1. Introduction
Interest in entomophagy (human consumption of insects) has been increasing [
1] over the last few years. Many authors [
2,
3,
4,
5,
6,
7] have asserted that eating insects offers physical health benefits, and also improves sustainability and food security.
In 2013, the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) published the report “Edible Insects: Future Prospects for Food and Feed Security” [
8], which analyzed the practice of collecting insects as a source of food and income, and examined its relative ecological impact on forest habitats. To date, there have been 2111 edible insect species recorded [
9] and approximately 2 billion people, in over 130 countries, that use insects as food [
8,
10]. Toti et al. [
11] noted that “insects are currently consumed as part of the daily diet in many developing and non-developing countries, like Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Oceania”. In recent years, in Europe, there has been encouragement for the entomophagy sector. Indeed, the European Union, through Regulation (EU) 2015/2283 on novel foods, regulated insect consumption for the first time in Europe [
12]. Right during the writing of this article, the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) published the first scientific opinion about insects as novel food [
13]. The EFSA Panel affirmed that dried yellow mealworm (
Tenebrio molitor larva) could be considered as a safe novel food following the Regulation (EU) 2015/2283. Considering this scientific opinion, a milestone in the EU insect sector, there is considerable potential in the next years that several other insect species could be used as food and feed in the EU.
Although an increased number of studies have analyzed the acceptance of entomophagy [
14,
15,
16,
17,
18], Western societies continue to have attitudinal barriers to considering insects as food [
1,
19,
20]. Particularly, in countries that have no recent history of eating insects, it has been difficult to accept the practice of entomophagy [
21]. Piha et al. [
22] argued that “as far as Europe is concerned, consumers in Northern countries are generally more inclined to consider edible insects as food than people in Central European countries”.
The literature on consumer acceptance of entomophagy is debatable. Some studies have identified an interest in entomophagy, particularly among young consumers [
23,
24,
25]. On the other hand, other studies that stress the health and environmental benefits of entomophagy have shown that these benefits are not sufficient to motivate human consumption [
19,
26]. Finally, some studies have analyzed the practice of incorporating insects into food (i.e., insect flour) and have concluded that it is not enough for people to accept insects as food [
27]. Thus, in recent years, some studies have tried to investigate the main factors affecting Westerners’ acceptance of entomophagy (see [
28] for more details). One of the main factors cited is neophobia.
As described by Pliner et al. [
29], “food neophobia is a psychological attitude, which refers to the individual’s unwillingness to try and the tendency to avoid novel food”, which reduces the probability of introducing insects into the diet [
1,
20,
30,
31,
32,
33,
34,
35].
Moreover, the attitudinal measure obtained from food neophobia needs to be correlated with a series of factors underlying the acceptance/rejection of novel foods (both personal and social factors), as codified by Mancini et al. [
16]. Among the personal factors, disgust has been identified by several studies as a core barrier to eating insects [
36,
37,
38]. Considering that Westerners view insects to be a pathogenic risk, foods containing insects are considered to be disgusting [
38,
39,
40].
Other studies have focused on psychological barriers such as lack of familiarity [
31,
32,
37,
41,
42], their appearance [
43], previous beliefs concerning the appropriateness of insect consumption [
42], and product preparation and presentation [
27]. Additionally, insects are rarely eaten because they are not considered to be edible [
15,
32,
39]; in particular, they are often viewed as pests and a risk to health [
32,
44] or associated with a sense of filth and danger [
39].
It is thought that food neophobia and the abovementioned factors are commonly linked, but this hypothesis has not yet been tested.
In particular, knowledge is lacking on how food neophobia and other factors jointly contribute to the rejection of insects as food and the relative weight of these factors. For this reason, in this paper, we analyze if some of these factors and food neophobia are related and if they jointly contribute to the rejection of insects as food, as previously mentioned by other authors [
15,
45,
46] and, in particular, regarding disgust and food neophobia.
In order to better explain insect phobia, we hypothesize that the neophobia scale needs to be accompanied by a customized scale for insects.
In this study, through 420 questionnaires, we introduce a food neophobia scale and compare the results to those obtained using a neophobia scale. We measure the marginal effects that the two scales have on the behavior of respondents by measuring the intent and likelihood of eating insects in the near future.
3. Results
First, we verified that the questions related to the neophobia scales were related to each other and could describe phobia for new foods (
Table 4 shows statistical data for the questions). In this regard, the questions were analyzed using Cronbach’s alpha and revealed a value of 0.83. Given the positive result, the neophobia variable was generated by adding the scores obtained for each respondent related to the food neophobia scale, taking into account that some authors [
54,
55] consider Likert scales with five or more categories to be continuous variables. The values of this variable range from 10 (low) to 60 (high level of neophobia).
The same procedure was followed for questions in the Insect Phobia Scale (
Table 5 shows the statistical data for questions related to the IPS). The cross-correlations among the answers to the questions were analyzed using Cronbach’s alpha, revealing a value of 0.83. In this case, the result showed the congruence of the answers to describe insect phobia. The variable insect phobia was generated by adding the scores obtained for each respondent related to the Insect Phobia Scale. The values of this variable range from 10 (low) to 40 (high level of insect phobia).
The results of the first logit regression model (Model 1) are shown in
Table 6. The likelihood ratio test compares the null logit model with our model and shows that Chi-squared (3) = 59.00 Prob > Chi-squared = 0.000. Therefore, there is evidence of the effects of our covariates on the likelihood of eating food that contains insects. Moreover, pseudo-R
2 equals 0.10, revealing that our variables explain a part of the total variance.
Gender is not a statistically significantly variable. Therefore, males and females have the same probability of eating food with insects. The statistical significance and the negative sign of coefficients show that a high probability of eating food containing insects is related to both those who have a low level of phobia for new foods and those who have a low level of phobia for eating insects. Indeed, the odds of eating food with insects is 4% lower if the level of neophobia measured by the neophobia scale increases one point and it is 7% lower if the insect phobia increases one point. The statistical significance, the positive sign and the large magnitude of constant term indicates that a female with no neophobia and no insect phobia is very likely to eat food with insect (i.e., 15 times higher).
The results of the second logit regression model (Model 2) are shown in
Table 7. The likelihood ratio test shows that Chi-squared (3) = 96.00 Prob > Chi-squared = 0.000. Therefore, even for Model 2, there is evidence of the effects of our covariates on the intention to eat food containing insects. In this case, pseudo-R
2 almost doubles, with a value of 0.18, i.e., our variables explain a substantial part of the total variance.
The results in terms of statistical significance, magnitude, and the sign of the coefficient are the same as the previous model. The results show that a high intention to eat food containing insects is related to both those who have a low level of phobia for new foods and those who have a low level of phobia for eating insects. An increase of 10 points in the neophobia scale reduces the intention to eat food containing insects by almost 50%. The same change in the insect phobia scale reduces the intention to eat food that contains insects twofold.
In order to test our hypothesis (i.e., that the two scales affect the probability and the intention to eat food containing insects differently), the marginal effects of the applied models were analyzed.
Figure 1 and
Figure 2 show the marginal effects of the FNS on Models 1 and 2, respectively.
Figure 3 and
Figure 4 show the marginal effects of the IPS on Models 1 and 2, respectively. The marginal effects were calculated at different levels of neophobia (from 10 (low level) to 60 (high level) of neophobia) and at different levels of insect phobia (from 10 (low level) to 40 (high level) of insect phobia).
Considering Model 1, at a low level of neophobia (10), a person has a 69% probability of eating food containing insects in the coming months, while, at a high level of neophobia (60), this probability is equal to 24%.
Considering Model 2, at a low level of neophobia (10), the respondents have a 51% probability of intending to eat food containing insects in the coming months as compared with 8% probability for a person with a high level of neophobia (60).
Considering Model 1, a respondent with a low level of insect phobia (10) has a 67% likelihood of eating food containing insects in the coming months as compared with 21% likelihood for a respondent with a high level of insect phobia (40).
Considering Model 2, at a low level of insect phobia (10), there is a 54% probability that a respondent is willing to eat food containing insects in the coming months, while at a high level of insect phobia (40), the probability is equal to 4%.
By comparing the results of the two models, the probability of eating food containing insects decreases from 69% (for those who have a low level of neophobia) to 67% (for those who have a low level of insect phobia). The intention to eat food containing insects increases from 51% (for those who have a low level of neophobia) to 54% (for those who have a low level of insect phobia).
The probability of eating food containing insects decreases from 24% (for those have a high level of neophobia) to 21% (for those who have a high level of insect phobia). Similarly, the intention to eat food containing insects decreases from 8% (for those have a high level of neophobia) to 4% (for those who have a high level of insect phobia).
4. Discussion
This study outlines some interesting findings, some of which also align with the data available in literature on this topic. First, we observed a relationship between neophobic consumers and the probability of eating food containing insects [
20,
22,
30,
31,
32,
37,
42,
56]. In particular, neophobic consumers are far less accepting of entomophagy than neophilic consumers [
34,
57].
Our findings confirmed the results that some authors found for specific factors, which, in a separate way, also contribute to the rejection of insects as food. The psychological factors are among the main barriers to acceptance [
58,
59]. In addition, the disgust factor is the most common reason for refusing an insect-based product [
23,
52,
60,
61]. The food exposure factor has a positive effect by increasing the familiarity of the product and also influences the acceptance of a new food, by decreasing neophobic reactions [
62,
63].
In contrast with some previous studies [
16,
32,
52,
64], gender did not have a significant influence on the neophobic level. We tested and confirmed the initial hypothesis that the two scales analyzed (FNS and IFS) give different results. On the basis of the fact that the neophobia scale has an effect on the willingness to eat insects, it should be considered to be a generic scale, used for all dishes outside the culinary tradition of the respondent.
In this regard, a specific scale for insects was tested and the effect it had on the probability and intention to eat insects was subsequently analyzed. There is a correlation between the two scales, but they can measure different effects. Notably, the IFS has an increasing impact on the intention to eat food containing insects as compared with neophobia. Instead, considering the probability of eating food containing insects, the FNS is slightly higher than the IFS. These differences confirm that the NFS is not sufficient to explain consumer behavior. Despite these results, the present study has some limitations. Our study only focused on a single country and city; therefore, the results should be replicated in different cultural contexts. As suggest by La Barbera et al. [
46], “such cross-cultural validation could start with additional Western cultures but should eventually extend to non-Western cultures where entomophagy is traditionally more acceptable”. In addition, the focus on a relatively small study sample of young people “implies that the findings of this study cannot be readily generalized to other parts of society where the eating of insects is uncommon. Nevertheless, our insights show the most relevant determinants that are probably (at least partly) transferable to other study populations. Further studies in other countries are therefore recommended” [
30]. Further validation should include more tests of cross-cultural measurements. However, the questionnaire was not directed towards specific targets and the survey itself was not based on any explicit selection mechanism. On the contrary, the literature developed in Italy includes papers based on severely self-selected samples. Some authors recruited respondents only in a single Italian city [
65], in its main shopping mall [
43], or from a university or its immediate surroundings [
1,
20,
23,
48,
58,
66].
It should be highlighted that, although most studies have been based on non-representative samples, the outcomes are widely consistent across the literature. This suggests that the main drivers related to the choice of consuming (or not) insect-based food are similar across populations, and their geographical locations. Although the literature has reported few differences related to the measurement of the “effect” of some specific variables, our results are essentially in line with those relative to other Western countries.
Considering that, in the future, insect phobia will have more of an effect than food neophobia on the intention to eat food containing insects, increasing familiarity will not be enough for consumers to adopt insect-based food, because the positive effect of increased familiarity could be thwarted by the disgust generated from a negative experience about consumption. This aspect could be overcome by investing in advertising messages with gastronomic and sensory characteristics.
Indeed, future research should include sensorial analyses of products containing insects in order to analyze consumers’ preferences. For this purpose, during interviews, the use of images or the tasting of real insect-based foods should be seriously considered. These techniques would help to describe a more realistic scenario of the consumption of insect-based food and could gather more accurate information on consumers’ behaviors.
Considering our country specifically, one possible strategy for improving the acceptance of insect-based foods could be to “hide”, i.e., incorporate, insects in foods, mainly in the well-known ones (e.g., pasta, pizza, and bread).