1. Introduction
Over the last three decades, child malnutrition in its various forms has become one of the most significant health problems in low- and middle-income countries, and Ecuador is no exception [
1]. The impact that malnutrition can have over an individual’s lifetime needs to be better understood. For instance, stunting in childhood is related to infections, developmental deficits, brain damage, adult non-communicable diseases, early mortality, poorer school performance, and lower productivity and income as an adult [
2,
3,
4]. Additionally, children born to stunted adults are more likely to suffer stunting themselves [
5].
Although public healthcare expenditure has increased dramatically in Ecuador over the last decade [
6], indicators of child malnutrition have not improved as expected. For instance, the Ecuadorian National Statistical Office reported that 25% of children under five (U5) years old were stunted (children considered too short for their age) in 2012. This figure fell only slightly to 23% in 2018. Similar figures have been reported for wasting (children considered too thin for their height) and being underweight [
1,
7], while the percentage of overweight U5-year-old children increased in the same period. Among Latin American countries, Ecuador has the highest prevalence of stunting after Guatemala [
8], with rates comparable to sub-Saharan countries [
9].
Policy responses to tackle malnutrition in Ecuador have not succeeded in reducing this health issue significantly. Government interventions such as the Programa Aliméntate Ecuador [
10], which includes the provision of micronutrients such as iron, zinc, vitamin A, and folic acid, have not managed to reduce malnutrition among U5-year-old children. Rivera [
11] claims that the reasons for this lack of success can be related to insufficient institutional coordination (nutrition and primary health programs, for example, operate separately), which has tended to undermine the efficient allocation of resources and management capacities between central and local governments in their efforts to address child malnutrition. In addition, the absence of government policy evaluations has restricted analyses of the success or failure of these policies, the degree of transparency in policy processes, and the efficient targeting of interventions.
In parallel, women’s participation in the labor market has increased remarkably over the last decade [
12], which raises the question as to whether maternal employment is a detrimental factor in child health [
13,
14]. Mothers’ employment increases household income, which improves families’ wellbeing and, in turn, children’s nutritional and health status. However, mothers who work outside the home have less time for breastfeeding and childcare activities, which can be considered detrimental for their children’s nutrition and health outcomes. We implicitly assume that non-employed mothers devote their time to feeding and caring for their children. Therefore, it is crucial that in-depth studies be undertaken of the trade-off between mothers that generate additional income, on the one hand, and those that provide full-time child care, on the other, especially in low- and middle-income countries. Such analysis should help in understanding the net effect of maternal employment on children’s nutritional status, which, a priori, is not obvious, and in designing better-informed policy interventions. Yet, clearly, adverse socioeconomic conditions may not give mothers a choice as to whether to go out to work or to stay home and take care of their children. They may be forced to work to generate enough income to escape poverty. For such population groups, it is fundamental that we capture the effects of maternal labor supply on child nutrition.
This study aims to estimate the causal effect of maternal labor supply on children’s nutritional status (that is, stunting, underweight, wasting, and overweight) in Ecuador, considering the mothers’ wish to form part of the labor force or to remain economically inactive, and accounting for the potential endogeneity of maternal employment—that is, the presence of unobserved characteristics correlated with mothers’ decisions to work and with their children’s health and simultaneity issues—and the heterogeneous impacts on population subgroups. We estimate this causal effect by employing an instrumental variables (IV) approach, using the average employment rate among women and the average number of hours worked at the cantonal level as our instruments. The main IV findings suggest that the probability of having a stunted U5-year-old child is between 4.2 and 18.1 percent higher for employed mothers than it is for unemployed or inactive mothers. This estimate is large and significant. No evidence of the impact of maternal employment on wasting, underweight, or overweight is found. Moreover, the effect size of maternal employment appears to be driven by moderately stunted children. Interestingly, we show that the effect of maternal employment on child malnutrition is greater among mothers with high education and living in high-income households. This points to the dominance of the time constraint over the income effect. The IV results indicate that, in contrast to the ordinary least squares (OLS) strategy, maternal employment increases a child’s risk of experiencing stunting to a greater extent.
This paper contributes to the literature in several ways. First, our findings constitute some of the first evidence to quantify the causal effect of maternal labor supply on child malnutrition in South America. Second, the childhood outcomes herein are constructed by employing more reliable, directly measured anthropometric data that do not suffer from self-reported biases. Third, in contrast to Rashad and Sharaf [
15], this paper uses area-level maternal labor market conditions as an instrument of maternal employment and explores heterogeneous effects among population subgroups.
The rest of the paper is structured as follows:
Section 2 discusses empirical findings in the literature regarding the effects of the maternal labor supply on children’s health status.
Section 3 describes in detail the empirical specification and methodology employed, while
Section 4 outlines the characteristics of the data used.
Section 5 presents the empirical results, and
Section 6 reports some robustness checks. Finally,
Section 7 offers a discussion of our findings and some concluding remarks.
2. Literature Review
The empirical literature on how parental labor supply affects child health status is mostly based on the child health production function [
16,
17,
18]. Several studies have adopted this theoretical framework and focused on how parental labor supply affects child health indicators. For instance, Morrill [
19] estimated the effects of maternal employment on the health of US school-age children measured as overnight hospitalizations, asthma episodes, injuries, and poisonings. Using an instrumental variable (IV) approach, where the instrument for maternal labor supply was the exogenous variation in each child’s youngest sibling’s eligibility for kindergarten, she found significant, high estimates suggesting that maternal employment increases the probability of a child having a negative health episode. Meyer [
20] examined the impact of maternal employment on the risk of childhood overweight in Germany, considering the number of younger siblings in the household as an instrument. She showed that the probability of being overweight increased due to maternal full-time employment. Thus, she attributed unhealthy behavior in children, in terms of diet and activity, to the reduction in maternal time devoted to them. In a similar vein, Anderson et al. adopted an IV strategy and found that American mothers who work more hours per week are more likely to have an overweight child [
21]. Similarly, Datar et al. investigated the relationship between a mother’s working hours, a child’s body mass index (BMI), and obesity in the US using an IV approach [
22]. In this study, the instrument employed was maternal work based on state-level variations in labor market conditions. The authors found a positive association between maternal working hours and child BMI and obesity, particularly in households with higher socioeconomic levels. Interestingly, Cawley and Liu showed that maternal employment is associated with less time spent on grocery shopping and on cooking, eating, playing with, supervising, and caring for children, particularly among mothers with young children [
23]. This sheds some light on the possible causes of childhood obesity when a mother is engaged in the labor market.
In contrast with previous findings, Bishop [
24] used economic conditions in the mother’s area as instruments and sibling difference models and found that part-time and full-time maternal work decreased excess bodyweight among Australian youth. Interestingly, a higher income did not appear to be responsible for this effect. Mocan et al. studied the impact of maternal earnings, determined by hours of work and wages, on the birth weight and gestational age of infants in the US within an IV framework [
25]. They concluded that labor earnings had a positive but small effect on the birth weight and gestational age of the newborns of low-skilled mothers, while an increase in the earnings of high-skilled mothers did not have any effect on the health of newborns. Finally, Greve [
26] found no effect of maternal working hours on child overweight status in Denmark, in contradiction with studies from other countries.
However, there is a scarcity of studies of the causal impact of maternal employment on children’s nutritional status measured by anthropometric indicators (i.e., stunting, wasting, underweight, and overweight). Existing studies have mainly been carried out in developing countries and use older samples of children and/or youth. The broader correlational literature on the association between maternal employment and child malnutrition status in developing countries is generally inconclusive. For instance, mothers’ labor supply was reported as being positively related to child malnutrition in some Asian countries and large cities in India [
27,
28]. In contrast, a study conducted in Panama found that maternal employment was not correlated with child nutritional status [
29]. For an extensive review, see Glick [
30]. One of the most similar studies to the one conducted herein is that of Rashad and Sharaf [
15], who investigated the causal impact of maternal employment on malnutrition indicators among U5-year-old children in Egypt, using local employment conditions as their instrument to account for the endogeneity of maternal employment. In short, the current body of evidence points to a strong positive causal effect of maternal employment on the probability of stunting and wasting in children.
4. Data and Variables
This study used two sources of Ecuadorian cross-sectional microdata: the National Health and Nutrition Survey (ENSANUT) 2018 and the Life Conditions Survey (ECV) 2014, both produced by the National Institute of Statistics and Censuses (INEC). Two datasets were used because information on the number of hours worked by the interviewees was only present in the ECV survey, while both surveys contained parental employment status data. Fortunately, both datasets contained the information needed to run the econometric models, which seek to generate indicators on the main health situation and living standards of the Ecuadorian population [
41,
42]. The only exception is potable water control, which was not included in ECV 2014. Note that analyses were run separately on both datasets. The data requirements were extensive and included information on anthropometrics, children’s and women’s health information, parental socioeconomic variables, and other household information.
The sample design implemented in ENSANUT 2018 followed a two-stage probabilistic stratified sample. The first stage stratified the sample through primary sampling units (PSU), while the second stage considered a certain number of dwellings randomly (18 dwellings on average) per PSU [
43]. Thus, the survey investigated a total of 2591 clusters and 43,311 dwellings. The total sample size was 168,747 individuals [
1]. Specifically, the ENSANUT 2018 sample used in this study considered 17,587 mothers matched with 20,204 U5-year-old children. Similarly, ECV 2014 was produced under the same sample design as ENSANUT 2018 [
41] and the working sample considered 8824 mothers matched with 10,837 children. Both surveys include canton identifiers so that regional market conditions can be estimated more precisely.
4.1. Child Nutritional Status
The key outcomes investigated to characterize child malnutrition status were three measures of undernutrition (stunting, wasting, and underweight) and overweight status. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), stunting (low height-for-age) is the result of chronic or recurrent undernutrition and is usually related to deprived socioeconomic status, poor maternal health and nutrition, and inappropriate feeding and care in early life [
44]. Stunting appears to hold children back from reaching their physical and cognitive potential. Wasting (low weight-for-height) indicates recent and severe weight loss because of the scarcity of meals and/or the impact of infectious diseases. Children with a low weight-for-age are classified as underweight. In contrast, overweight status refers to a child who is too heavy for his or her height due to an excessive accumulation of fat, which impairs children’s health.
To assess the children’s nutritional status, we used
directly measured anthropometric information available in both datasets. Each survey included the sex and age in days of children U5 years old, their weight in kilograms (kg), and their height/length in centimeters (cm). Using this information and the child growth standards developed by the WHO [
45], we estimated the standard deviation (SD) score (Z-score), one of the most common and frequently used indexes in the literature [
46,
47]. Therefore, we used three Z-scores (continuous and normally distributed variables) to define the anthropometric indicators: height-for-age Z-score (HAZ), weight-for-age Z-score (WAZ), and weight-for-height Z-score (WHZ).
Following the WHO [
48], a child with a HAZ, WHZ, or WAZ < −2 SD is considered stunted, wasted, or underweight, respectively, while an overweight status corresponds to a child with a WHZ > +2 SD. Moreover, this study followed WHO recommendations for dropping values that are outside the range for plausible Z-scores (WHO, 2006).
Note that the length/height, and weight values of U5 children were measured in survey data following a specific procedure [
49]. Each child was measured twice using a weight scale and stadiometer. The medical device was reset each time. Children under the age of 2 were measured in the supine position using a specific stadiometer. A third measurement was taken when the difference between the first two measurements was greater than ±0.5 kg/cm. Note that the percentage of children requiring a third measurement was very low: 0.77% for height/length and 0.39% for weight. For the purposes of this study, the final length/height, and weight values were computed as the average of the first two measurements if the differences between them were less than ±0.5 kg/cm. In contrast, if the difference between them was greater, the third anthropometric measurement was considered, and the final value was the average between the two closest measurements. The aim of following this strategy was to minimize any possible measurement error due to the specific measurement procedure applied during the interview.
4.2. Data Variables
The key independent variable in this analysis was maternal employment (MLS). First, we measured it as a dichotomous variable that equals 1 for wage earning mothers and self-employed mothers working outside the household and 0 otherwise. Second, we measured it as a continuous variable using the average number of hours worked per day. Note that while the former was calculated using ENSANUT 2018, the latter was computed by means of ECV 2014. As maternal employment is measured contemporaneously, the estimated effects were limited by the influence of current household conditions on health and nutritional status. Note that we assumed zero hours worked for inactive mothers.
In our analysis, we used the local labor market conditions of women as our instrumental variables. The first instrument is measured as the cantonal average employment rate of women aged 15 and above, which is computed by dividing the number of employed and self-employed women by the total number of economically active women in the area, excluding unpaid self-employed women and those who work from home. This instrument can be computed using ECV 2014 and ENSANUT 2018. Meanwhile, the second instrument is measured as the mean daily hours worked by women aged 15 and above who are not unpaid self-employed, calculated by canton. This instrument is available in ECV 2014 only.
A large set of controls was used to explain the variability in the nutritional status of children. We included the following characteristics of children: (i) gender, (ii) age in months, and age squared, since the relationship between a child’s age and the dependent variable is non-linear. Information on the early initiation of breastfeeding, a key source of nutrition and immune protection for the newborn, is available only for children younger than 3 years old. Due to the high presence of missing information in this control, we excluded it from our analyses [
50]. For mothers, we included: (iii) maternal age and age squared, based on the same rationale as for a child’s age, (iv) a mother’s height and weight, (v) maternal educational attainment level, (vi) marital status, and (vii) cultural origins (ethnicity). The latter is thought to play an important role in child nutrition since different ethnic groups in Ecuador may be associated with different levels of food intake, culture, and traditions. For the family and the environmental characteristics of children, the econometric specifications considered: (viii) household income in quintiles, a key determinant of the child health production function discussed in
Section 2, (ix) paternal employment, (x) number of U5-year-old children in the household, (xi) area of residence (urban/rural), and (xii) number of women (aged 15 to 65) living in the same household, taken as a substitute for childcare when the mother works outside the home. Finally, we also included xiii) dwelling features such as overcrowding, inappropriate excreta disposal, and unsafe drinking water that might be relevant to the nutrition of children, i.e., our preferred specification.
Table A1 describes all variables used in this study, while
Table A2 in
Appendix A shows the descriptive statistics of these variables. Note that survey weights were used for all mean calculations and standard errors were corrected for the clustering effect.
6. Robustness Checks
Table 6 explores the robustness of the main findings under two different approaches. The first was associated with using a different sample criterion, while the second considered the same sample as that of the baseline scenario but used a seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) bivariate probit model. Note that all these estimates were based on the preferred specification.
We report in columns (1) and (2) of
Table 6 the OLS and IV-2SLS estimates, respectively, based on the ENSANUT 2018 survey, when the estimation sample was restricted to mothers engaged in the labor force only (economically active mothers). This resulted in a much smaller sample size. The instrument used in this framework was women’s employment rate at the cantonal level, considering economically active women as the reference population. Therefore, the analysis now focuses on the trade-off between maternal employment and unemployment. Interestingly, the results reported in column (1) are not statistically significant for any malnutrition outcome. Hence, they are similar to the OLS estimates based on the complete sample reported in
Table 3. However, when the IV-2SLS model was run, we found a roughly similar effect of maternal employment on stunting in children. Working mothers appeared to have a 25.6 percent greater probability of having a stunted child than mothers who are unemployed, although this effect was significant at the 10% level.
The second robustness check considered the complete sample of working age mothers, or the baseline scenario, but ran a binary choice model with endogenous regressors. Specifically, a SUR bivariate probit model was fitted. This allowed for the two probit equations with correlated disturbance terms, which were assumed to come from a joint or bivariate normal distribution [
35]. Column (3) of
Table 6 reports the average partial effect of maternal employment on nutritional status. As expected, for stunted children, the coefficient was positive and highly significant. This suggests that maternal employment raises the probability of having a stunted child by 17.1 percent, i.e., this coefficient was similar in size to the impact found using the IV-2SLS model. Furthermore, we found that the error terms of both probit equations were correlated (ρ = −0.3562; S.E. 0.0652). A Wald test of ρ = 0 was rejected for the stunting equation (Chi2 = 24.6542,
p-value = 0.0000), which reveals that maternal employment is endogenous. There may be unobservable characteristics of individuals that adversely influence stunted children and employed mothers, and the SUR bivariate probit model is recommended to obtain consistent estimates of the structural equation parameters. The estimates for the remaining children’s status variables were neither significant nor consistent. The null hypothesis of correlation between the error terms for the other outcomes was rejected at conventional levels. This is similar to the evidence shown by the DWH test.
Impact of Maternal Labour Supply on Severe and Moderate Stunting
As a further robustness check, we present in
Table 7 the causal effect of maternal employment on U5 children who suffer from moderate or severe stunting based on ENSANUT 2018. According to definitions based on consensus reached by child health experts [
47], it is assumed moderate stunting: height/length for age Z-score in the range of −2 SD, −3 SD. Severe stunting: height/length for age Z-score in the range of −2 SD, −6 SD. Based on the preferred specification, we show that maternal employment appears to lead to an increase in the probability of having a moderately stunted child by 13.9 percent compared with maternal unemployment and inactivity. However, although the sign is as expected, we found a non-significant effect on the probability of having a severely stunted child.
7. Conclusions
Among the countries of South America, Ecuador has the highest percentage of stunting among U5-year-old children (roughly 23%), according to UNICEF [
8]. Its neighbors, in contrast, are in much better nutritional condition. For instance, in 2015–2016, Colombia reported a stunting prevalence of 12.7%, while more recently, in 2019, Peru’s rate stood at 12.2% [
8].
This study sought to determine whether maternal employment influences malnutrition in Ecuadorian U5-year-old children. Based on cross-sectional and individual-level data from ENSANUT 2018 and ECV 2014, we report evidence that, after accounting for the endogeneity of maternal employment, working mothers are from 4.2 to 18.1 percent more likely to have stunted or chronically malnourished children than unemployed and inactive mothers. Interestingly, we find no evidence of a differential impact of maternal employment by child age, although we do find larger impacts for children of mothers with high education and from more affluent families. However, our evidence is inconclusive regarding a mother’s overweight status. Overall, this result suggests that the additional income that a working mother may obtain (the income effect) does not compensate for the loss of time available for direct child care (the time constraint) [
22]. These estimated effects of maternal employment on stunting in children are in agreement with those found in the literature for working mothers in low and lower-middle-income countries. For instance, Amaha and Woldeamanuel reported that unemployed mothers in Ethiopia were 23 percent (
p-value < 0.01) less likely to have a stunted child than employed mothers [
55]. Similarly, Rashad and Sharaf found that the probability of stunting among children of working mothers in Egypt is 18.6 percent higher (
p-value < 0.05) [
15]. Notwithstanding, these findings may have limited external validity in other socio-economic contexts.
When chronic malnutrition is disaggregated by severity, we find that maternal employment, once endogeneity has been accounted for, is also an equally remarkable determinant of a child’s risk of experiencing moderate stunting. That is, a working mother is roughly 14 percent more likely to have a moderately stunted child. Again, the existence of a socioeconomic gradient relative to child malnutrition is highly prevalent. Mothers in the poorest family income quintile and those with lower or no education seem to be at greater risk of raising a malnourished child. Interestingly, boys are at greater risk of malnutrition than girls. This seems to show that a child’s environment has an influence on whether they suffer detrimental effects on their health status due to malnutrition.
However, this paper finds no empirical evidence for the impact of maternal employment on children suffering from wasting, underweight, or overweight. The effects are negligible in both the OLS and IV-2SLS regression estimations. Our results are robust to an alternative statistical modeling approach and different samples of mothers.
Our estimates seem to support the hypothesis that only stunting is affected by maternal employment, as this nutritional status, which results from a prolonged exposure to insufficient nutrient intake and child care in early life (particularly during the first 1000 days of life since conception), appears to be more sensitive to maternal employment or the time spent by the mother working outside the home, leading to a greater impact on stunting compared to wasting, underweight, and overweight.
The results of this study highlight the importance of government interventions to tackle the adverse impact of maternal employment on child nutrition. Effective conditional cash transfers and/or in-kind family policies targeting poor and low-skilled mothers and designed to reduce the cost of raising children for vulnerable families are supported by our findings. These results should serve to stress the urgency of increasing the efficiency of government programs, such as Programa Aliméntate Ecuador, in the overall strategy of combating child malnutrition in Ecuador.
Overall, the findings of this paper reveal the existence of a socioeconomic gradient associated with malnourished children in Ecuador. That is, children whose mothers have lower socioeconomic status are more likely to suffer stunting, as documented elsewhere [
56,
57,
58].
Potential selectivity bias due to the non-observation of U5-year-old children who did not survive until the date of data collection seems to be of no concern in our setting. Nevertheless, the percentage of mothers who reported dead U5-year-old children in the five years prior to the survey was less than 1% of the sample.
Our results should be interpreted with caution. For instance, the study focuses on how mothers’ labor market decisions impact their children’s nutrition in the short run. Any long-term effects are disregarded. In fact, maternal employment could have a positive net effect on child health in the long run. A deeper understanding of this effect is needed. Notably, the estimates documented here are based on a cross-sectional analysis. Consequently, some time-invariant unobserved characteristics may not be accounted for, despite the fact that we use an IV strategy. Finally, more research is needed to examine the merits and drawbacks of government policies in their efforts to reduce the adverse effects on children’s health of the trade-off described in this study.