1. Introduction
In radiation protection, the precautionary principle is a backbone of risk policy. In line with this maxim, precautionary messages regarding the use of mobile communication devices are disseminated by radiation health authorities in various countries, e.g. in Australia, Austria, France, Germany and the United Kingdom [
1,
2,
3,
4,
5]. The term precaution itself can be defined in different ways; indeed there exist many different versions of the so called precautionary principle, some of them weaker and others stronger (see for example [
6,
7,
8,
9]). With the provision of precautionary messages, public health authorities aim at providing protection without unduly increasing concern. What is seen as a “reasonable amount” of concern is debatable for any kind of risk, of course. Nevertheless, when comparing proven health risks like smoking and uncertain risks like exposure to radiofrequency electromagnetic fields (RF-EMFs) used in mobile telecommunications, it is obvious that for the former, increasing risk perceptions seems a reasonable goal, while for the latter the benefit of increasing risk perceptions is less clear. Thus, the proportionality of public concern and the risk at hand should be kept in mind when informing about risks and precautions.
Yet desired effects and the effects that risk communication efforts factually have on their recipients are two different things. Mostly unexpected by radiation health authorities, precautionary communication regarding potential health effects of exposure to RF-EMFs used in mobile telecommunications has been shown to increase recipients’ risk perception about RF-EMFs [
10,
11,
12,
13,
14]. This effect seems to be robust, as it has been shown with different kinds of messages and by different researchers. However, one study [
15], using information brochures as stimuli, did not find an effect of precautionary messages. In that study, information about RF-EMFs and mobile phone and base station radiation patterns increased mobile phone risk perception, regardless of whether there were additional precautionary recommendations. Furthermore, limiting the generalizability of the effect, most of the studies reporting it have been conducted with ad-hoc [
10,
13] or student samples [
11,
12], a limitation that the current study intends to overcome.
Still, until recently, how precautionary messages increase recipients’ concerns about potential health effects has not been investigated in depth. A recent study found that the effect is dependent on recipient characteristics [
16], but cognitive or affective processes involved in the effect remain unknown. Furthermore, and more interesting from a practical risk communication perspective, it is also unknown whether precautionary messages can be amended such that they do not unintentionally increase participants’ risk perception. The current study attempts to answer the latter question. The practical implications of this research are clear—if there is a way to amend precautionary recommendations so that they do not unintentionally increase participants’ risk perceptions, then these amendments should be applied to precautionary communication. If there is no way to reduce the concern-increasing effect of precautionary messages, then authorities need to reconsider their communication practice regarding, at least, the handling of public RF-EMF related concerns and worries. Of course, the above assumes that increasing concern is not a desired outcome of the precautionary message, but this may not always be the case. For example, heightened concern can be seen as a facilitating condition for applying precautionary behaviours (in line with Roger’s Protection Motivation Theory outlined below), and so if communicators want recipients to carry out the recommended protective behaviours, then the heightened concern would be a desired effect. However, for the purpose of this paper, in relation to RF-EMFs, it is assumed that the goal is not to “increase concern in order to encourage protective behaviours”.
1.1. Two Potential Ways to Alter Precautionary Messages
1.1.1. Inconsistency of Precautionary Messages
From our perspective, there are two conceivable reasons for the countervailing concern-increasing effect of precautionary communication. The first one is inherent to the logic of any precautionary message. Precautionary messages inform about already implemented precautions (e.g. by a government) or about precautions that should be implemented in the future (e.g. by the message recipient) due to potential health risks. That is, precautionary messages do, either implicitly or explicitly, suggest a health risk. The second reason has to do with the communication of uncertainty. As Longman et al. (2012) [
17] have shown, communicating uncertainty results in increased risk perceptions and decreased perceived credibility. Communicating precautionary messages may, therefore, undermine the trust established in exposure guidelines, as already feared by the WHO in 2000 [
18]. That is, it is not necessarily logical for people to believe both that the guidelines protect from detrimental health effects, and that precautionary measures are needed. Past qualitative research [
19] suggests that message recipients notice and interpret this inconsistency. In that focus group study, participants mentioned that “it’s quite contradictory to say that there are none [no evidence of risk] and then to recommend caution”. Timotijevic and Barnett [
19] also reported participants voicing their suspicions (“I’m sure they know more than they’re letting on”). Although the study provides no explicit link between the perceptions of inconsistency and these suspicions, it seems plausible that the former gives rise to the latter.
Wiedemann, Boerner and Claus (2016) [
20] propose a theoretical explanation for the role of inconsistency in the effect of precautionary messages. They assume that the inconsistency of the message results in a state of cognitive dissonance [
21], and that this dissonance amplifies one’s risk perception. This dissonance can be reduced by questioning the claim that the existing limit values for RF-EMF exposure protect public health, or by questioning the claim that precautionary measures are needed. The questioning of the first claim should result in increasing one’s risk perception.
In the current study, we address this issue by disclosing a potential rationale behind the communication of the precautionary measures so as to reduce the perception of inconsistency (i.e. providing concerned people with a measure to reduce their exposure to RF-EMFs should they wish to reduce it, rather than it being recommended because the science shows that it will reduce risk; see
Appendix A for the wording). Our hypothesis pertaining to message consistency is that reducing the precautionary message’s potential to be perceived as inconsistent will reduce risk perception, compared to a precautionary message without the text to reduce the apparent inconsistency.
1.1.2. Belief in the Effectiveness of Precautionary Measures
A classical theory of health behaviour is protection motivation theory (PMT) [
22,
23]. The PMT was developed to investigate the effects of a specific kind of health risk message: fear appeals. The theory was developed by Ronald W. Rogers who was the first to postulate three essential components of a fear appeal, namely: (1) the probability that a threat would occur; (2) its magnitude of noxiousness; and (3) the effectiveness of the recommended response [
22]. These message components are able to influence the central cognitive constructs that in turn influence protection motivation. In a revised model [
23], the central cognitive constructs of PMT, a threat appraisal and a coping appraisal, are each determined by several variables. Threat appraisal is determined by the perceived severity of a threat, the perceived vulnerability to that threat and intrinsic or extrinsic rewards of a maladaptive behaviour. The coping appraisal is determined by the perceived efficacy of a (protective) behaviour, a person’s self-efficacy and the response costs.
While PMT tries to predict protective behaviour or behavioural intentions, our main variable of interest in the context of precautions against the potential health effects of exposure to RF-EMFs is risk perception. Hence, we suggest an effect that has not been modelled in PMT—namely a direct relation between perceived efficacy and risk perception (or “threat appraisal” as it is termed in PMT). Positing this relationship seems generally plausible, given that the relation between efficacy appraisal and threat appraisal has been a major point of discussion in PMT [
24] (see also the paragraph about conditional risk perception measurement below). Further, it seems a reasonable approach for investigating the effects of RF-EMF precautionary information specifically.
In order to understand how PMT may be relevant in the case of RF-EMFs from mobile communication devices, it is important to note that there are some common misconceptions among lay people regarding RF-EMF exposure patterns [
25]: (1) exposure is erroneously believed to decrease linearly, and not with the inverse square of the distance from the source; and (2) the relative contribution of base stations to overall exposure is overestimated, and hence the contribution of mobile phones underestimated. Consistent with this view, concerns about RF-EMFs emitted by base stations are higher than concerns about RF-EMFs from mobile phones [
12,
16,
25,
26]. In fact, many people do not appreciate that their mobile phone itself is a small base station [
25]. Thus, it would be expected that recipients underestimate the effectiveness of precautionary measures communicated by radiation health authorities because these aim at increasing a person’s distance to the mobile phone or at reducing the strength of the RF-EMF emitted by the phone. Our hypothesis pertaining to the effectiveness of the precautions thus states that emphasizing the effectiveness of precautionary measures by: (1) explaining the importance of the distance variable; and (2) explaining that mobile phones are responsible for a larger share of personal exposure than base stations, would attenuate the precautionary message’s potential to increase risk perception.
Claassen et al. (2015) [
27] conducted a study providing their participants with similar information. One of their text modules explained the distance-exposure relationship and also the relative contribution of nearby EMF sources (e.g. mobile phones) versus sources that are far away (e.g. base stations). In contrast to the current study, Claassen et al. [
27] focused on mere knowledge provision and did not use these facts to explain the relative effectiveness of precautionary measures. They did not find an effect of this text module on risk perception. However, given the rather small effect sizes of information provision on risk perception reported in previous studies [
12,
16], this study might have been underpowered with an N = 245 and a 2 × 2 × 2 group design. Furthermore, we think that communicating this information in order to explain the effectiveness is likely to change its effect.
1.2. A Methodological Issue: Conditional Risk Perception Measurement in Studies Testing Communications of Precautionary or Protective Measures
Risk perception is usually measured with one or more items that simply ask participants how risky, dangerous or threatening a particular situation or behaviour is. According to Ronis (1992) [
28] and van der Velde et al. (1996) [
29] this type of measurement captures people’s unconditional risk perception. “Unconditional” refers to the fact that it remains unknown if participants include the possibility of taking precautionary or protective actions in their rating. Opposed to this, van der Velde et al. [
29] suggest that measures of conditional risk perception should be applied more often. Conditional risk perception measures are more closely related to the concepts used in various social cognitive models [
24,
28,
30,
31], among them the Protection Motivation Theory. An item capturing conditional risk perception either explicitly asks for the risk estimate “without precautions” (e.g. “How dangerous do you think the electromagnetic fields from mobile phones are while talking on the phone without using any precautionary measures?”) or “if precautions are taken” (e.g. “How dangerous do you think the electromagnetic fields from mobile phones are while talking on the phone if precautionary measures that you deem appropriate are used?”). We think that this distinction is very important in research studying the effects of the communication of precautionary or protective measures (i.e. the communication of measures against a proven risk) as an unconditional measurement is not able to tap potentially important processes. For instance, one person could think that exposure to RF-EMFs is very risky if no precautionary measures are taken (high conditional risk 1), but because she or he also thinks that there are effective precautionary measures at hand (low conditional risk 2), he or she may judge the unconditional risk as low. Another person might not include their view of conditional risk 2 in his or her rating of the unconditional risk and hence give a high risk estimate. This example shows that it can be quite difficult to interpret unconditional risk perception measures. Notably, all studies that have looked at the effects of precautionary messages about RF-EMFs have so far used unconditional risk perception measures [
10,
11,
12,
13,
14,
15,
16].
Thus, in general, it is difficult to disentangle whether unconditional risk perceptions “drive health-protective intentions or whether these intentions are used to infer risk perceptions” [
24]. To get a clearer picture of participants’ actual risk perceptions, we will therefore analyse conditional risk perception measures in the current study. To ensure the comparability with former studies, we will also analyse unconditional measures and compare these with the conditional measures. In the following hypotheses section every hypothesis is stated specifically for each of the three risk perception measures (unconditional risk perception, conditional risk perception without precautions and conditional risk perception if precautions are taken).
1.3. Hypotheses
Hypothesis 1 (replication):
In line with previous research, we hypothesise that risk perception will be higher after reading a precautionary message than after a basic message which does not contain precautionary information. The effect should be observed for unconditional risk perception (UR) and conditional risk perception without precautions (CR1). We do not expect to find the effect for conditional risk perception if precautions are taken (CR2). In fact, new knowledge about the measures might even cause CR2 to be lower after the precautionary message. As previous studies used UR measures, the replication with the unconditional measure (hypothesis 1a) can be regarded as a “literal replication” according to the terminology of replications introduced by Kelly, Chase and Tucker (1979) [
32]. Hypotheses 1b and 1c test the effect of the same experimental variation on dependent variables that have previously not been used. In the terminology of Kelly et al. [
32], this can be called an operational replication.
Hypothesis 1a: URprecaution > URbasic message
Hypothesis 1b: CR1precaution > CR1basic message
Hypothesis 1c: CR2precaution ≤ CR2basic message
The previous studies on the effects of precautionary messages were based on a simple factorial design. Here, the decisive factor referred to precaution, and, usually, two experimental conditions are used: a basic text about how the exposure guidelines protect health, and a precautionary text that informs about additional precautionary measures [
12]. Following the basic concept of the Solomon four group design, it seems useful to add a further treatment step. It consists of a group that receives no information at all about RF-EMFs in mobile telecommunications. This allows one to test for an effect of the basic message stating the safety of the current exposure limits. Such an effect is plausible on the basis of former studies (cf. [
33]) and useful to investigate as, to our knowledge, this “safety” basic message forms part of many risk communication efforts by national health authorities.
Hypothesis 2 (no message baseline):
For the comparison of the basic message with the condition of not reading any text at all, we expect the same pattern as for the comparison of the precautionary message with the basic message UR and CR1. We expect the basic message also to increase CR2.
Hypothesis 2a: URbasic message > URno message
Hypothesis 2b: CR1basic message > CR1no message
Hypothesis 2c: CR2 basic message > CR2no message
Hypothesis 3 (consistency):
Regarding the consistency amendment of the precautionary message, we hypothesise that risk perception will be lower after the consistent precautionary message than after the original precautionary message. This effect should be observed for unconditional risk perception (UR) and conditional risk perception without precautions (CR1). It was not quite clear to us as to how increased message consistency might influence conditional risk perception if precautions are taken (CR2). We therefore hypothesise that we will not find an effect.
Hypothesis 3a: URprecaution > URconsistent precaution
Hypothesis 3b: CR1precaution > CR1consistent precaution
Hypothesis 3c: CR2precaution = CR2consistent precaution
Hypothesis 4 (effectiveness):
Regarding the effectiveness amendment of the precautionary message, we hypothesise that risk perception will be lower after the precautionary message containing effectiveness information than after the original precautionary message. This effect should be observed for unconditional risk perception (UR) and conditional risk perception if precautions are applied (CR2). However, for the judgement of conditional risk perception, if precautions are not applied (CR1), the effectiveness amendment should not make any difference.
Hypothesis 4a: URprecaution > UReffective precaution
Hypothesis 4b: CR1precaution = CR1effective precaution
Hypothesis 4c: CR2precaution > CR2effective precaution
Hypotheses 3 and 4 concern the specific effects of two additional text modules. However, in practice, the two types of information might be communicated together. Communicating both the consistency and effectiveness information may be useful to ensure that, if different recipients find different types of additional information important, then in this case all recipients would avoid unduly increasing their concern. Additionally, studying the effect of the combination of both text modules allows us to test the hypothesised pattern of influence of each text on each of the conditional variables once more. That is, while the effectiveness is assumed to influence CR2 but not CR1, consistency is hypothesised to act conversely.
Hypothesis 5 (consistency plus effectiveness):
We hypothesise that the combination of the consistency and effectiveness information will lead to decreased scores on all three risk perception variables, compared with each of the consistency and effectiveness conditions separately. The exceptions are that the additional effectiveness information is not hypothesised to influence CR1 and that the additional consistency information is not assumed to influence CR2.
Hypothesis 5a: | (1) UReffective + consistent precaution < URconsistent precaution and |
| (2) UReffective + consistent precaution < UReffective precaution |
Hypothesis 5b: | (1) CR1effective + consistent precaution = CR1consistent precaution and |
| (2) CR1effective + consistent precaution < CR1effective precaution |
Hypothesis 5c: | (1) CR2effective + consistent precaution < CR2consistent precaution and |
| (2) CR2effective + consistent precaution = CR2effective precaution |
4. Discussion
This study extended previous research that showed that precautionary messages about radiofrequency electromagnetic fields (RF-EMFs) increased recipient’s risk perceptions. Two ways of amending precautionary messages were tested. Firstly, an additional text module that addressed the inconsistency of precautionary messages being communicated along with messages stating the safety of the current exposure limits. Secondly, an additional text module that explained the effectiveness of the recommended measures was tested. Furthermore, this study introduced a new component to the measurement of risk perception in the field of precautions against EMFs. That is, while in previous studies risk perception had always been measured unconditionally, we additionally assessed two items attempting to capture participants conditional risk perceptions (i.e. the perception of the risk “if precautions are taken” and “if precautions are not taken”). Each of the items asked specifically for the risk “while talking on the phone”.
Before interpreting the results of the new message components, it has to be noted that the previously-reported effect of precautionary messages, an increase in risk perception, could not be replicated in the current study. Compared to a basic massage stating the safety of the existing limits, the addition of a precautionary message did not increase risk perceptions. Thus, in retrospect, the rationale of “avoiding the effect of precautionary messages by changing the message” that we formulated on the basis of existing research, does not fit the data we obtained. Why did we not find the previously reported effect of precautionary messages? There are several potential explanations for this. Firstly, risk perception in general might have gone down as mobile phone RF-EMF and health might not be considered as much an issue as was the case previously. However, this does not seem to be the case as the mean in the basic message group is similar to those of former studies (2.86 for the Australian subsample in Wiedemann et al. 2013 [
12] and 2.91 in the current study; however, it is difficult to compare these two values as: (1) we had to transform the values of the current study from a seven-point to a five-point scale which can be problematic; and (2) the wording of the items was not exactly the same). Secondly, another explanation would be that the effect was sensitive to our change in what the risk perception question was specifically referring to. While in former studies risk perception was assessed for mobile phones in general, we assessed it for a specific exposure situation, namely “while talking on the phone”. Thirdly, while the current study was conducted with a general population sample, former studies have mostly tested student populations [
11,
12,
16]. The effect might only exist in student samples. Nevertheless, analysing both new experimental conditions of “consistency” and “effectiveness” is still useful, especially from a practical risk communication point-of-view for which clear, consistent and effective messages are of special importance.
Increasing the message’s consistency by providing a rationale behind the communication of the precautionary information did not decrease risk perceptions significantly. That is, explaining that precautionary messages are only intended to provide behavioural options to those who are already concerned about potential health effects does not lower recipient’s risk perceptions. Apparently, perceptions of inconsistency are not important in the reception of precautionary messages. However, a limitation of our study is that we did not test whether our consistency text module actually was perceived as more consistent by the participants. An alternative explanation for our results is hence that the way in which we addressed the inconsistency simply did not lower the perceived inconsistency of the recipients. A further explanation is that people might apply a simple social heuristic “fear risks that are feared by other people” for their risk perceptions [
41]: If some people are concerned about RF-EMF exposure then be cautious too.
We expected the additional text module that explained the effectiveness of the precautions to decrease conditional risk perception if precautions are taken and potentially also unconditional risk perception, compared to the precautionary message only. We found an opposing picture that, however, seems reasonable from a psychological view (see below). In response to the effectiveness text module people judged RF-EMFs from mobile phones as even more dangerous—but only if they judged the risk under the condition that no precautions are taken. Notably, the combination of both effectiveness and consistency information, which was tested as well, had the same effect. We see this as a sign of the robustness of the effect of communicating the measures’ effectiveness, and the lack of importance of communicating consistency.
Before interpreting this finding, it is important to mention an alternative explanation that could be responsible for the effect. The effectiveness text module was by far the longest module so that a “mere exposure to more information” effect (cf. reference [
42] for the general effect and reference [
15] for the effect in RF-EMF risk perception) on risk perception cannot be ruled out with our design. None-the-less, we think that the content, rather than magnitude, of the message are more likely to explain our findings. Specifically, in the effectiveness condition we explained how effective precautionary measures are by providing two important facts about individual RF-EMF exposure; that exposure declines exponentially with the distance to the RF-EMF source, and that that mobile phones generally contribute more to the individual exposure to RF-EMFs than base stations do. While this information about the exposure patterns was intended to explain the effectiveness of the measures, the majority of the recipients might have focused on the information about the RF-EMF exposure patterns themselves, neglecting the line of argumentation the information was embedded in; in this case explaining the effectiveness of the precautionary measures. Informing about exposure patterns has been shown to selectively increase the risk perception of mobile phones and decrease the risk perception of base stations [
15]. This is also in line with other research that has shown that RF-EMF risk perception is highly correlated with RF-EMF exposure perception [
43]. Our results suggest that on the group level, the information about exposure patterns—presumably regardless of whether it is an explanation for the measures’ effectiveness or not—shifts the recipients’ focus to the mobile phone as a major RF-EMF source and hence the risk perception “while talking on the phone” is increased.
The results demonstrate that message interpretation is an activity of the recipient that is not under the control of the communicator. Therefore, even additional explanations that serve in the view of the communicator a strict reassuring goal, may be regarded as alarming by the recipient.
Finally, we would like to discuss our dependent variables. While conditional risk perception measures have been known in risk perception research [
29,
30] they have not been used in previous studies about RF-EMF precautionary communication. We derive from our data that their use is promising and might help uncover new facets of people’s risk perception in relation to precaution. Of particular importance is the fact that the mean of unconditional risk perception was lower than the mean of conditional risk perception if no precautions are applied. We interpret this as an indication that (some) people already include the application of precautionary measures or the potential to apply them in their unconditional ratings. Furthermore, conditional risk perception if precautions are taken had a mean of around 3 on a seven-point Likert scale in every group. This indicates that even if precautions are taken people do not let go of all their concerns. However, two potential problems regarding the conditional measures need mentioning. On the one hand, the conditional risk measures might have confounded our experimental groups; mentioning precautionary measures in the wording of the question might itself trigger the same effect that the precautionary text module does. There is, however, no way around this when assessing conditional risk perception. Besides, the unconditional risk perception measure was assessed prior to the conditional ones and is hence in no way influenced by them. On the other hand, the conditional risk perception measures might be providing cues for our subjects [
44] in the sense that the questions shape the answers and therefore confound how much a person’s risk perception depends on the application of precautionary measures. We tried to mitigate this potential issue by introducing the two questions with the statement that “some people might answer both questions differently while others might give the same answer”. Future research could usefully validate this form of measurement in the context of RF-EMF precautions.
5. Conclusions
All in all, this study with an Australian population quota sample came to three major findings. Firstly, information about precautionary measures did not increase the risk perception of RF-EMFs during mobile phone calls in comparison to a group that had received information about the current limits. In previous studies, this effect had been detectable. Why this effect was absent remains an open question.
Secondly, the additional information that we added to reduce risk perceptions did not achieve the intended effect. Making the message more consistent for the reader did not have any effect on the mean level, and explaining the effectiveness of the precautions even led to an increase in risk perception scores. There might be other ways of amending precautionary messages in order to reduce risk perception, but these two ways do not seem to work.
Thirdly, from a methodological perspective, the conditional measurement we implemented in this study seems to be a promising avenue for future studies in the field of precautionary communication. However, this first attempt of a differentiation in this area should not be over-interpreted as the conditional measurement needs to be validated in future studies.