1. Introduction
In the first months of 2020, the coronavirus pandemic resulted in an unforeseen disruption of many people’s daily life. In order to contain the pandemic, public life came to a halt in many countries around the globe. People were asked to stay at home, schools were closed, public events were banned, ‘non-essential’ production stopped, social distancing was strongly encouraged, and even lockdowns were imposed. In Europe, these measures were put into place in March; governments differed in the exact measures they ordered. For example, France, Italy, and Spain announced strict nationwide lockdowns allowing people only to leave their homes for essential tasks, when carrying a form stating their purpose and time of leaving the house, with lockdown violations being fined drastically [
1]. The present study took place in Germany, which also closed schools, daycare facilities, restaurants, gyms, etc., cancelled public events, and imposed travel restrictions. However, Germany did not issue a hard lockdown with a strict confinement order or curfew in the spring of 2020, but instead relied on people’s compliance with social distancing rules—no more than two people (from different households) were allowed to meet at the same time, and violations were fined. Generally, people were strongly encouraged to stay at home and to limit their social contact but were not forbidden to leave the house to take a walk or see a friend [
1]. Thus, the intervention in the private life was not as severe as in other countries, but nevertheless daily routines were disrupted to a large extent. Many employees were ordered short-time work or to work from home, with about one-quarter of the German workforce working from home in April of 2020 [
2]. Importantly, many people had to simultaneously take care of their underage children who normally would have been in daycare or school, further complicating the challenge of suddenly having to work from home, which happened for many without any transition period.
Thus, the coronavirus pandemic thus resulted in an abrupt change in daily routines and working conditions for many employees in Germany. From a psychological point of view, this constituted a quasi-experimental mass intervention that challenged people’s self-regulation capacities. Because of the cross-the-board nature of this challenge, it hit people with different personal preconditions and social resources to cope with this challenge in a more or less successful manner. We considered this setting as an opportunity to assess how employees would fare in this novel situation, to follow their adaptation to this challenge, and to investigate the conditions that would help or hinder successful adaptation. As work psychologists, we focused specifically on the difference between working in the office and working from home.
We reasoned that adaptation to this novel situation may partially depend on the degree to which work from home allows satisfaction of the basic needs, i.e., the need for competence, autonomy, and relatedness [
3,
4], which humans need in order to thrive and be motivated according to Self-Determination Theory [
3]. That is, people need to experience themselves as self-determined active agents (autonomy) that are able to produce desired outcomes (competence) and connect meaningfully with others (relatedness). These needs are described as ‘basic’ in the sense of applying to any person or context [
3]. In a context that fulfills these needs, humans develop intrinsic motivation, they feel good and work well. Thus, it makes sense that the concept of basic need satisfaction has also been applied to the work sphere [
4]. Specifically, in order to feel motivated at work, employees need to experience the ability to (a) choose and decide in which way to tackle work tasks (autonomy), (b) master work tasks well (competence), and (c) have meaningful interactions with colleagues (relatedness). It deemed us worthwhile to ask employees in what way work-related need satisfaction may have changed by working from home and how work-from-home autonomy, competence, and relatedness experience may have affected everyday motivation and well-being.
We started this broad, exploratory study with the overarching goal of understanding how well people felt and worked when suddenly having to work from home. We used the lens of Self-Determination Theory [
3] to understand the interplay of needs, resources, and motivation in everyday life in the home office. To shed light on this obviously multi-faceted phenomenon, we approached work-related well-being from several angles:
First, we assessed how the work-related needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness [
4] were met at the time of the study, working from home, as compared to (retrospective ratings of) how autonomous, competent, and related to colleagues participants had felt when they had been going to the office regularly. Specifically, we assumed that autonomy may be boosted when working from home, competence might remain unaffected on average, and relatedness should be decreased. While we had no solid ground for theory-driven specific hypotheses, we reasoned that while working from home goes along with a loss of social proximity to colleagues that thwarts work-related relatedness for most people, working from home may incur greater autonomy in the work domain, at least for some people. In part, these differences may be attributable to organizational or personal resources that may help or hinder the experience of autonomy, competence, and relatedness when working from home, e.g., whether competence can be experienced working from home may depend on the level of role clarity, i.e., knowing what to do without the need to ask superiors for guidance regularly [
5]. This is exemplar for our general interest in exploring the role of individual and organizational resources that might help or hinder need satisfaction when working from home.
Second, we wanted to see whether and how the (lack of) fulfilment of these needs would impact upon the ease of transitioning into working from home. To this end, we gathered daily self-reports of affective well-being, motivation (work engagement, flow experience), and detachment (from work in the free time) over the course of two work weeks. Greater fulfilment of the basic work-related needs has been shown to predict job satisfaction, intrinsic motivation, and performance [
4]. We thus expected greater need fulfilment in the home office to yield better work engagement and flow as markers of motivation, as well as better emotional experience and greater psychological detachment as markers of well-being; these questions were explored in multilevel models of change. As an example of the resources people brought into the novel situation, we speculated that people who care more to separate work and life would be better able to detach from work in the evenings. Beyond the effect of needs and resources, the two-week daily reports were used to investigate general dynamics of adaptation to the home office. First, we wanted to know how well employees felt and worked, and in particular, how well they were able to detach from work when it cannot be ‘left at the office’. Second, we investigated whether that got better or worse over time in the home office, as we expected people to increasingly find ways of constructively adapting to the novel situation.
Third, we wanted shed light on the everyday life dynamics of working and thriving when working from home. This was explored by means of dynamic network modeling [
6,
7] describing lead-lag (from one day to the next) and contemporaneous (same-day) as well as between-person (mean-level) associations between work engagement, flow, detachment, and positive and negative affect. To gather the data necessary to investigate these questions, we approached people that had transitioned into the home office and asked them to partake in our study on well-being and motivation when working from home. Because we were mainly interested in the adaptation to an unfamiliar situation, we restricted our sample to employees who were not used to work from home to an extensive degree, despite knowing that, of course, people would have been working from home at least some days before starting participating in the study. After assessing a number of background variables, we followed participants’ trajectory of adaptation in terms of productivity and well-being across two working weeks by means of quantitative daily online diaries.
4. Discussion
This study set out to shed light on work from home during the pandemic, with a focus on work-related basic need satisfaction as well as adaptation dynamics. Results suggest that working from home primarily decreases relatedness to coworkers, while autonomy and competence stay at levels comparable to before on average. Competence experience, however, is the one need predicting better daily work engagement, flow, and affect working from home. All these daily variables improved over the two weeks in study, corroborating our hypothesis that employees adapt well to working from home and increasingly find their ways of making it work. This also holds for detachment, which is of special interest as it is often discussed to be jeopardized most by working from home. We thus conclude that participants were able to function and feel pretty well when working from home. A temporary network model showed the dynamics between detachment, work engagement, flow, and affect, providing proof of concept for the use of dynamic network to describe everyday dynamics between repeatedly assessed constructs, which deems us a fruitful route for future research.
4.1. Work-Related Basic Needs
It is not surprising that relatedness to colleagues is the work-related need most affected by working from home. The tasks to be completed stay the same or comparable for those who can do their job from home, the main difference is the physical and social work environment. This change is so drastic that there is literally no correlation with previous office-time levels of relatedness to colleagues, which is the exception for repeatedly assessed constructs and not true for autonomy and competence, which show at least moderate auto-correlation. While this alerts us to the problem that positive interactions with colleagues cannot be simply be transferred from the office to a virtual team setting and specific preparation or intervention might be required, luckily, we do not have to conclude that none of the social resources from office times persist into a work-from-home setting: social support by colleagues contributed to relatedness need satisfaction working from home, i.e., more supportive colleagues made participants feel less alone in the home office. This should be taken seriously for any virtual team or longer-term work-from-home arrangement; employers might want to create an infrastructure and climate that encourages supportive interactions between employees, particularly given that greater social support predicted better daily detachment from work. That is, knowing my colleagues will have my back if necessary makes it easier to forget work worries in the evening. Note that in our data, relatedness (to colleagues) did not translate into daily detachment, motivation, or affect, not even when relatedness was the only predictor included in the model. This might have partially been due to family and roommates being able to compensate for the absence of coworkers. However, it might also underline the importance of the quality of social relationships: strong supportive relations to colleagues may be a more important buffer against work-related stress than friendly interactions and regular small-talk, as much as people report missing this when not being allowed to go to the office.
Competence needs were expected to be met in both office and home equally, which was the case for the average person in our sample. As expected, greater levels of job control translated into greater levels of competence, and competence experience when working from home did improve flow, work engagement, and positive affect, and reduced negative affect to a considerable extent. This centrality of competence need satisfaction for daily well-being and motivation was unexpected but could be made sense of by considering competence needs as the need people expect to satisfy by work means, while the satisfaction of relatedness and autonomy may also be achieved in other life domains. It may pay off for employers and leaders to do everything in their power to create the prerequisites so that their staff can experience themselves as competent in their work, also when it is completed from home. One step in that direction may be granting employees higher levels of job control, i.e., to allow and empower them to decide for themselves how and when to complete a task, instead of strict protocols or micro-management, which may be particularly frustrating and limiting in remote work settings. This seems to be difficult for some employers and team leaders, who have trouble letting go of control in the work from home setting, while this exact thing might unleash the desired productivity. In general, however, the level of job control reported by our sample seems rather satisfactory (3.33 on a 5-point scale) and is comparable to pre-coronavirus samples acquired by our institute with an average mean of 3.18. This hesitation to increase the level of job control when employees work from home is a recurring topic in the media these days and might also explain why working from home did not increase autonomy need satisfaction, as we had originally expected. Of course, autonomy experience might be greater in other work-from-home settings than this one, given that in this case, working from home was not an autonomous decision in and of itself, but was forced onto workers due to the pandemic. Moreover, there was very little time to prepare the transition, and therefore in many cases the necessary hard- and software to enable appropriate work from home still had to be bought and set up. Dealing with these things was not optional nor could it be postponed; thus, having to address the transition from office to home office might have yielded lower autonomy levels in our sample than work from home might typically show when all necessary hardware, software, and routines are up and running, and employees can freely choose whether to go to the office on that day or to work from home.
The (small) negative relation of previous autonomy levels and concurrent competence need satisfaction was startling. It might hint at people with more autonomy having less strict scripts of how to go about completing their job, and thus having to master even more self-organization than already required by merely working from home, which might be overwhelming in an early stage of the transition. The negative relation of previous autonomy and current competence might partly be due to people in leading positions (higher autonomy) who struggle at first with finding good ways of leading their team remotely (lower competence experience). It would be interesting to see whether this association indeed vanishes with more experience of working from home.
4.2. Background Variables: Avenues for Interventions
As per individual predictors, it is not surprising that older age goes along with greater competence need satisfaction, as most often it comes with greater experience in the field. It is reassuring that working from home, which most often implies the use of modern technology, did not undo the competence advantage of older, more experienced employees. Older employees had the additional advantage of reporting a higher satisfaction of their relatedness needs—this was likely due to older people needing less contact with people outside their inner circle in order to feel satisfied with their social relations, as posited by socio-emotional selectivity theory and often corroborated [
24]. It is not surprising either that a tendency to reappraise challenging situations contributes to greater need satisfaction in this work from home setting and pandemic, underlining once again the importance and power of the
subjective appraisal of any situation. As per individual resources that shape the daily experience, the straightforward expectation that a greater desire and ability to separate work and leisure contributes to better detachment when working from home was corroborated. We do note that the wording of the segmentation preference scale [
13] assesses more of an ability than a preference to separate life spheres and should thus be viewed as a resource rather than a necessity. People lacking this resource, i.e., people low in segmentation preference, can be helped, as these have been shown to profit particularly from a mindfulness intervention targeted at increasing detachment [
25]. That childcare duties did not affect need satisfaction or daily work and well-being came as a surprise to us, given that other studies have found parents working from home to be under particular pressure during the pandemic, with mothers often shouldering the greater part of the additional care work [
26,
27,
28]. While of course only one-quarter of our sample reported any childcare duties, it might also be the case that parents that found the time to partake in our study were not so consumed by work and childcare duties than other parents might have been, with many factors playing a role, for instance, age and personality of the child or children. If anything, we found tendencies of negative affect, particularly aggression, to be heightened in the parents, particularly mothers, that had childcare duties next to their work from home commitment. For thorough conclusions about the situation for parents, other publications should be consulted [
26,
27,
28]. We do contend though that for conclusions not about life in a pandemic, but more regular work from home settings, lacking childcare facilities should, hopefully, not be an issue.
4.3. Network Analyses: Avenues for Future Research
Our network analyses allowed us to peek into the dynamics between the daily indicators of well-being and motivation. In the temporary, contemporaneous, and between-person networks, common themes were the positive association of work engagement and flow as well as the negative interrelation among negative affect and detachment. The temporal network suggests that this association mainly comes about by flow experience on one day improving next-day work engagement, and negative affect on one day making detachment on the next day harder. These results of the contemporaneous network were mirrored in the between-person network, i.e., people with more flow experience on average tended to report greater work engagement on average, and people who tended to experience more negative affect than others tended to have more trouble detaching from their job than others. An unexpected but robust yet small association emerged between negative affect and flow in the contemporaneous model, which was mirrored by a not-so robust (found in 40% out of 1000 times bootstraps) small negative effect of positive affect on flow of the next day. This may be a fluke in our sample but would be in line with the notion that work engagement may not be characterized and supported by feelings of pure positivity, but more by the co-occurrence or shift from negative to positive affect (cf. the affective shift model of work engagement [
29]).
The associations explored in the present network models are not particularly novel, nor do they intend to be. Instead, we intended to use them to exemplify how Gaussian graphical models [
22] are generally useful for exploring associations, as they are undirected network models presenting partial correlation coefficients between all variables in the model, and dynamic network models are extending these graphical models to repeated measures data [
7]. This novel approach offers promising avenues for exploring daily diary data, given that they are estimating the (partial) associations between all variables in the model at the same time without requiring a priori hypotheses. This tool may develop its full potential particularly when used together with more confirmatory approaches such as structural equation modelling.
4.4. Limitations
The present study represents an attempt to capture adaptation to an unfamiliar working situation imposed by regulatory measures to counter the COVID-19 pandemic. Due to the fact that we had to set up the study when this development was already under way, it is essential to first determine inasmuch we were able to track adaptation to working from home as a dynamic process rather than comparing two different working environments in a steady state. Because our participants already worked about 20 days from home on average when entering into the study, it may be conjectured that their adaptation to working from home had already taken place at this point in time. However, the trajectories observed for indicators of well-being and motivation speak against the assumption that participants already reached a steady state. Furthermore, taking into account the number of days already working from home in the growth models did not significantly increase explained variance, it seems safe to conclude that at least part of adaptation to a new situation was still under way when our study stepped in.
Another goal of the study was to describe the difference in basic work-related need satisfaction between the work environments at home and at the office. However, at the point the study started, people were already working from home, and thus had to rely on their memory to describe how autonomous, competent, and connected with their colleagues they had felt
before leaving the office. This evidently opens way for any bias affecting the validity of the estimates [
8,
9], e.g., participants might have idealized the (recent) past of going to the office in the light of the current isolation at home. While this is a concern to be taken seriously into account whenever interpreting the present results, we feel confident that no systematic bias skewed the data across all people. Contributing to this confidence is the wealth of data our lab has accumulated over the past years on the constructs assessed, e.g., we asked participants to rate their autonomy, competence, and relatedness to colleagues long before the pandemic and large-scale experimenting with work-from-home arrangements. While these data were obtained for samples other the one reported here, its means for office-based need satisfaction are in the ballpark of our sample’s retrospective need satisfaction estimation. More specifically, comparing the descriptives of our study with those of previous studies suggest that, in general, retrospective ratings were in the ballpark of in situ data of pre-pandemic need satisfaction in the office. People may have slightly overestimated how connected they had previously felt to their colleagues as they were missing them during pandemic isolation, but work-from-home levels of relatedness to colleagues were rampantly lower not only than retrospective reports but also comparison sample, pre-pandemic levels of relatedness in the office. Also, participants may have overestimated how much autonomy they had when still going to the office, but that could also be due to people with higher levels of autonomy in general being allowed to work from home (bear in mind that only about one-quarter of the German workforce worked from home during the first ‘lockdown’).
The COVID-19 pandemic affected participants’ lives in more ways than just by working from home. Many everyday routines were disrupted, from the availability of childcare and schooling to being able to go to the gym or visit larger groups of friends. Thus, this study may not be interpreted as a general study of work from home that is necessarily generalizable to other circumstances; work-related relatedness may be lowered less when being able to meet colleagues and friends outside the workhours, and autonomy working from home may be much higher when people are not forced to do so abruptly by a pandemic. However, given that the pandemic did not render the situation dramatic in the time and place the study took place, it still deems us comparable to non-pandemic work from home. Most of the participants were working in fields such as the public sector which did not face a coronavirus-related threat of unemployment; also, there was no strict curfew in Germany, people were still allowed to see members of one other household, and to leave the house without a permit, thus facing lesser restrictions than other regions in Europe and the world. It is interesting that the German government seemed to use the principles of self-determination theory to tackle the spread of the virus, relying more on citizen’s intrinsic motivation to practice social distancing rather than forcing compliance by restraining autonomy.