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19 pages, 4350 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Analyzing the Emotions That News Agencies Express towards Candidates during Electoral Campaigns: 2018 Brazilian Presidential Election as a Case of Study

by Rogerio Olimpio da Silva, Juan Carlos Losada and Javier Borondo

Soc. Sci. 2023, 12(8), 458; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12080458 - 17 Aug 2023

Viewed by 2128

Abstract

Since online social networks play an increasingly important role in the final voting decision of each individual, political parties and candidates are changing the way of doing politics and campaigning, increasing their digital presence. In this paper, we propose a methodology to analyze [...] Read more.

Since online social networks play an increasingly important role in the final voting decision of each individual, political parties and candidates are changing the way of doing politics and campaigning, increasing their digital presence. In this paper, we propose a methodology to analyze and measure the emotions that news agencies express on social media towards candidates and apply it to the 2018 Brazilian elections. The presented method is based on a sentiment analysis and emotion mining by means of machine learning and Natural Language Processing approaches such as Naïve Bayes classification and Stemming calculation. We found that if doing basic sentiment detection, nearly all posts are neutral. However, when we analyze emotions, following Ekman’s six basic emotions, we do not find neutrality but clear and identifiable emotions. Next, we present and discuss the associative patterns between news agencies and presidential candidates. Finally, since the candidate that captured the highest and most negative attention emerged victorious in the elections, we discuss the potential importance of having a social media presence, regardless of generating positive or negative emotions. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

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15 pages, 592 KiB

Open AccessArticle

January 6^th and De-Democratization in the United States

by Ernesto Castañeda and Daniel Jenks

Soc. Sci. 2023, 12(4), 238; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040238 - 17 Apr 2023

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 5188

Abstract

The events of January 6^th were a clear example of threats to American democracy. De-democratization is a process that preceded Trump’s election and that can still be seen in the United States and around the world. Social theorist Charles Tilly wrote about [...] Read more.

The events of January 6^th were a clear example of threats to American democracy. De-democratization is a process that preceded Trump’s election and that can still be seen in the United States and around the world. Social theorist Charles Tilly wrote about how becoming a democracy is not a unidirectional, one-time event or goal, but a non-linear process. This paper analyzes developments in the United States that signal rises and falls in the level of democracy over the last several decades. It discusses Donald Trump’s rise to power, the insurrection on January 6^th, 2021, and the state of inclusion of ethnoracial minorities in the United States. It uses Tilly’s proposed processes of democratization and de-democratization. This more nuanced understanding of democracy and state–society relations helps avoid celebratory stances about the promise of electoral politics as well as pessimistic assessments about the imminent arrival of fascism and authoritarianism. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

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14 pages, 283 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Women’s Political Citizenship in Tunisia: The May 2018 Municipal Elections and the Gender Gap

by Soumaya Abdellatif

Soc. Sci. 2023, 12(3), 150; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12030150 - 3 Mar 2023

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 1726

Abstract

The 2018 municipal elections in Tunisia were the first to be held after the 2011 Arab Spring revolution. A new 2017 law required gender parity on electoral lists, even for positions at the top of those lists. However, women were wary of being [...] Read more.

The 2018 municipal elections in Tunisia were the first to be held after the 2011 Arab Spring revolution. A new 2017 law required gender parity on electoral lists, even for positions at the top of those lists. However, women were wary of being thrust into the political fray, and many felt they were being tokenized. What is the possibility of a new generation of female politicians emerging in such a context? To uncover the factors and motivations behind the transition from non-participation to participation, I interviewed six women candidates of different political parties and conducted a focus group with eight Tunisian women who professed to be “not interested in politics”. Compulsory gender parity might foster women’s political participation in quantitative terms, but qualitatively, especially with the tokenizing male practice of nominating women candidates and expecting their “docile compliance,” this policy effectively maintains and reinforces gendered stereotypes about political competence. My findings show that women move back and forth across the spectrum from “high participation” to “politically disengaged”. Furthermore, their relationship to political participation is best described as a cyclical process marked by punctual commitments and which can be hindered by internal and external factors or periods of hibernation. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

15 pages, 6596 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Knock, Knock! The Next Wave of Populism Has Arrived! An Analysis of Confirmations, Denials, and New Developments in a Phenomenon That Is Taking Center Stage

by Daniele Battista

Soc. Sci. 2023, 12(2), 100; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12020100 - 14 Feb 2023

Cited by 5 | Viewed by 2657

Abstract

Giorgia Meloni has long been one of the most important figures on the political scene. Her strength has been, from the very beginning, clear and effective communication, combined with a populist style based on the credibility of her path. Our contribution will attempt [...] Read more.

Giorgia Meloni has long been one of the most important figures on the political scene. Her strength has been, from the very beginning, clear and effective communication, combined with a populist style based on the credibility of her path. Our contribution will attempt to highlight the interweaving that links this discipline to the complex and varied representation of populism. The analyses are based on extensive documentation of data for a period from July 2020 to September 2022, the month in which the vote was held in Italy. This periodisation allowed us to have a broad view of the phenomenon and a consequent linear picture of the state of the art. Moreover, in this way, we were able to cover three years of particularly intense political debate, allowing us to outline the underlying motivations that led to electoral success. Based on existing research, the phenomena are described and then framed in relation to the social and political context in which they were experienced, taking into account the interconnection with communication. In this sense, this contribution aims to introduce a perspective that corrects most analyses in this field, which assume that populist parties have lost ground in Europe with the advent of the pandemic. In fact, this study argues that the communication strategies linked to some of Giorgia Meloni’s political choices, including all forms of populism, have generally succeeded in attracting greater public interest while maintaining the characteristics of a phenomenon with pop traits that favoured its rise. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

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21 pages, 4533 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Sailing Uncharted Waters with Old Boats? COVID-19 and the Digitalization and Professionalization of Presidential Campaigns in Portugal

by José Santana-Pereira, Hugo Ferrinho Lopes and Susana Rogeiro Nina

Soc. Sci. 2023, 12(1), 45; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12010045 - 13 Jan 2023

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 3491

Abstract

This article investigates the extent to which the COVID-19 pandemic fostered significant shifts in election campaigning. The argument is that COVID-19 might have had an impact on both digitalization and professionalization, which might have been regarded as necessary strategies to curb the difficulties [...] Read more.

This article investigates the extent to which the COVID-19 pandemic fostered significant shifts in election campaigning. The argument is that COVID-19 might have had an impact on both digitalization and professionalization, which might have been regarded as necessary strategies to curb the difficulties brought about by the pandemic. We apply a most similar systems design with a threefold comparative scheme in order to capture and isolate such effects in the campaigns preceding the 2021 Portuguese presidential elections, using data from campaign spending, campaign activities, and social media activity and impact. Results show that the pandemic crisis has not, generally speaking, brought about a higher level of digitalization of electoral campaigns, in spite of online events having become more common. On the contrary, while there were signs of feebler patterns of normalization of online competition in 2021 vis-à-vis 2016, namely in terms of engagement, normalization was stronger after the lockdown than before. Lastly, relative investment in professionalization was similar in 2016 and 2021, and the difference between the budgeted and the actual investment in 2021 cannot be attributed to the worsening of the pandemic situation or to the lockdown. In sum, we depict a scenario of remarkable stability of the electoral campaigns put forward by presidential candidates in terms of digitalization and professionalization. Its possible causes and consequences are discussed. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

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20 pages, 1213 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Digital News and Political Tweets in the Lower Austrian Municipal Elections: A Case Study on Digital Journalism and Political Communication

by Thomas J. Lampoltshammer, Gabriele De Luca and Lőrinc Thurnay

Soc. Sci. 2023, 12(1), 18; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12010018 - 28 Dec 2022

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2883

Abstract

In this paper, we study the problem of agenda setting by news media in relation to the political discourse by politicians at the time of local elections. We first evaluate the applicability of the agenda-setting theory against the theory of policy agenda building [...] Read more.

In this paper, we study the problem of agenda setting by news media in relation to the political discourse by politicians at the time of local elections. We first evaluate the applicability of the agenda-setting theory against the theory of policy agenda building to determine the possible alternative directions for constructing a political agenda at the time of elections. Namely, we identify a non-linear interaction between news organizations, politicians, and the general public during the electoral campaign. This interaction, in turn, shapes the dynamic evolution of the public discourse concerning politics, and it is characterized by high sensitivity to initial conditions and non-linearity. Then, we attempt to identify the presence of an evolutionary trajectory of the political discourse in Lower Austria at the time of elections by observing whether, as the time of an election approaches, the interaction between news organizations and politicians flattens and becomes more linear without the news or the politicians causing the agenda of the other to be set accordingly. Finally, we provide a new methodology for identifying the topics contained in such an agenda so that empirical verification of the proposed hypothesis becomes possible. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

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14 pages, 343 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Emancipatory Urban Citizenship Regimes in Postpandemic Catalonia, Scotland, and Wales

by Igor Calzada

Soc. Sci. 2022, 11(12), 569; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci11120569 - 2 Dec 2022

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 3660

Abstract

Wide tensions regarding the organization of nation-state power have been triggered over the last years in the UK and Spain. By contrast, in the UK, (i) the plebiscite on Scottish Independence has been characterized since 2014 so far by a regular hegemony of [...] Read more.

Wide tensions regarding the organization of nation-state power have been triggered over the last years in the UK and Spain. By contrast, in the UK, (i) the plebiscite on Scottish Independence has been characterized since 2014 so far by a regular hegemony of the SNP in Scotland, and (ii) more recently, distinct resilient responses to tackle COVID-19 have dramatically shifted perceptions about the potential constitutional arrangements in Wales partially opposing a state-centric vision of the UK. By contrast, the role played by the constitutionally illegal but socially constitutive referendum in Catalonia on 1 October 2017, remarkably provoked the re-emergence of the Spanish far-right narrative through the surge of the new political party called Vox. In both cases, the urban in Glasgow, Cardiff, and Barcelona has been shaping various oppositions to state-centric agendas, and such oppositions have shaped elections in the UK and Spain. This article sheds light on the distinct, emerging, and emancipatory urban citizenship regimes in Catalonia, Scotland, and Wales, particularly illustrating the roles that Barcelona, Glasgow, and Cardiff, respectively, are playing in articulating a counter-reaction by rescaling a state-centric vision. This article employs past elections’ evidence to illustrate such regimes amid postpandemic times in datafied states. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

24 pages, 1838 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Spatial Analysis of the Voting Patterns in the South Korean General Elections of 2016

by Hyun-Chool Lee and Alexandre Repkine

Soc. Sci. 2022, 11(9), 389; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci11090389 - 30 Aug 2022

Cited by 4 | Viewed by 2737

Abstract

In this study we analyze the spatial patterns in the South Korean voting behavior in the context of the 2016 general election along with the socio-economic determinants of the South Korean voters’ choice. To this end we applied spatial econometric analysis to a [...] Read more.

In this study we analyze the spatial patterns in the South Korean voting behavior in the context of the 2016 general election along with the socio-economic determinants of the South Korean voters’ choice. To this end we applied spatial econometric analysis to a unique dataset on the outcomes of the 2016 general elections in South Korea at a highly disaggregate level of 229 provinces. Our empirical model accounts for three types of spatial dependence in the data that has to do with the fact that geographic proximity may imply similar voting behavior. Our empirical findings align well with the existing evidence on South Korean voting behavior, in particular regarding the influence produced by the voters’ region of origin, and their age. Surprisingly, we do not find economic characteristics such as the regional income per capita or the rate of unemployment to produce a statistically significant effect on South Korean voters’ choice. However, our results imply that a sound fiscal policy by the local government may act as a signaling device distinguishing between a conservative and a liberal political agenda. Our finding of the older voters leaning towards the conservative edge of the political spectrum suggests that the “silver democracy” now actively discussed in the South Korean media is increasingly assuming more conservative traits. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

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35 pages, 1583 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Relationship of Work-Related Stress and Offline Social Leisure on Political Participation of Voters in the United States

by Oldřich Šubrt

Soc. Sci. 2022, 11(5), 206; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci11050206 - 10 May 2022

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 4951

Abstract

In the United States (US), citizens’ political participation is 15%. Contemporary psychological models explaining political participation are based on education and socioeconomic status, which are unable to explain the overall low political participation figures. The study suggests a holistic approach, with two societal [...] Read more.

In the United States (US), citizens’ political participation is 15%. Contemporary psychological models explaining political participation are based on education and socioeconomic status, which are unable to explain the overall low political participation figures. The study suggests a holistic approach, with two societal tendencies: increasing work-related stress and diminishing offline social leisure, together with a mediating effect of participatory efficacy to assess associations with the political participation of US voters. The quantitative correlational study uses structural equation modelling (SEM) analysis on the General Social Survey representative sample of US voters (N = 295, M_age = 44.49, SD = 13.43), controlled for education and socioeconomic status. Work-related stress was not significantly associated with political participation (β = 0.08, p = 0.09). Offline social leisure was positively associated with political participation (β = 0.28, p < 0.001). The mediating effect of participatory efficacy on the relationship between offline social leisure and political participation was positive and significant (β = 0.05, p < 0.001). Additional analyses, regression and SEM on the European Social Survey sample (N = 27,604) boosted internal and external validity. Results indicate that offline social leisure is more predictive than education and socioeconomic status, showing that examining societal trends leads to a better understanding of political participation. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Elections and Political Campaigns in Times of Uncertainty)

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