1. Introduction
Over the past decades, genetic modification, as a core outcome of biotechnology, has been developing rapidly in varietal breeding and industrial applications. However, there has been increasing discussion about genetically modified foods (GMFs) among politicians, activists, and consumers around the world, and it has severely restricted the research and development and industrial development of genetically modified technology (GMT) in China [
1]. In fact, a lot of research indicate that the degree of public trust is a useful indicator of the potential success of GMT, not only in the institutions promoting and regulating the technology, but also in the activity being regulated, and even in the information provided by these institutions [
2]. However, more and more activists and consumers have become concerned about the health risks of GMFs since the Ministry of Agriculture of the central government of China granted three biosafety certifications for two Bt rice cultivars and one phytase maize in November 2009. The news media has followed this trend and enthusiastically reported on the ensuing fierce dispute, but little reported information has been scientifically confirmed. This has resulted in a negative view of GMFs, due to dissemination of faulty information throughout the country. Various inconsistent information sources have left a sense of scientific uncertainty in the public mind, and there is a lack of efficient risk and benefit communication in the field of GM technology [
3]. As results, consumers show different degrees of trust, depending on the source from which they receive information. Therefore, it is of important practical significance to analyze the influence of source credibility on consumer acceptance of GMFs in China for the scientific propaganda, research and development, and industrial development of GMT.
Scholars at home and abroad have carried out valuable research on the relationship between trust and consumer attitudes towards GMFs. The consensus is that consumers have limited knowledge of GMFs, and in this case, social trust (such as trusting in institutions or knowledge) may play a key role in attitude toward GMFs [
4,
5,
6,
7,
8,
9,
10,
11,
12]. Qiu et al. (2007) [
13] showed that consumer trust in public authorities has a significantly positive effect on consumer acceptance of GMFs in China. However, social trust refers to the willingness of a population to rely on experts and institutions in the management of risks and technologies, which is a unidimensional sociopolitical attitude. Furthermore, the measured social trust variables represent the participant opinions of how well certain risks are managed, rather than the extent to which institutions can be trusted to maximize activities geared toward protecting the public. In the words of Siegrist et al. (2000) [
14], who measured social trust, “The responsible authorities accurately control whether legal regulations and restrictions are upheld”.
In order to utilize the trust concept for explaining public perceptions of new technologies, some scholars have distinguished source credibility from social trust. Frewer et al. (2003) [
2] indicated that perceptions of information source characteristics contributed very little to attitude change, and perhaps most tellingly, the extent to which people trusted the information sources appeared to the driven by people’s attitudes about GMFs, rather than trust influencing the way that people reacted to the information. However, through theory analysis, Costa-Font et al. (2008) [
15] thought that in countries where limited knowledge of GM food exists, one would expect to find information searchers with very positive (negative) information conveyed with optimistic (pessimistic) attitudes. So, they believed that the level of consumer trust in the different sources of information must be considered. Holding this view, Salazar-Ordoez and Sayadi (2013) [
16] found the public of Spain regarded their scientists and government as credible information sources regarding GM technology, because they believed that scientists and government are motivated by the welfare of their citizens. Hunt and Frewer (2013) [
17] analyzed the factors influencing levels of trust, and indicated that perceptions of “vested interest” and “degree of knowledge” are important elements, although probably not exhaustive. In addition, Lobb et al. (2007) [
18] indicated that trust in food safety information provided by media reduces the likelihood to purchase, but trust in the food chain and independent sources shows a positive, albeit nonsignificant, impact.
In conclusion, the current literature on GMFs has made significant contributions, but the following problems have not been solved. First, empirical examination of the impact of source credibility on consumer attitude toward GMFs has provided mixed results, and has not taken endogeneity of source credibility into consideration. In other words, source credibility may be driven by people’s attitudes toward GMFs. Second, the reasoning mechanism behind different sources of information influencing consumer attitude of GMFs has not been defined. Third, the process by which individuals acquire messages regarding GMFs has not yet been clearly defined. The current literature on GMFs ignores information asymmetry and specific preference, and supposes that consumers can utilize all available information sources. However, consumers lack of access to all the information sources because of information asymmetry, and they also have specific preferences. In another word, consumers are limited or selective in the use of information sources [
19].
The academic implications are as follows. To develop the reasoning mechanism, which determines the consumer acceptance of GMFs. Particularly, we quantitatively studied the influence of different source credibility leading to consumer acceptance of GMFs, using mixed-process regression to correct endogeneity in information sources, while taking into consideration of information asymmetry and specific preference in the use of information sources.
2. Theoretical Framework
The Persuasion Model, which is based on the information communication process, was developed by American psychologist Carl Hovland in 1959, building on the theory of Information Transition and Social Judgment. He regarded attitude change as a process in which outside information affected the attitude of the individual, and focused on which mechanisms and factors affect consumer attitudes. This model studied influences on the strength and direction of attitude change, and emphatically discussed the external mechanisms affecting attitude change [
20].
Hovland (1959) [
20] enumerated the mechanisms of the Persuasion Model. In the process of attitude change, the emotions tied to being persuaded fluctuate with new pieces of learned information. When the received information contradicts the initial attitude of a community, the public will be nervous, triggering the consistency mechanism. The Congruity Theory argues that there are several ways to ease this tension, contradicting being one of the most effective. According to the Cognitive Response Theory, all of the information that an individual receives is taken into consideration, but attitude change mainly depends on the quantity and nature of the individual’s reaction to the information. If this retort process is disturbed, the individual is successfully persuaded to make an attitude change. Otherwise, the individual retains the initial attitude through various means, such as belittling the information source, distorting information, or refusing it altogether. What is more, Hovland (1959) [
20] indicates that there are four factors affecting attitude change, including the persuader (information source), the persuasion information (communication), the persuasion situation, and the persuasion objects (audience). It is worth noting that the top three factors are external stimuli, and the persuader plays a particularly important role.
The most important factor is source credibility, which is dependent on authority and reliability. A high credibility source is evidently much more likely to have a positive effect on recipient attitudes than a low credibility source, which has been explained by such depth-of-processing theories as the Elaboration Likelihood Model [
21]. Source credibility generally varies as an experimental factor in studies of attitude change: (1) people with expertise are more effective at persuading others, and the higher the source credibility, the more effective the persuasion; (2) if the information source is perceived to combat the vested interest of the provider, the public will happily receive the information and will be willing to change their attitude; (3) the opposite is also true: if the information source is perceived to have a vested interest in promoting a particular view, especially if it is perceived to be deliberately biased in a particular direction, their credibility is more likely to be questioned by the consumer; and (4) deliberate written attempts to influence public opinion (also referred to as propaganda, advertising, editorials, and even tweeting or blogging) are often resisted due to psychological resistance [
2,
22,
23].
Additionally, psychological factors, such as individual differences, can influence attitude change, as well.
China’s Ministry of Agriculture oversees China’s overall GM organisms (GMO) safety management. This study is based on the results of monitoring and management of agricultural GMO applications by the Center of Agriculture’s Genetically Modified Organisms’ safety management and policy research organization of Nanjing Agricultural University (AGGMO) from 2010 to 2014. There are seven information sources. These include biotechnology research institutes (Biotechnology Research Institute at the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences, Jiangsu Academy of Agricultural Sciences, and so on), government offices devoted to management of GMOs (Ministry of Agriculture GMOs safety management office, Jiangsu GMOs safety management office, and so on), GMO technological experts, environmental organizations (green peace), anonymous information found on the Internet, food companies, and non-GMO experts.
According to a long-term statistical investigation of AGGMO and the current literature, we can draw the following conclusions.
Firstly, biotechnology research institutes, government offices devoted to management of GMOs, and GMO technological experts have more effective influence than any other sources, and are more likely to convince consumers to accept GMFs. All of these entities are both professional and credible, and they often post objective and useful information, such as the development of transgenic technology at home and abroad, and information about consumer attitudes toward GMFs and purchasing behavior.
Secondly, the persuasion of environmental organizations is also effective, but environmentalists are more likely to curb consumer reception of GMFs. Environmentalists often post negative information about potential health and ecological risks, or reports about a local government or consumers who are against GMFs.
Thirdly, the persuasion of anonymous articles on the Internet, food companies, and non-GMO technological experts have no effect on public acceptance of GMFs. Their influence is weaker for three reasons. To begin with, in general, anonymous information found on the Internet is perceived to be deliberately biased in a particular direction, and the public will therefore refuse such information, due to psychological resistance. Additionally, food companies are often perceived to have a vested interest in promoting a particular view, so consumers are likely to doubt the reliability of their statements, even if their perspective is objective. Finally, the information coming from non-GMO experts is usually neither accurate nor authoritative due to their inexperience with transgenic technology.
3. Research Methodology
3.1. Survey and Sampling
Based on previous studies [
2,
5,
6,
9,
13], a provincial representative survey was conducted, using multistage sampling, in July 2014. This study used face-to-face interviews to select 1167 respondents from six cities in three economic regions (south, central, and north) in the Jiangsu province, and we collected 1000 valid samples (valid return rate is 85.69%).
Phase I was region selection. There are three reasons that the Jiangsu province was selected as the survey region. The population density and proportion of urban residents is relatively high in Jiangsu. Secondly, consumers in this province are more familiar with GMFs, which gave the survey results important research value. Thirdly, the social and economic development of the province is markedly progressive from south to north, which is similar to China’s social and economic development from east to west.
Phase II was city selection. Using hierarchical cluster and K-average algorithms, 13 cities in the Jiangsu province were classified into six groups, based on the permanent population in a given district at the year-end and per capita disposable income. Using stratified sampling, six cities were selected, namely Nanjing (250), Wuxi (200), Nantong (200), Xuzhou (150), Lianyungang (100), and Suqian (100), taking into consideration distribution, population, and sample size.
Phase III was consumer selection. The following criteria were selected for inclusion in the study. The age of the respondent had to be between 20 and 70 years, the individual had to be a resident of the urban population, and have some food purchasing experience, which excluded undergraduate students. According to the Jiangsu Statistical Yearbook (2013), urban residents were divided by age and then stratified proportion sampling was used to determine the sample of each age group for the six sample cities.
All data were collected in markets, supermarkets, traditional primary product markets, and recreational squares of urban districts. These places were chosen for the following reasons: (1) past experience suggests that consumers here are at different levels of consumption and (2) the consumers here are from various strata of society. These choices avoided the problem of biased selection of samples, which occurs when samples are selected from one single place where only consumers at a certain level of consumption are focused on [
24].
In order to test the representativeness of the sample, this study compared the sample index with the Jiangsu Bureau of Statistics (2013), including such items as family members and annual average household disposable income.
Mean number of family members was 3.31, which is consistent with the average household size (3.02) of the six urban cities in 2012. Their statistical results were obtained through one-way ANOVA. In the short term, household size was a very stable variable, which means the sampling result of household size was consistent with population. In addition, based on average household disposable income for the sample in 2013, we calculated the approximate urban per capita disposable income of the district (3.085), which is also similar to that (2.846) of the six cities in 2012.
Finally, the sample consisted of 1000 urban residents, 565 (56.50%) of whom were female, which complies with the statistic that women are the main decision-makers in household food consumption. Mean age was 40 years (range: 20–69). The sample was stratified by educational background (approximately 42.60% of respondents had completed junior middle school or below, 34.7% had finished senior high school and a technical secondary school, and 22.7% of participants had attended a junior college, undergraduate institution, or above), as well as by occupation (enterprises, 52.80%; agencies andorganizations, 3.40%; institutions, 21.30%; and others, 22.20%) according to the Jiangsu Statistical Yearbook.
3.2. Analytical Procedures
Based on Hovland’s Persuasion Model, the following equation was established:
where y is the dependent variable of consumer acceptance of soybean oil from GM soybeans. IS
i is the credibility of the information source. X represents demographic variables, including age (young, middle-aged, and elderly), gender, education (junior middle school and below, senior high school and technical secondary school or junior college, and undergraduate education and above), health, disposable household income (low-income, lower-income, middle-income, higher-income, and high-income groups). A represents the general attitudes embedded in the mind that influence the thoughts about a specific product [
5]. Based on the current literature, general attitudes consist of the following sub-dimensional attitudes: science and technology, nature, food neophobia, and traditional food [
5,
7,
25,
26]. The variables see
Table 1.
There may be endogeneity for the variable of source credibility, so estimated results from using Model (1) to estimate directly were considered biased and non-consistent. There are two reasons for the endogeneity. One is omitted variables, which means there are some variables influencing both consumer acceptance of GM food and source credibility, e.g., the GMF public opinion of “China’s golden rice” breaking out in 2012 in China would greatly reduce both consumer acceptance of GM food and source credibility. But these variables are generally difficult to measure, so they have to be put into the disturbing term. Another reason is simultaneous endogeneity, which means consumer acceptance of GM food as an explanatory variable would influence source credibility in turn. For example, some consumers holding a negative or neutral attitude would reduce (or increase) their trust in source information, due to the negative or positive presentation of that information on transgenic technology application.
Roodman (2011) [
27] indicated that the literature has historically focused on multistage procedures for fitting mixed models, which are more efficient computationally than maximum likelihood, if less so statistically. On the contrary, when higher dimensional cumulative normal distributions are estimated, direct maximum likelihood estimation is made more practical by faster computers and simulated likelihood methods. However, Roodman (2011) [
27] countered this argument with the mixed-process regression. So, in order to correct endogeneity of source credibility, our mixed-process regression is as follows:
where iv
ij are instrumental variables of information source. First, two instrumental variables were selected to correct endogeneity of biotechnology research institutes (IS
1): (1) scientific research institutions have made significant contributions to the development of science and technology innovation (iv
11); (2) information about the popularization of science from biotechnology research institutesis based on fact and justified, such as Biotechnology Research Institute at the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences (iv
12). Second, the instrumental variables of government offices devoted to management of GMOs (IS
2) are as follows: (1) the Chinese government has good executionto deal with the problem of food safety(iv
21); (2) whether joining the communist party of China or not (iv
22). Third, there are also two instrumental variables for GMO technological experts (IS
3): (1) technology innovation can effectively solve practical problems during social and economic development (iv
31); (2) transgenic technology can improve agricultural production pattern sand ecological environment. At last, the instrumental variable of environmental organization (IS
4) is that Greenpeace has made a great contribution in terms of environmental protection (iv
41). All of the instrumental variables use Likert 5-scale (1 = completely no agreement, 5 = completely agreement), except for iv
22 (0 = no, 1 = yes). It is obvious that these instrumental variables would have an effect on consumer acceptance of GM food indirectly by affecting source credibility, rather than directly influencing consumer acceptance. In addition, there are no instrumental variables for non-GMO experts, food companies, and anonymous information providers on the Internet, due to the fact that most respondents do not trust in these information sources resulting from statistical analysis.
5. Discussion
In this study, we tested our claim that the reasoning mechanism determines the consumer acceptance of GMFs and is affected by such factors as information source credibility, general attitudes, gender and education levels. Particularly, we used mixed-process regression correcting endogeneity in information sources to examine the influence of source credibility on consumer acceptance of GMFs, and obtained some valuable and interesting results.
This study employed a large representative sample of 1167 urban residents proportionally selected from six cities in three economic regions (south, central, and north) in the Jiangsu province. The findings from our survey suggested that consumers prefer to ingest GMFs indirectly, in the form of pest-resistant or herbicide-resistant GM crops or GM crops created from another plant species, rather than directly eating nutrition improved GM crops or those originating from an animal body or microbe. In addition, consumer attitudes toward GMFs are more clearly understood from the perspective of edible purpose, rather than the perspective of the function and source of transcribed gene. One possible explanation is that urban consumers lack knowledge about genetic engineering and biotechnology, and thus tend to be neutral or indifferent towards GMFs. As rational, economic individuals, consumers do not generally care about the applications of biotechnology in agricultural production; they are simply concerned with whether eating GMFs holds any potential risk.
Our findings suggest that, just as we predicted in our theoretical analysis, credibility of biotechnology research institutes, government offices devoted to management of GMOs, and GMO technological experts have a positive effect on consumer acceptance of GMFs, which indicate that as urban consumers hold more faith in these three information sources, the more possible consumer acceptance of GM soybean oil. Just as theoretically predicted, all three were professional and credible, and often posted objective information, such as the development of transgenic technology at home and abroad and information on consumer attitudes toward GMFs and purchasing behavior. Therefore, the power of persuasion held by these entities is more effective, and they can help consumers to accept GMFs. These views are consistent with Salazar-Ordoez and Sayadi (2013) [
16], who found the public of Spain regard the scientists and government branch as the credible information sources regarding GM technology, but they ignored endogeneity of source credibility in their empirical analysis and could not explain the reasoning mechanism. However, the views are inconsistent with Frewer et al. [
2], who indicated information source characteristics contributed very little to attitude change. On the contrary, credibility of environmental organization has a negative effect on consumer acceptance, which demonstrates that as trust in environmental organization increases, consumer acceptance of GM soybean oil will decrease. As theoretically predicted, environmental institutions are also credible, but they have traditionally posted negative information about the potential health and ecological risks of GMOs, or information about local government or consumers opposing GMFs. This study confirmed that environmental organizations are, thus, likely to discourage consumers from being receptive of GMFs. Moreover, the remaining three sources (non-GMO experts, food companies, and anonymous information found on the Internet) had almost no effect on consumer acceptance in this study. This also verifies our theoretical expectations. In general, these information sources are perceived to be deliberately biased in a particular direction, perceived to have a vested interest in promoting a particular view, and are typically neither accurate nor authoritative, so consumers are likely to doubt their reliability, due to psychological resistance. The results are similar to Lobb et al. (2007) [
18], who indicated that trust in food safety information provided by media reduces the likelihood to purchase, but trust in the food chain and independent sources shows a positive, albeit nonsignificant, impact. Consistent with previous literature, general attitudes variables such asscience and technology (A
1) and food neophobia (A
3) were found to positively affect consumer acceptance of GMFs, while nature (A
2) and traditional food (A
4) had a negative effect on GMFs acceptance. It should be no surprise that consumers apply their preexisting general attitudes about other life issues to evaluate the new subject of GMFs. The results are also similar to that of Chen and Li (2007), Costa-Font and Gil (2009), Prati et al. (2012), and Chen et al. (2015) [
5,
6,
9,
12].
Furthermore, the existing results have shown that on the one hand, men are more likely to accept soybean oil from GM soybeans than are women, which is validated by the results of Qiu et al. (2007) [
13]. On the other hand, in general, the higher the education of the consumer, the lower their acceptance of soybean oil from GM soybeans, which is similar to Hoban’s (1998) conclusions [
29]. One possible reason is that higher education will increase awareness of perceived risks of GMFs. However, age, health, and household disposable income have not been shown to be significantly correlated. At present, the conclusions of demographic variables affecting consumer acceptance have yet to reach agreement at home and abroad.
In summary, this paper has attempted to contribute to the behavioral literature on consumers’ attitude toward GMFs by developing a reasoning mechanism to determine consumer acceptance of GMFs, and especially examines the influence of different source credibility on consumer acceptance of GMFs by using a mixed-process regression to correct endogeneity in information sources, and has obtained some valuable and interesting results.
Further, the following policy countermeasures are proposed. On the one hand, the regulation and supervision of information sources should be further strengthened. Increased governmental authority over the publication of GM technology and information about GMFs would result in standardization of the objectivity, authenticity, and completeness of information, and would avoid the spread of faulty information. Specifically, entities that spin information, spread false rumors, fabricate data, or twist the results of foreign research should be punished seriously, whether through economic or administrative penalties. Additionally, public supervisory windows should be set up on a government portal website. If an information source is suspect, consumers can report it at any time. On the other hand, it is essential to intensify the publication and improve the negative media environment of GM information dissemination. The responsibilities for dynamic management of GM information should be given to an appropriate department, with the following specific functions: (1) the recent research progress at home and abroad should be collected and sorted regularly; (2) the controversy about transgenic technology and GMFs at home and abroad should be monitored, and the research results and experimental data referred to by related events should be reverified, in order to avoid the spread of out-of-context information, or the bending of the truth; (3) recent research progress about transgenic technology and GMFs at home and abroad should be released to the public in a timely manner by a credible information sources, such as government offices devoted to management of GMOs, or GMO technological experts; (4) an expert think-tank should be established, in order to objectively contradict distorted information about transgenic technology or GMFs; and, lastly, (5) question and answer windows should be established on a government portal website, in order to allow registered citizens to ask questions about transgenic technology and GMFs.
It is important to mention a few caveats to the successful completion of this research. We note (1) the absence of an investigation into the degree of consumers’ attitude change toward GMFs affected by source credibility, which is difficult to measure; and (2) the restriction to soybean oil made from GM soybeans as the sole product considered. Thus, it would appear as particularly relevant to improve the study by expanding this approach to other GMFs. However, there is, as of yet, no mandatory labeling required on other GMFs, except for soybean oil made from GM soybeans in China now.