Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) of the Arctic Cultural Circle in Three Ethnographic Works from China, Russia, and Canada

Abstract

This paper analyzes the Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) within the Arctic Cultural Circle by comparing three influential texts: the Russian travelogue Dersu, the Trapper (1923); the Canadian memoir People of the Deer (1952); and the Chinese novel The Last Quarter of the Moon (2005). By examining these texts, which depict the Indigenous cultures of the Nanai, the Ihalmiut, and the Ewenki, the study identifies shared ecological perspectives. These include an emphasis on the sacredness of nature, as seen in their animistic worship and spiritual connection to the environment; a holistic relationship between humans and nature, characterized by a wise and sustainable use of resources and a minimal sense of ownership; and a sense of reciprocity among all living beings, fostering mutual care and respect within the natural world. The paper further contends that the TEK of the circle offers valuable reference for addressing contemporary environmental and social challenges posed by climate change and biodiversity loss, particularly in the context of modernization and globalization.

1. Introduction

Life on Earth, as it stands, faces significant challenges, including global climate change, resource depletion, and biodiversity loss. In the quest for solutions to these urgent issues, it is essential to recognize that the problems cannot be solved using the same mindset that created them based on modern knowledge. The ongoing global environmental crisis stems from the skewed perspective held by predominantly Western industrialized nations regarding the relationship between humans and the natural world. Since the Scientific Revolution, the modern societies have often perceived nature as a mechanical entity—an “other” that is inferior, inert, and intended to be controlled and exploited for human benefit. This mindset has resulted in the severe exploitation of the natural world, pushing it to the brink of collapse (Merchant 1990, pp. 100–5).

In seeking pathways to address the environmental crisis, environmentalist David Suzuki emphasizes “the power and relevance of their [Indigenous peoples’] knowledge and worldview in a time of imminent global ecocatastrophe” (Suzuki 2001, p. xxxv). Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) represents “the culturally and spiritually based way in which Indigenous peoples relate to their ecosystems” (LaDuke 1994, p. 127). TEK encompasses not only descriptive knowledge acquired through experience in a particular environment but also prescriptive insights that guide how individuals should interact with nature. Consequently, TEK integrates elements of science, spirituality, and ethics (McGregor 2018, p. 109).

The Arctic Cultural Circle’s Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) holds unique importance, especially in the context of sustainable resource management under extreme climatic conditions. Indigenous communities in this region have relied on fishing, hunting, and gathering practices for thousands of years, making these some of the oldest subsistence systems in the world.

2. The Arctic Cultural Circle

The Arctic is a dynamic and evolving concept, often surrounded by controversy. It can be understood as a region shaped by a complex interplay of environments, cultures, histories, practices, and modernities.

The contemporary definitions of the Arctic are based on environmental criteria, which include measurable parameters such as climate (the 10 °C July isotherm), vegetation (the treeline), marine conditions (temperature and salinity of ocean water), and cartographic boundaries (the Arctic Circle at 66°32′ north). These criteria generally outline the northernmost regions of the eight Arctic Council member states: the USA (Alaska), Canada, Denmark (Greenland), Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia (Körber 2017, p. 5). This region is characterized by “persistent snow and ice cover and sparse vegetation”, including “lichens, mosses, sedges, grasses, forbs, and low shrubs”. Immediately south of the treeline lies the subarctic, a zone of open forests (Woo and Gregor 1992, p. 2).

And who lives in this area? According to John Hoffecker’s Prehistoric Arctic: The World of the Early Arctic People (Hoffecker 2005), humans began settling and thriving in the Arctic region between 7000 and 15,000 years ago, gradually forming what we recognize today as Arctic peoples. This commonly accepted group includes the Sámi of Northern Europe; the Inuit-Aleut of Alaska, Canada, and Greenland; various Indigenous groups in Alaska and Canada; and numerous Indigenous groups in Siberian Russia. However, this perspective is incomplete without acknowledging the northern Chinese ethnic groups of similar origin, which are also integral to the comprehensive understanding of Arctic peoples.

Russian and Chinese anthropologist Sergei Mikhailovich Shirokogoroff, in his influential work The Social Organization of Northern Tungusic Peoples (Shirokogoroff 1933), observed connections between these groups. He noted that the Oroqen, Evenki, and Hezhe people in China, along with the Evenki and Nanai in Russia, all belong to the Northern Tungusic language group1 and primarily inhabit the Yenisei, Lena, and Heilongjiang River basins. Shirokogoroff argued that, the Northern Tungusic peoples’ dialects are closely related, suggesting a common origin.

In recent years, Chinese scholars have increasingly recognized the cultural and historical connections between certain Chinese northern ethnic groups and the Arctic region. Bai Lan has strongly advocated referring to the Oroqen and Evenki peoples in China as “Pan-Arctic Peoples” (Bai 2019).

Tang Ge argues that some ethnic groups in China, including the Oroqen, Hezhe, and some of the Evenki, belong to the Arctic Cultural Circle since they share “fundamental characteristics of the Indigenous cultures of the Arctic region, including fishing and hunting, reindeer herding, consumption of raw animal parts (particularly organs), conical tents, small clusters (compared to agricultural villages), mobility, and shamanism” (Tang 2019, pp. 122–23).

Qu Feng also notices that the northern Chinese ethnic groups bordering Russia and Mongolia share striking similarities with the Arctic peoples in various aspects, such as living environments, ecosystems, subsistence strategies, survival tactics, arts and material culture, and ritual beliefs. Many of these ethnic groups are also transboundary peoples with close historical connections to the high-latitude regions of Siberia and its Indigenous populations (Qu 2021, pp. 1–2).

From the perspective of global migration, scholars have not yet agreed on the exact timing and location of the first human migration into the Americas. However, there is consensus that migration from Asia, through the Bering Strait, played a crucial role in populating America. Although little about these early migrations is known, the traditional aboriginal cultures that emerged on both sides of the North Pacific Ocean remain fascinating (Fitzhugh and Crowell 1988, pp. 12–15). The comparison of these cultures, which developed under similar environmental conditions in Asia and America, reveals significant similarities.

In recognition of the cultural affinities between some northern Chinese ethnic minorities and the Arctic, the Chinese government, in its 2018 white paper “China’s Arctic Policy”, designated China as a “Near-Arctic State”. This cross-boundary perspective should extend to various academic disciplines, including anthropology, ethnology, and literary studies, ensuring a comprehensive understanding of Arctic and Near-Arctic Indigenous cultures while incorporating cosmopolitan ideals that foster interconnectedness and dialogue across cultural boundaries. Ethnographic literature is an important area of such research.

3. Three Works of Ethnographic Literature

Clifford Geertz, in his seminal work The Interpretation of Cultures (1973), introduces the concept of “thick description”, which emphasizes the need for deep, detailed analysis to truly understand cultural phenomena. Geertz’s theory extends beyond traditional ethnographic methods, suggesting that literary works, including those not explicitly academic, can serve as valuable cultural texts with ethnographic significance. This perspective supports the idea that non-academic literary genres such as novels and memoirs can offer profound insights into the cultures they depict, thus broadening the scope of what can be considered ethnographic literature.

Building on this idea, “ethnographic literature” should encompass written works that explore and document the diverse cultures, traditions, and social practices of various peoples. This genre includes not only traditional ethnographies but also narratives, memoirs, and fictional works that provide cultural insights (Tangherlini 1998; Reed-Danahay 1997). According to interpretive anthropology, there are two distinct ways of observing an Indigenous community: “emic” and “etic”. The emic perspective refers to the view of cultural insiders, while the etic perspective denotes that of outsiders (Geertz 1973, p. 65). This paper focuses on the insights Indigenous cultures offer to modern society and will therefore concentrate on non-Indigenous writing from the etic perspective.

Etic ethnographic literature is rich in the Arctic Cultural Circle in forms of travelogues, memoirs, and novels. However, these writings are often studied in isolation, which hampers a comprehensive exploration of the cultural roots and obscures the historical changes. Comparative studies are crucial to understanding the broader cultural and historical contexts that these texts reveal. To address this, this paper selects and analyzes three representative texts: Dersu, the Trapper (1923); People of the Deer (1952); and The Last Quarter of the Moon (2005), which have had notable global or regional impacts.

The texts analyzed in the paper involve three ethnic groups: the Evenki of China, the Nanai of Russia2, and the Ihalmio of Canada3. All of these groups are part of the fishing and hunting peoples. When primitive cultures of hunting and fishing come into contact with agriculture or modern cultures, their initial interactions are often marked by conflict and exclusion, raising significant curiosity, concern, or reflection among cultural outsiders.

Dersu, the Trapper is a travelogue written by Vladimir Arsenyev, a Soviet explorer and army officer, based on his early 20th-century expeditions through the Ussuri region of the Russian Far East. The story recounts his friendship and adventures with Dersu Uzala, a Nanai hunter and trapper who possesses exceptional knowledge of the natural environment. Dersu is portrayed as a wise and resourceful guide, deeply connected to the land and demonstrating remarkable survival skills. The work vividly depicts the vast forests, dense vegetation, diverse animal species, and the intertwining rivers and mountains. Dersu’s way of life is entirely dependent on this natural environment, living in harmony with nature, and showing profound understanding and respect for it. This narrative has been adapted into several films, including Akira Kurosawa’s 1975 film Dersu Uzala, which won the Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film.

Dersu, the Trapper is viewed as not only a document of the natural environment of the area but also a record of the civilization and history there (Sander 2019; Zemlyanskaya and Guo 2021; Shao 2019). There is also analysis of the cultural and ecological impact of colonization in the region from a post-colonial perspective (Oktaviani 2022).

In the similar vein, in People of the Deer, Farley Mowat provides a detailed account of his experiences in the late 1940s with the Ihalmiut, a small group of Inuit people living in the Canadian Arctic, particularly around the Kazan River region in what is now Nunavut. Mowat explores the Ihalmiut’s traditional hunting and fishing lifestyle, showcasing their beautiful and dignified way of life and authentically depicting their harmonious existence with the caribou (referred to as “deer” by the Ihalmiut), which were central to their survival. The Ihalmiut’s way of life was closely tied to the natural rhythms of the land. They relied on hunting caribou for food, clothing, and tools, and their survival was dependent on the seasonal migrations of these animals. The environment, while harsh, was abundant enough to sustain their traditional nomadic lifestyle for generations. However, the memoir also examines the challenges they faced due to environmental changes and the intrusion of colonial trade, which altered the ecology of the wilderness, leading to the loss of the Ihalmiut’s means of survival and balance. Mowat’s work has been translated into over 20 languages and published in more than 40 countries.

Farley Mowat is known worldwide for his writings on ecology, nature, and the land. Describing the cultural practices and habits of the Inuit people of Canada, People of the Deer is written in “near novelistic tendencies and freewheeling style with the use of facts” (Mahoney 2015, p. 888). In terms of writing intent, some scholars argue that it raises reflections on the shortcomings of industrialization and urbanization (MacLulich 1977, p. 226), while others contend that it aims at supporting a kind of cultural revolution in “Newfoundland” (Overton 2000, pp. 168–69).

The Last Quarter of the Moon (2005) by Chi Zijian offers a portrayal of the Ewenki people residing in the Greater Khingan Mountains of Inner Mongolia and Heilongjiang province in northeastern China. Narrated by an old female shaman, the novel explores the environmental and social challenges faced by the Ewenki due to urbanization, which has distanced them from their ancestral lands and traditional ways of life. The story vividly depicts the natural beauty of their homeland, with vast forests, clear rivers, and abundant wildlife, where the Ewenki rely on reindeer herding, hunting, and gathering for living. Their lives are deeply bonded with nature, forming a unique ecological culture. The novel delves into the impact of modernization on Indigenous culture and their struggle to maintain their identity amidst profound changes. The Last Quarter of the Moon has been recognized with several prestigious literary awards in China, including the Mao Dun Literature Prize, the country’s top literary honor, in 2008.

From a macro perspective, Li Mei identifies this work as an attempt to construct a localized ecological discourse. Zhang Jianfei focused on the interpretation of Evenki traditions depicted in this work, especially the usage of plants from the perspective of ethnobotany (Zhang 2018).

Yet, these works have not yet been linked and studied from the angle of the Arctic Cultural Circle, resulting in missed opportunities for an integrated understanding of the common values and gaining a more comprehensive insight into ecological insights of the Indigenous peoples and the complex interplay between traditional practices and modern influences.

This paper argues that despite their diversity, the three ethnographic literary works share key similarities, particularly in their appreciation of the particular Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) in the Arctic Cultural Circle marked by a deep reverence for nature’s sacredness, expressed through animism and spiritual transcendence; a holistic view of nature as an interconnected whole, with a focus on wise, sustainable resource use and minimal emphasis on ownership; and a strong sense of reciprocity between humans and non-humans, fostering mutual care and support for all beings.

4. Sacredness: Animistic Worship and Spiritual Transcendence

The works under study embody Indigenous ecological perspectives that are grounded in Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and deeply rooted in a reverence for nature and involving profound respect for plants and animals. Communities that engage in hunting and fishing cultivate relationships with the natural world, recognizing the significance of various species, such as eagles, fish, dogs, pigs, bears, horses, sheep, and deer. For instance, the Evenki people hold deep respect for natural phenomena like fire, wind, rain, thunder, and mountains. By honoring these elements, they express their understanding of the cosmos and their connection to the environment, reflecting unique cultural beliefs and spiritual values. This reverence for nature leads to its sanctification, where transcendental experiences are found within the natural world, demonstrating how deeply intertwined cultural practices and ecological sustainability are within Indigenous communities.

Dersu entertains the narrator with his views on nature, explaining how it is all alive, just like men:

After a minute he stopped and said: “Me think so: ground, hill, forest… all same man. Now sweating. Hark!” and he listened. “Hear him breathe, all same man.” (Arsenyev 1941, p. 104). Dersu expresses his admiration in disjointed, ungrammatical Russian, believing that all things have spirits. He demonstrated a simple, heartfelt love and reverence for nature:

Dersu was up before the others and started brewing tea. Then the sun appeared.

“How beautiful it is!” I could not help exclaiming.

“Him most important man,” said Dersu, answering to my exclamation.

“If he go, all other things go.” After a pause he went on:

“Earth too…man. Him head there,” and he pointed to the north-east, “him feet there,” and he pointed to the south-west. Fire and water also strong man. If fire and water go, then all thing go. That…end all thing.”

(Arsenyev 1941, pp. 139–40)

Arsenyev observes, “In those simple words, there was pure animism, but also profound philosophy” (Arsenyev 1941, pp. 139–40). This philosophy is deeply rooted in animism. In Dersu’s worldview, the sun is regarded as an important man and the earth as a being with its head in the northeast and feet in the southwest. Fire and water are powerful entities essential for survival; without them, all comes to an end. Within this belief system, human beings are seen as small and insignificant and are filled with respect for the forces of nature. This stands in stark contrast to the modern notion that humans are the masters of nature. The reverence for nature in this philosophy is both deep and sincere. Dersu’s explanation reveals the animistic belief that every creature, like humans, possesses a soul, and each being is sacred and interconnected.

When a Russian soldier wants to shoot a bird to settle its hash with his rifle, Dersu stops him: “No need shoot,” says Dersu, restraining him. “Him not hurt us; crow too want dinner; him come see, man here or not. Him fly off. We go…then him jump down eat what left.” (Arsenyev 1941, p. 272). Dersu’s dissuasion exemplifies how, within the shamanistic worldview, the natural world is deeply spiritual, including the innate respect for all living things.

Similarly, in The Last Quarter of the Moon, the first-person narrator, the old woman clan chieftain, expresses her animistic world view:

In my eyes, every mountain [of the Greater Khingan Mountain Range] on the Right Bank [of the Argun] is a star sparkling on Mother Earth. During the spring and summer, these stars are green, in the autumn they are golden yellow, and silvery white in the winter. I love them. They are like human beings with their own temperaments and physiques. Some are short and rounded, like a clay pot turned upside down; some stand tall and elegantly linked like the beautiful outstretched horns of a reindeer. In my eyes, the trees on the mountains are masses of flesh and blood.

(Chi 2014, p. 213)

This passage illustrates animism, which is central to understanding the natural world. The mountains and trees are not mere physical entities but are imbued with life and spirit, reflecting a profound connection between humans and nature. The mountains’ changing colors with the seasons and their comparison to human forms and temperaments underscore a belief in the living, dynamic essence of nature. This deep reverence for nature, seeing it as sacred and alive, is indicative of an innate respect and love for the natural world. In this worldview, nature is not something to be dominated but something to be honored and cherished, with every element holding its own spirit and significance.

Sacred sites, such as forests, mountains, and bodies of water, often hold significant spiritual value in animistic cultures. These areas are frequently designated as protected spaces where access is controlled, and activities are limited. The sacred status of these sites acts as a powerful mechanism for their preservation, as violating these areas is considered not only a breach of environmental ethics but also a spiritual transgression. By establishing and respecting sacred sites, animistic cultures contribute to the protection of vital ecosystems and biodiversity.

There is also profound connection between nature and the human spirit: “When I’m depressed, I stand in the wind for a while, and it blows away the gloomy clouds in my heart. When I am vexed, I go to the riverside to listen to the waters flow, and they soon bring serenity to my heart. I’ve lived to a ripe old age and that proves I didn’t choose the wrong doctors. My doctors are the cool wind, flowing waters, sun, moon and stars” (Chi 2014, p. 257). Nature has therapeutic power. The narrator finds solace and healing in the elements, wind, water, sun, moon, and stars, suggesting that nature serves as both a physician and a spiritual guide. The imagery evokes a sense of reverence and awe, imbuing nature with a sacred significance that transcends mere physical existence. This excerpt reflects the deep love and dependence humans have on the natural world, illustrating how nature provides not only physical well-being but also emotional and spiritual nourishment. It suggests that in nature’s rhythms and beauty, one can find a sanctuary for the soul, reinforcing the idea that nature is integral to human life and well-being.

In a corresponding way, Mowat observes Ihalmio men’s habit of finding beauty in nature, which also illustrates their reverence and love of nature: “The Ihalmio know how to make beauty, and they also know how to enjoy it, for it is no uncommon thing to see an Ihalmio man squatting silently on a hill crest and watching, for hours at a time, the swift interplay of colors that sweep the sky at sunset and dawn. It is not unusual to see an Ihalmio pause for long minutes to watch the sleek beauty of a weasel or to stare into the brilliant heart of some minuscule flower” (Mowat 1952, p. 158).

The Ihalmio men’s actions can be seen as expressions of reverence for the living spirits that inhabit the natural world. Their ability to find beauty in even the smallest details of their surroundings suggests a recognition of the inherent value and power in all things, whether it be a vast sky or a minuscule flower. This is closely tied to the Indigenous ecological worldview, where nature is not only revered but is also seen as a source of spiritual insight and connection. The Ihalmio’s deep appreciation for nature, therefore, is not just a reflection of aesthetic sensitivity but also of their spiritual understanding that every aspect of the natural world is alive, interconnected, and deserving respect. Nature for them is a source of happiness and not merely a tool to be used in the pursuit of happiness. That is the fundamental reason why they would not do harm to nature.

This worldview stands in stark contrast to anthropocentric perspectives, where nature is often seen as a resource to be mastered or exploited. For the Ihalmio, as for Dersu, nature is a powerful, living force that humans must honor and coexist with rather than dominate. This perspective emphasizes that nature has intrinsic value beyond its utility to humans.

Incorporating the principle of sacredness into contemporary environmental practices can bridge cultural and spiritual gaps in global conservation efforts. By respecting the spiritual significance of nature across different cultures, we can develop more culturally sensitive and effective approaches to biodiversity preservation. The animistic view of nature as sacred offers a powerful framework for environmental protection, emphasizing reverence, ethical behavior, and community involvement. These principles, rooted in a deep commitment to ecological balance, provide valuable insights for modern environmental practices.

5. Holism: Wise Use of Nature and Minimal Sense of Property

The natural world is not merely a resource to be exploited but a living entity imbued with profound spiritual significance, as reflected in Traditional Ecological Knowledge. In such vibrant ecosystems, all life forms and natural elements are interconnected as an organic whole, each playing a vital role in maintaining environmental balance. This holistic view, central to Indigenous ecological perspectives, fosters a deep sense of respect and stewardship, influencing the social norms and ethical guidelines that govern resource use. By adhering to these TEK-informed ethical principles, Indigenous communities not only prevent over-exploitation of their natural resources but also promote long-term sustainability. This commitment to sustainable practices ensures that future generations can continue to benefit from the richness of their surroundings while honoring the intrinsic value of the natural world.

The old hunter Dersu is truly one with nature, possessing an innate understanding of the natural world. He never complains, accepting everything good or bad that nature imposes upon him because he knows that nature is not there for his good; he is just a part of nature. Intuitively grasping the rhythms of the natural world, he lives in harmony with it:

The man [Dersu] lived so close to nature that his very organism was sensitive to changes of weather. It seemed to be with him a sort of sixth sense…Nature is merciless to man. She will flatter and caress him one moment, and then suddenly fall upon him, as though driving home his helplessness. The wayfarer [Dersu] has constantly to brave the elements, rain, wind, flood, flies, bogs, cold, snow, and ice. The very forest itself is an element. Dersu did not feel himself under the influence of nature, but rather in intimacy with his surroundings, a part and parcel of them.

(Arsenyev 1941, pp. 115–16)

Dersu’s sense of his relationship with nature embodies the holistic worldview. Unlike the modern Western worldview, the Indigenous one emphasizes the interconnectedness and transformation of all things in nature. As Dersu exclaims, “What a chain of nature! How wise it all is! Nothing is wasted! Even in the depths of the remotest taiga, there are scavengers to collect the carrion” (Arsenyev 1941, p. 197). The proper use of natural resources is seen as part of nature’s inherent wisdom. Under this cosmology, the Indigenous people’s attitude toward nature is fundamentally different from that of anthropocentrists. They do not excessively exploit resources for their own comfort and convenience but instead focus on nature, striving to adapt to it and using natural resources as minimally as possible.

For example, when Dersu sees the expedition members throwing meat into the fire before leaving the camp, he stops them crossly: “Why throw good meat in fire? Much waste burn him. We go tomorrow, other man come here, eat. Throw meat in fire, all same throw away”. When the narrator asks him in return, “But who will be coming this way tomorrow?” Dersu answers, “Who! Racoon come, badger come, crow come; no crow, then mouse come; no mouse, then ant come. In taiga many sort man”. The narrator writes, “Then I understood. Dersu worried his head not only about men, not only about animals, even about such tiny creatures as ants. He loved the taiga itself with all its inhabitants, and took every kind of care of it” (Arsenyev 1941, p. 273). Dersu believes that the meat is equally meaningful whether it is eaten by animals or by people. To him, prey is a gift from nature, originating from and returning to nature, as part of a continuous cycle where all living beings take what they need, thereby maintaining ecological balance. More importantly, his ecological awareness stems from a deep, spontaneous love and empathy for all creatures as equals.

Mowat notes that the Ihalmiut people travel light and can traverse over sixty miles of rugged terrain comfortably and efficiently within two days, despite wearing only thin caribou skin boots. Their ability to handle such conditions is not due to natural resistance to discomfort but rather their adaptation to the environment. Unlike the approach of trying to alter or overcome the land’s challenges, the Ihalmiut conform to and work with the natural obstacles they face:

The white man, driven by his machine instincts, always lives at odds with his environment; like a motor vessel he bucks the winds and the seas, and he is successful only while the intricate apparatus built about him functions perfectly. But the Barrens People are an integral part of their environment. Like sailing ships, they learn to move with wind and water; to mold themselves to the rhythm of the elements and so accomplish gently and without strain the things that must be done.

(Mowat 1952, p. 87)

The comparison underscores a key theme: While technological solutions can offer power and control, they also come with inherent limitations and dependencies. Conversely, living in accordance with the natural rhythm of the environment fosters a more sustainable and balanced existence. This perspective values adaptation and harmony over domination and control, highlighting a more symbiotic relationship with the natural world.

Every item of equipment is the personal property of one person or of a family group. But if a stranger in need of a spear should come to the place, any spear is his for the taking. He does not necessarily need to ask permission of the owners, though he usually does, and no direct recompense is expected or offered. He may or may not return the spear when he is finished, for the spear is now his property and is not just something he borrowed (Mowat 1952, p. 177). This practice highlights a communal ethic that contrasts sharply with materialistic attitudes driven by ownership and exchange. It reflects a worldview where personal property is respected but also shared with a sense of trust and reciprocity. This approach reinforces the notion that resources are meant to be used for communal well-being rather than hoarded for personal gain. The focus is on mutual aid and the natural flow of resources, underscoring a deep cultural commitment to balance and harmony.

Mowat also highlights a stark contrast between the value systems of Indigenous peoples, referred to as the Deer People, and the encroaching white settlers. The Indigenous peoples, like the Idthen Eldeli, are depicted as living in harmony with nature, respecting the deer as a vital source of sustenance and life (Mowat 1952, pp. 80–81). Their relationship with the deer is based on a holistic understanding of nature, where all living beings are interconnected, and survival depends on a balanced, respectful use of resources.

In contrast, the white settlers are portrayed as having a materialistic approach, driven by greed and exploitation (Mowat 1952, pp. 80–81). Their indiscriminate slaughter of deer, without regard for conservation or the ecological balance, reflects a worldview that prioritizes immediate material gain over the long-term health of the environment. The irony lies in the fact that these settlers, who are responsible for the depletion of deer populations, now send government agents to instruct the Indigenous peoples on “conservation”—a concept that the Indigenous people have long embodied through their way of life.

When man believes that he belongs to nature, it is not necessary to accumulate wealth, simply because everything is his. Money, as an artificial creation, is seen as corrosive to human relationships, fostering a mentality of accumulation and breeding greed. Indigenous peoples intentionally try to avoid the use of money, preferring to gather necessities directly from nature. When trade is necessary, they practice barter, as physical goods are difficult to store and carry, which helps them avoid an unnecessary focus on material wealth. This, in turn, curbs greed and moderates desires, allowing them to lead a simple, natural life free from the influence of money. As a result, they do not feel compelled to exploit nature excessively in the pursuit of accumulating wealth.

In like manner, we see another vivid example of Dersu’s holistic worldview. When Dersu offers his ginseng as a gift, refusing to sell it despite being offered a higher price, he embodies a value system that prioritizes relationships and reciprocity over monetary gain. His insistence on gifting the ginseng instead of selling it highlights a cultural norm where exchanges are based on mutual respect and the giving of gifts rather than transactions driven by profit.

In the city, Dersu sees the narrator pay for water and cries, ‘“What! Must also pay water! Look-see river,” pointing to the Amur. “There plenty much water…How can…?”’ (Arsenyev 1941, p. 336). This belief system views nature as a freely given resource that is not subject to commercial transactions. For Dersu, the idea of paying for something as fundamental as water seems absurd because it contradicts the natural abundance he perceives in the environment. His astonishment reflects a profound cultural and philosophical difference from the modern view that commodifies natural resources, reinforcing his commitment to a lifestyle that honors the interconnectedness of all things and resists the corrupting influence of economic transactions.

Chi also describes the Ewenki’s deep aversion to human greed for gold:

Nadezhda made the sign of the cross over her chest and prayed out loud for the Virgin Mary’s protection. “Heaven forbid we should discover gold! My brother lost his life prospecting with a partner. Since ancient times gold has never been a good thing, it only invites disaster,” she said.

“As long as people aren’t greedy for money,” said Ivan, “there won’t be any disasters.”

“When people see gold it’s like a hunter spotting his prey,” Nadezhda retorted, “they can’t help but be greedy.”

(Chi 2014, p. 39)

These perspectives emphasize a cultural wisdom that regards material greed as detrimental, reinforcing the Ewenki’s resistance to the corrosive effects of gold and wealth on their way of life.

The mindset of holism can effectively counteract excessive desire and serve as an ecological value system resistant to capitalist modernization. In modernization, capitalism harnesses desire to fuel economic growth and resource extraction, leading to the overexploitation of natural resources and environmental degradation. Capitalist societies shape and manage desire through advertising and cultural promotion, normalizing the excessive consumption of natural resources and exacerbating environmental issues. Individual desires are controlled by external markets and social norms, detaching people from their intrinsic connection to nature and contributing to environmental harm. There are deficiencies in the social ethics and values of Western modernity, urging a reassessment of environmental ethics to foster more sustainable values.

In contrast, the Indigenous value about nature, with its emphasis on holism, offers an alternative to the excesses of capitalist desire. By recognizing that every aspect of the environment has intrinsic value and spirit, the local traditions promote a respectful and sustainable relationship with nature. This perspective inherently discourages excessive material desires because it fosters a sense of harmony and balance rather than exploitation.

Holistic ecological worldviews advocate for living in accordance with natural rhythms and limits, which contrasts sharply with the capitalist emphasis on continual growth and consumption. This worldview encourages practices that are attuned to ecological balance and communal well-being rather than individual accumulation and environmental degradation. By integrating these principles, shamanistic holism serves as a robust ecological value system, resisting the forces of capitalist desire for property and promoting a sustainable approach to resource use and environmental stewardship.

Natural resources are viewed as interconnected components of a larger ecological system. This perspective fosters a balance between consumption and conservation, ensuring that resource use does not exceed the environment’s capacity to regenerate. Their practices emphasize the importance of maintaining ecological equilibrium, which contrasts with the exploitative tendencies of modern capitalist systems.

These communal approaches ensure that resource use is regulated and distributed equitably, promoting social cohesion and environmental justice. It contrasts with the individualistic and profit-driven practices of modern capitalism, which can lead to overexploitation and inequality.

By learning from the sustainable techniques of Pan-Arctic peoples, contemporary societies can develop more effective and respectful approaches to resource management. This integration can lead to innovations in conservation and climate adaptation. Adopting economic models that prioritize ecological balance, social equity, and long-term sustainability can help mitigate environmental degradation and foster more resilient communities.

6. Reciprocity: Mutual Support and Care of All Beings

The worldview rooted in Traditional Ecological Knowledge emphasizes holistic interconnectedness, where all things in nature are linked and maintain reciprocal, nurturing relationships. This perspective fosters a deep sense of responsibility, as helping and caring for the natural world is seen as directly benefiting oneself given that humans are part of the same ecological system. Reciprocity is central to this understanding, reflecting a spirit of selfless mutual assistance, where giving to nature ensures nature gives back. Grounded in the belief that all living beings share a common fate, Traditional Ecological Knowledge shapes ethical principles that extend beyond simple resource use, influencing social norms, spiritual beliefs, and environmental stewardship. Communities guided by these values recognize that their actions impact the entire ecosystem, and in maintaining balance, they not only protect biodiversity but also preserve the cultural and spiritual harmony vital to their way of life.

Mutual support and care are not limited to family; they extended to strangers as well. In one instance, Dersu requests a pinch of salt and a handful of rice. Curious, the narrator instructs the men to provide these items. Dersu carefully wraps the matches and the salt and rice, each separately, in birch bark and hangs them inside the hut. He then starts packing his belongings. When the narrator asks if he expects to return, Dersu shakes his head. The narrator then inquires who will benefit from the matches, salt, and rice: “‘Some other man he come’, answered Dersu, ‘he find dry wood, he find matches, he find food, not die’” (Arsenyev 1941, p. 14). Likewise, Howmik stirs up the fire so the soup will heat because a visitor, even if he comes only from the next tent, must always be fed at once (Mowat 1952, p. 153).

By the same token, Chi also tells the readers that in the forests on the Right Bank of the Argun, a traveler will often encounter two things suspended between the trees: wind-burial coffins and kolbo, which are used for storing goods. These kolbos are not merely storage containers but crucial aids for passing strangers, offering essential supplies that help them survive in the wilderness (Chi 2014, p. 85). They never lock their kolbo. Even if the kolbo one happens upon does not belong to one’s clan, if one urgently needs something, one is free to take it. Even if one does not return, no one complains. Chi also cites two proverbs in Evenki culture: “When you leave home you don’t take your house, and a traveller doesn’t lug his cauldron on his back. Guests only enter houses with a warm hearth, and birds only alight upon trees with branches” (Chi 2014, p. 99). These descriptions embody the notion that all belong to nature; one nurtures another, and all benefit. This altruistic mutual support is grounded in the belief that everyone is bound by a shared destiny.

In the Arctic Cultural Circle, traditional practices such as communal hunting, shared food distribution, and collaborative construction of shelter reflect a reciprocal approach to survival, which is inherently tied to the practice of mutual aid and cooperative relationships. These societies often operate on the principle that individual well-being is deeply interconnected with the well-being of the community. Mutual aid involves sharing resources, knowledge, and labor to ensure that all members of the community have their needs met and that collective resilience is maintained. This approach is especially crucial in harsh environments where resources are scarce, and survival depends on collective effort and support.

The Indigenous people are filled with a genuine compassion and love for others. In People of the Deer, Mowat addresses a common misconception: It has been claimed by those who should know better that Eskimos treat their children well solely to ensure reciprocal care in their old age. In reality, Mowat explains that the people treat their children “with great sympathy and forbearance” because they possess a profound understanding of human nature (Mowat 1952, p. 150).

The empathy even extends to other creatures. In Arsenyev’s narrative, he describes their encounter with a flying squirrel in the Ussurian mixed woods. After examining the creature, Dersu reverently lifts it above his head, speaks to it in his own language, and then releases it into the night. When questioned on why he had let it go, Dersu explains that the flying squirrel was the soul of a deceased child. He believes that these souls wander the earth in the form of flying squirrels before eventually reaching the afterlife, far beyond where the sun sets.

In People of Deer, Mowat also describes how the three young dogs work with the sled yet enjoy the freedom. Despite their mischief and tendency to steal, they are never restrained. The Ihalmiut regard their dogs much like they regard people. They believe that hardship and labor will come in time for both humans and their animals. The Ihalmiut say, “While they are young, while life here is easy, let them find their joys. Let them be as free as all young beings should be” (Mowat 1952, p. 149). This reflects the Ihalmiut’s compassionate view of their animals, emphasizing a belief in allowing young beings to enjoy their youth and freedom before facing inevitable challenges. It highlights a profound respect for the natural stages of life, showing a deep empathy for both humans and animals.

Capitalist societies often promote competitive individualism, where personal success is measured by economic achievement, material accumulation, and winning others. This competition can lead to fragmentation, inequality, and a focus on short-term gains at the expense of long-term sustainability. In contrast, the reciprocal relationships found in many cultures of Arctic Indigenous peoples emphasize collaboration and communal success. This collective approach values the contributions of all members and prioritizes the health and stability of the community over individualistic pursuits.

By focusing on mutual aid and cooperation, Indigenous cultures foster environments where individuals are supported and valued within the context of the larger community. This collaborative approach not only strengthens social bonds but also enhances the group’s ability to manage resources sustainably and respond effectively to environmental changes.

Reciprocity offers a valuable alternative to the competitive models prevalent in capitalist systems. By prioritizing mutual support and collaboration, societies can build more equitable and sustainable systems for managing resources and addressing environmental challenges. The principles of reciprocity encourage practices that foster social cohesion, respect for nature, and long-term sustainability.

7. Conclusions

The comparative analysis of the texts Dersu, the Trapper; People of the Deer; and The Last Quarter of the Moon offers a perspective into the holistic and reciprocal relationships that define Traditional Ecological Knowledge in these regions. These texts, though culturally distinct, collectively illuminate a shared ethos that transcends geographical boundaries, reflecting deep-seated values that are integral to their respective practices.

The sacredness of nature emerges as a central theme across the analyzed texts, revealing the profound spiritual connection between Indigenous peoples and their environments. Each text illustrates how every element of the natural world is regarded with deep reverence, imbuing landscapes and animals with spiritual significance. This respect for nature as a living, animate force highlights a fundamental ecological principle: recognizing and honoring the intrinsic value of the natural world. Such a perspective aligns closely with deep ecological ideals, advocating for a reverence that emphasizes biospheric egalitarianism and self-realization.

A holistic approach to nature is also a recurring theme. The integration of human life with the natural world is evident in the minimal sense of property and the wise use of resources portrayed in these works. This holistic perspective underscores the idea that humans are an integral part of the ecosystem, advocating for sustainable practices that respect the earth’s limits. By emphasizing the harmonious relationship between humans and their environment, these texts collectively present a worldview that sees all life forms as interconnected and interdependent.

Additionally, the principle of reciprocity is vividly illustrated throughout. The texts demonstrate mutual support and care in interactions with nature and among communities. This reciprocal relationship is evident in the way individuals and groups engage with their environments and one another, highlighting the interconnectedness of well-being for both humans and animals. The emphasis on maintaining balance and supporting all forms of life reflects a deep ecological understanding that values mutual support and the interdependence of all beings, resonating with contemporary deep ecological principles.

The comparative analysis of these texts reveals a convergence of ecological worldviews within the Arctic Cultural Circle. The sacredness of nature, holistic approaches to resource use, and the principle of reciprocity are recurring themes that highlight the deep, interconnected relationships Indigenous peoples have with their environments. These perspectives offer valuable insights for addressing contemporary environmental and social issues, suggesting that a return to or integration of these traditional values could provide meaningful solutions to the challenges of modernity. By exploring these texts, we gain a deeper appreciation of how Indigenous cosmologies can inform and enhance our understanding of ecological sustainability and social harmony in the face of global challenges. The TEK of the Arctic Cultural Circle, rooted in centuries of wisdom, offers further guidance on sustainable practices and the interconnectedness of humans and nature.

A comprehensive transformation of values is needed: replacing the desire to dominate nature with an attitude of respect for it, substituting the conquest of nature with actions that protect it, and replacing the domination and exploitation of nature with a sense of responsibility and obligation towards it. This shift should not be confined to local or national perspectives but should embrace cosmopolitan ideals, fostering a global sense of responsibility toward the environment. By promoting cross-cultural collaboration and ethical stewardship, we expect to alleviate the precarious tension between humans and nature on a planetary scale, ensuring that diverse communities work together toward sustainable solutions.