy implications.
4. Conclusions and Policy Implications
This study subdivided construction land and quantitatively analyzed the spatial patterns and driving factors of four types of construction land expansion in Beijing from 2001 to 2010 by using an autologistic model. The results showed remarkable differences in the spatial distribution of the four types of newly developed construction land. First, there are significant differences in the expansion area of the four types of construction land. The expansion scale ranks as follows: industrial land > public service land > residential land > commercial land. Second, the newly developed construction land far from the city center is mainly industrial land, while that in areas close to the city center is mainly residential land and commercial land, which indicates the geographical differentiation of different types of construction land expansion. Third, there is significant spatial agglomeration in construction land expansion, though different types of urban land tend to concentrated in different areas.
New knowledge on the driving forces of urban land expansion is further provided: (1) The main influencing factors vary greatly across different types of urban land expansion. The main factors affecting the expansion of industrial land are topography and accessibility. Residential and commercial land expansion is significantly affected by the distance to the district government, the distance to the village committee, population density change, and economic activity. The expansion of public service land is mainly affected by the distance to the governments at the different levels and the bus stops. (2) The same factor may have different impacts on different types of construction land. For instance, the closer the distance to the district government, the more conducive it is to the expansion of public service land and commercial land, but this is not conducive to the development of residential land. Although the distance to the bus station has a significant negative impact on the expansion of the four types of construction land, its effect on the expansion of commercial land is significantly greater than that of the other three types. (3) Both planning and spatial autocorrelation have significant effects on the four types of construction land expansion. General land use planning has a good guiding effect on the expansion of construction land in Beijing. The spatial autocorrelation variables have the greatest impact among all the factors, indicating that the same type of construction land tends to be distributed in geographically close areas to form an agglomeration economy. These two conclusions are suitable for all types of urban land development. These results illustrate the importance of studying the expansion of different types of construction land and highlighted the great impact of spatial autocorrelation on construction land expansion, which provides another novel aspect for relevant research.
Based on the results of this study, the following policy recommendations are proposed. Firstly, different planning schemes should be formulated for different types of construction land. It was found in this study that the distribution characteristics of the different types of construction land and the influencing factors of expansion are significantly different. Therefore, the main driving forces of the different types of construction land expansion should be considered in policymaking to establish appropriate plans for each type. For example, industrial land is greatly affected by the distance to the bus station and the distance to the road, so the development of industrial land should be designated in an area with better accessibility. Residential land tends to be distributed in areas with high population density and economic activity, so appropriate space should be reserved for residential land development when planning.
Secondly, land policy can better serve agglomerative development of urban economy. The spatial agglomeration effect of construction land is beneficial for saving development costs and maximizing resource utilization. For example, the aggregation of public service land can improve the convenience of citizens; the aggregation of residential land is conducive to community management and the construction of supporting facilities. The agglomeration of industrial land is beneficial for reducing the cost of factory construction and raw material transportation, and the agglomeration of commercial land is helpful for the formation of an agglomeration economy. It was proved in this research that expansion of the four types of construction land has a spatial agglomeration effect, and spatial autocorrelation factors have major effects on the distribution of newly added construction land. Therefore, municipal governments can better use land policy to facilitate agglomerative development of the urban economy.
Finally, multiple local conditions can help city governments more effectively manage the expansion of construction land. The expansion of construction land in rapidly developing cities like Beijing has taken up a large amount of land in suburban areas, but not all of it has been used rationally. To adapt the expansion scale of construction land to the speed of urban development, municipal governments should actively adjust the land use structure and plan the urban spatial layout, make full use of the existing construction land, rationally control the expansion of construction land, and promote the sustainable use of land resources. In accordance with local conditions, the government can better formulate urban land use management policies with corresponding regional characteristics. The government should also comprehensively consider the joint effects of the natural and social economic factors in the region and predict suitable types of construction land for urban development according to local conditions. Different cities have different conditions, and the structure of land use is also different. Therefore, in view of these differences among cities, their development status should be combined to formulate land use management policies that conform to their characteristics.