Assessing Aspects of Acculturation in a Muslim American Sample: Development and Testing of the Acculturation Scale for Muslim Americans
Round 1
Reviewer 1 Report
It was a pleasure to read this well-structured article. Interesting results, and the article shows an exemplary coherence methodologically and theoretically. Two minor things:
The conclusion feels pointless. A solution could be to call the two last paragraphs Conclusion; hence, the conclusion would start right after the Discussion.
You should correct language on lines 142-151. Some words are missing, and I think you need to change some words.
Author Response
Point 1: The conclusion feels pointless. A solution could be to call the two last paragraphs Conclusion; hence, the conclusion would start right after the Discussion.
Response 1:
The Conclusion section has been reworked to include the discussion of the limitation, future research and concluding statements under the Conclusion subheading.
Point 2: You should correct language on lines 142-151. Some words are missing, and I think you need to change some words.
Response 2:
The section consisting of lines 142-151 has been re-worded, corrected, and additional references added to add clarity. See below:
Since 9-11 and the more recent election of Donald Trump, Muslims in the United States have faced an increasing barrage of prejudice and discrimination from their fellow Americans, with increasing reports of hate crimes (Considine, 2017). As a result of this increasing hostility towards Muslims, especially visible Muslims who wear hijab or native clothing, first and second generation Muslim American youth may experience what Berry referred to as reverse acculturation. Rumbault (2008) discussed this phenomenon and referred to it as reactive ethnicity. As noted by Padilla (1987), the greater the level of perceived discrimination, the more likely an individual was to identify strongly with his or her heritage group. Muslim American youth in particular struggle to establish a “blended” identity (Benet-Martinez & Haritatos, 2005) as both Muslim and very much American, as most are first or second generation and therefore have no “home country” to return to. They are not immigrants but are often viewed as immigrants by members of the host community, resulting in a reaction of holding on to their parents’ cultural heritage more strongly that their parents or grandparents may have when they immigrated. Some Muslim Americans are attempting to assert their Muslim identity, most notably by way of dress and social relationships, while others make an effort to integrate into the mainstream culture of their community (Abdo, 2005). More recent research has also started to examine Black Muslim identity, from both the perspectives of indigenous African Americans and more contemporary immigrants (Ali, 2011; Auston, 2011; Mauleon, 2018). The impact of Islamophobia and discrimination on identity development and acculturation is an emerging field of study.
Reviewer 2 Report
The article draws on a sample of 255 American Muslims and seeks to examine acculturation in both American born and immigrant Muslims. It clearly falls within the spectrum of articles published within Religions and whilst it will be of interest to scholars examining acculturation, its emphasis upon quantitative data analysis will also be of significant interest to scholars of Islam and Muslims in Western contexts, particularly since such quantitative data is difficult to both gather and find in the research literature.
There are minor issues such as as phrasing (Line 140: 'there has been urgency on what it means to be a Muslim American by the Muslim community themselves') though otherwise the article is clear and well written. There is however a number of areas I identify as requiring consideration.
1. A study of this nature necessarily stretches disciplinary boundaries. A vast body of work has been undertaken on Muslims in Western contexts over the past two decades in disciplines ranging from law and economics to political science, sociology and human geography. Whilst much of this work focuses on issues related to social hostility and the impact on Muslim communities, there also exist a significant number of studies related to the indigenization of Islam in local contexts and the manner in which local Muslim communities are engaged with wider society. In the context of this particular study, Mucahit Bilici's 'Finding Mecca in America' (2012) would be a good starting point (as far as immigrant Muslims go), though there is an established body of literature in the UK, Europe, Canada and Australia. There are also many important books on the African American Muslim experience which may challenge the papers findings.
Many of these studies are conducted through the theoretical frame of citizenship. To this extent, is citizenship not an essential component of both Muslim and US cultures? The study focuses on what might be considered a reductive binary between the maintenance of cultural identity and maintenance of relations with the host culture, as if these cannot be mediated through individual practice (see papers on strategic hybridity).
2. On the method itself. The methodology of the construction of the Likert scale requires significant elaboration. What literatures informed its construction or were focus groups conducted to shape the form and content? How was it decided that voting in elections was a specifically Muslim or Non-Muslim cultural trait? Shklar (1990) for example argues that American citizenship is based primarily on the right to vote and the right to earn. To the best of my knowledge it is primarily Islamists that perceive voting in elections to be haram. Indeed elections are regularly conducted across the Muslim world.
The method of distribution of the survey appears to strongly favour observant Muslims, yet many studies note that the majority of Western Muslims are what might be considered 'cultural Muslims'. (the ‘silent majority’). These are in effect citizens who identify as Muslim in a census, however do not attend the mosque regularly, who work, pay taxes and want to build a better life for their families. Paper surveys were delivered to Mosques (and which Mosques? established? Immigrant? African American?) whilst survey packets were distributed to individuals listed in the Muslim directory. Likewise the survey monkey link was distributed through established Muslim networks. Methodologically it is obviously very challenging to reach Muslims not engaged in such activity - indeed many researchers I have spoken to have tried with little success - however the very limited distribution greatly impacts any attempt to make a more generalizable statement about American Muslim acculturation. For example, Salafi Muslims are typically in a very different orbit to Muslims attending large established mosques. They may meet and pray in book shops or at other venues and may also be significantly less likely to respond to a survey due to suspicions.
3. The reporting of data would benefit significantly from the use of tables.
4. The reporting of data would also benefit significantly from the use of cross tabs so the reader can see precisely what demographic is responding in what way. For example, the author spends some time discussing the increased politicization of second generation Muslims in the West. This is an important point and has been established across a number of qualitative studies over the past two decades. Calibrating the reporting of data to add quantitative weight to this finding would offer a significant contribution to a wider body of literature examining the development of Islam in Western contexts.
As the reporting of data currently stands however, due to both the size of the sample, geographic distribution, recruitment methods used and lack of a demographic break down (given the sheer diversity of Islam and Muslim populations), it is very difficult to pull any clear picture of what is happening across communities. I would argue that the paper needs to restrict its claims to being about observant Muslims. The paper could make several important contributions on this front including generational differences and identifying differences between African American and immigrant background observant Muslim youth.
Author Response
Point 1 A study of this nature necessarily stretches disciplinary boundaries. A vast body of work has been undertaken on Muslims in Western contexts over the past two decades in disciplines ranging from law and economics to political science, sociology and human geography. Whilst much of this work focuses on issues related to social hostility and the impact on Muslim communities, there also exist a significant number of studies related to the indigenization of Islam in local contexts and the manner in which local Muslim communities are engaged with wider society. In the context of this particular study, Mucahit Bilici's 'Finding Mecca in America' (2012) would be a good starting point (as far as immigrant Muslims go), though there is an established body of literature in the UK, Europe, Canada and Australia. There are also many important books on the African American Muslim experience which may challenge the papers findings.
Many of these studies are conducted through the theoretical frame of citizenship. To this extent, is citizenship not an essential component of both Muslim and US cultures? The study focuses on what might be considered a reductive binary between the maintenance of cultural identity and maintenance of relations with the host culture, as if these cannot be mediated through individual practice (see papers on strategic hybridity).
Response 1: I have added some additional discussion of identity development and acculturation in the wake of post 9/11 discrimination, with several new citations related to indigenous African American and immigrant African Muslim identity. There is an emerging body of literature on Muslims in the American context as citizens. Given that the focus of this study is construction of an acculturation scale, I have focused the background and review of literature on acculturation theory and existing scales rather than on the larger issues of Muslim engagement in American society, as this study views the Muslim community for the perspective of shared beliefs and values, which is in contrast to previous acculturation scale construction that is built on language or ethnic boundaries.
Point 2. On the method itself. The methodology of the construction of the Likert scale requires significant elaboration. What literatures informed its construction or were focus groups conducted to shape the form and content? How was it decided that voting in elections was a specifically Muslim or Non-Muslim cultural trait? Shklar (1990) for example argues that American citizenship is based primarily on the right to vote and the right to earn. To the best of my knowledge it is primarily Islamists that perceive voting in elections to be haram. Indeed elections are regularly conducted across the Muslim world.
The method of distribution of the survey appears to strongly favour observant Muslims, yet many studies note that the majority of Western Muslims are what might be considered 'cultural Muslims'. (the ‘silent majority’). These are in effect citizens who identify as Muslim in a census, however do not attend the mosque regularly, who work, pay taxes and want to build a better life for their families. Paper surveys were delivered to Mosques (and which Mosques? established? Immigrant? African American?) whilst survey packets were distributed to individuals listed in the Muslim directory. Likewise the survey monkey link was distributed through established Muslim networks. Methodologically it is obviously very challenging to reach Muslims not engaged in such activity - indeed many researchers I have spoken to have tried with little success - however the very limited distribution greatly impacts any attempt to make a more generalizable statement about American Muslim acculturation. For example, Salafi Muslims are typically in a very different orbit to Muslims attending large established mosques. They may meet and pray in book shops or at other venues and may also be significantly less likely to respond to a survey due to suspicions.
Response 2:
In regard to initial scale construction, I have added a section to provide detail on this process:
Initial question design was based upon existing literature, participant observation, and small focus groups. Questions were pilot tested with 50 participants who provided comments in question wording, format, and order. Modifications were then made to some questions.
In regards to voting in elections, this is an item chosen as an American norm. Though voting rights and civic participation are part of many Muslim societies, political participation is viewed as a significant part of what it means to be American.
In response to the distribution of the survey, I have added a section in the conclusion addressing the limitations of survey distribution through mosques, community activities, and Islamic social networks, which limited participants to mostly moderate practicing Muslims, leaving out many non-practicing or twice a year mosque attenders (estimated by Haddad to represent about 80% of American Muslims). In addition, suspicion further limited participant response from other segments of the Muslim American population.
Limitations of the present study include it being a small sample of Muslim Americans using an English language survey, with the majority of responses garnered through the internet. This resulted in a sample that is mostly younger, and highly educated, and second generation or indigenous Muslims. The majority of participants also identified as moderately practicing to strictly observant as a result of the method of survey distribution through mosques, community events, and Islamic social networks. Suspicion toward research and researchers may have also contributed response bias. Another limitation of the present study is an inability to address how political issues, including Islamophobia, increased discrimination against Muslim Americans, and negative media may have affected the outcome of participation and response to this study. The current political and social climate in the United States has created a suspicion in the community that surveys may be a form of profiling. Future studies have to factor in suspicion of researchers and research in an increasingly Islamophobic environment.
Point 3. The reporting of data would benefit significantly from the use of tables.
Response 3: In order to maintain brevity of reporting for this study, 6 tables are presented – The initial exploratory factor analysis table, the table illustrating participant responses to individual items on each subscale, and a table comparing immigrant and non-immigrant responses for each sub-scale.
Point 4. The reporting of data would also benefit significantly from the use of cross tabs so the reader can see precisely what demographic is responding in what way. For example, the author spends some time discussing the increased politicization of second generation Muslims in the West. This is an important point and has been established across a number of qualitative studies over the past two decades. Calibrating the reporting of data to add quantitative weight to this finding would offer a significant contribution to a wider body of literature examining the development of Islam in Western contexts.
As the reporting of data currently stands however, due to both the size of the sample, geographic distribution, recruitment methods used and lack of a demographic break down (given the sheer diversity of Islam and Muslim populations), it is very difficult to pull any clear picture of what is happening across communities. I would argue that the paper needs to restrict its claims to being about observant Muslims. The paper could make several important contributions on this front including generational differences and identifying differences between African American and immigrant background observant Muslim youth.
Response 4: The discussion of limitations points out that the participants mostly identify as moderately practicing Muslims, were younger, and highly educated. This study was part of a larger project that did include data on religious commitment. That segment of the research is not presented here, but reveals that level of religious commitment is not necessarily correlated with self-reports of religious observance. For this reason, I would be reluctant to characterize the study sample as only consisting of observant Muslims.
As stated in the purpose of the study, the focus of the present article is to explore and test the development of an acculturation scale for Muslim Americans. Future studies, with a larger and more diverse sample, will include additional reporting of data to further understand demographic differences, such as generational, gender, and ethnic background differences. Though this study is limited in reporting the exploratory factor analysis and most pertinent initial findings, the goal of future research will be to expand upon this data.
