This section analyzes three equivalences or overlaps that exist between the Psychology of Religion proposed by William James in the Gifford Lectures of 1901–1902 and the concern that we find in Ikeda when he speaks about religion in our secular world. Prior to that, it is necessary to briefly recount the contribution of James to the field of Psychology of Religion and how these ideas can possibly resonate with Ikeda’s own psychology of religion.
2.1. William James and His Psychology of Religion
Most modern academic disciplines, including Religious Studies, Sociology, Linguistics, Archeology, Anthropology, were originally formed in the universities of Europe. However, the Psychology of Religion is an exception, since it originally arose as an academic discipline in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in New England, the United States (
Touless 1971, pp. 1–2;
Beit-Hallahmi 1977). Unlike other modern academic disciplines, to study Psychology of Religion, it was necessary for most students and researchers (including Europeans) to go to the United States. In the early period, a number of East Asian scholars in the field of the Psychology of Religion went to the United States for their higher studies. Returning to their home countries after their studies, they played a crucial role in the development of Religious Studies in relation to the Psychology of Religion (
Sato 2005, pp. 52–62)
1 until the Sociology of Religion emerged as a dominant interest in the 1980s and 1990s (especially in Japan). Their contributions were regional as the translation of psychological terms and concepts by Japanese psychologists exercised an influence on the world of the Chinese academics (
Blowers 2000, pp. 1433–36).
The Psychology of Religion that inspired those East Asian scholars was shaped as a new discipline by William James (1842–1910) and his former student, Granville Stanley Hall (1844–1924). The title ‘Psychology of Religion’ was coined by Hall (
Hall 1923, p. 356) but the spark which ignited interest in this new discipline came from William James. James’ Gifford Lectures (which were later published as the seminal text
The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study on Human Nature) gave momentum to the Psychology of Religion, which soon became regarded as a new discipline within the academic world. Both James and Hall emphasized an in-depth psychological perspective in preference to the Analytic Psychology of Carl Jung. But, while James focused on a phenomenological analysis of the depth dimension that belongs to religious experience, Hall tried to proceed with a species of experimental research that encouraged a form of biological and developmental analysis prior to the birth of Developmental Psychology as a distinct discipline. Until the arrival and the delivery of the lectures of Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) and Carl Gustav Jung (1875–1961) at the twentieth anniversary Psychology conference organized and hosted by Hall at Clark University in 1909, the developments in the Psychology of Religion, directly or indirectly, had tapped into either of these two schools (
Kim 2016).
In the works of James, there are two distinctive attempts at an in-depth understanding of Ikeda’s interest in religion. First, James’ Psychology of Religion tried to distinguish its own approach from a conventional approach to religious matters that was dominated by specific groups among a number of theologians and religious philosophers (
James [1902] 2002, pp. 2–3). At that time, the study of religion was reserved to a theological context and therefore, it did not exist as an independent subject (
Jordan [1905] 1986). In this situation, with the emergence of a scientific study of religion in Europe, James’ Psychology of Religion in the United States sought to break with the current dominating ethos by making religious topics an object of study within an increasingly secular academic world.
However, in the scientific study of religion, this does not mean that the aim of engaging in a psychological study of religion is to eliminate religion within our human world. Its purpose and object differ entirely from the passionate discourse which comes to us from the contemporary scientism of thinkers such as Richard Dawkins and his followers. James attempted to create a more meaningful space for religious matters through an in-depth understanding of human nature in terms of how it is related to questions that emerge from within a scientific context. In other words, he rejected a way of thinking which insists on the mutually exclusive separation of religion and science. In this sense, James’ Psychology of Religion was a revolutionary movement.
For the purpose of finding or constructing this bridge between religion and science, James focused on two major issues in the study of religion. First of all, James keenly realized that the religious discourses which occur within each religious tradition seem to come across as a ‘babble’ or a foreign language from the viewpoint of outsiders, whether they are religious or not. For the sake of fostering critical discussions about the relationship that exists between religion and science, he argued that religious language, in general, should be properly translated in such a way that it can be accessible to all persons (
Taves 1999, pp. 271–74). To facilitate a communicative translation of religious languages, James believed that he could develop a new terminology in terms of Psychology and the kind of concepts that exist within Psychology (in his day, a new science). The most important terms that he cultivated as connotative carriers of meaning and which were richly embodied within his Psychology of Religion—terms such as ‘self,’ ‘conversion,’ and ‘transformation’ (
James [1902] 2002, pp. 170, 231)—point to an order of meaning which belongs to the study of the psyche as a human science, such as we see in Jungian psychology (
Jung [1960] 2014, p. 28). In this sense, James’ Psychology of Religion can be identified as a comprehensive work of ‘translation’ that exists not only for religious people who belong to a given tradition but for other who do not participate in any given form of institutionalized religious tradition.
A second point with respect to James’ Psychology of Religion and his study of religion is his engagement with the importance of the internal dimension which belongs to the life and practice of any given religion, particularly the human subject’s own religious experience, as his Gifford Lectures book title indicates:
The Varieties of Religious Experience. Unfortunately, James’ emphasis has been categorized as if it existed as only one element or only one part of religion within the field of religious studies. Even well known scholar of religion Ninian Smart (1927–2001) tends to interpret it that way. Thus, he emphasizes that religion is akin to a species of organism which is composed of seven dimensions: the doctrinal, the ritual, the social, the ethical, the mythic, the experiential, and the material. He argues that religion has always exists throughout history as if it were a living being through the kind of combination which exists in these seven dimensions. However, the human subject’s involvement in this process of combination is barely talked about (
Smart 1999).
As a response, James’ Psychology of Religion critically indicates that these dimensions cannot function by themselves but only through the kind of engineering that exists in the life and thought of the human subject. An emphasis on the religious experience of the human subject does not mean the ignorance nor the underestimation of other dimensions of religion. In fact, the human subject who experiences and lives out his or her spiritual tradition is the vital element for that multi-dimensional tradition to function as an organism. If the human subject does not engage him or herself in these dimensions of religion (whatever one’s personal role), no given religion, from its birth and development to its possible demise, would be able to exist as a living organism. Therefore, as a consequence of this insight, the sustainability of religious tradition is ultimately grounded in the kind of living engagement with it that belongs to the life of a participant human subject. While initially, psychologists of religion tried to identify this process of ‘living engagement’ in terms of moments that are experienced in a possible series of moments, James interpreted them from within the perspective of a phenomenological and an in-depth psychological analysis that explicitly worked with psychological concepts and psychological relations: with concepts such as consciousness, the subconscious, and the self, and with relations given in a dynamic path of flow from the margin to the center or from the center to the margin in the life of the human psyche (
James [1902] 2002, p. 144).
2.2. Ikeda’s Communicative Interest in Religion
Similarly to James, Ikeda does not shy away from attending to the religious dimension of our human nature in order to respond to the key issues of modernity, whether in a secular context or in religious contexts beyond that of his own (
Ikeda 1996, pp. 157–58). Although his focal point would not entirely overlap James’ concern for the relationship between religion and science, no one can deny that, initially, Ikeda’s interest also came from a number of science-related issues existing within our contemporary world. Unlike the advocates of scientism and secularism, Ikeda never avoided or bypassed religious issues in terms of how they relate to the problems of the present (
Ikeda 1996, pp. 195–96). This sits at the core of Ikeda’s philosophy: he thinks that if a religious dimension in any given situation and problem is not being seriously considered, then no solution will be meaningfully reached.
However, in effecting the global implementation of his convictions (
Beyer 2006;
Juergensmeyer 2006), Ikeda does not remain within a parochial religious framework which would be seen by many as a sign of religious extremism or attempted theocracy. Like James, he recognizes that problems will exist if you try to take the terminology and language of one person’s religious tradition as the means whereby one communicates truths and meanings to other persons who live within another religious tradition. Although the mother tongue of his religious language is Buddhism, he has always tried to translate his terms into idioms and forms that could be understood not only by his own followers and adherents but also by those who could be regarded as outsiders (atheists included). This is a way of ‘living engagement’ to Ikeda.
Ikeda’s ‘translation’ efforts are widely dispersed in his written materials: in his books, lectures, diaries, interviews, magazines, and other media. He avoids using technical religious language, preferring to use a conversational style in his writings and talks. Hence, in the light of this accessibility, his writings and talks ‘easily’ connect with his readers, dialogue partners, and audiences, irrespective of who they are or where they come from. In no crude way does he push his own spiritual affiliation on others, despite its rootedness in Nichiren Buddhism. Always, he tries to translate and to transpose his religious thoughts into a more communicable language for the benefit of other persons and for the sake of a bigger audience than among his SGI followers.
Ikeda appears to know ‘instinctively’ how his religious ideas should be seasoned in a way which nourishes the relation between a speaker and his or her listeners and enables him to exercise a formative influence. He is cognizant of a mutual position or a mutual relation that always exists between readers and listeners in any given audience. This skill has been evident not only within his published materials but also within the spontaneous conversations that he has enjoyed with many persons, both in Japan and in other countries. The more I meet his Korean followers and members, the more I come to realize that many stories about him have come from his many encounters with persons, often in an unexpected fashion. In many cases, especially in his university lectures, we can find three distinct skills which belong to the manner of his communication.
Firstly, in initiating a conversation or lecture, he tended to remind his audience in a sympathetic way that, in their own way, they are involved with issues and problems that have been the focus of his own life and works. By eliciting the awareness of listeners and by provoking their memory, he invited them or he called them into a form of mutual space. His talks did not belong to another world, they were not separated from concerns that people are currently experiencing and knowing, each in their own way. In doing so, Ikeda avoided creating an impression which emphasized the centrality of a speaker—a way of operating that we often find in much of our conventional discourse today. He avoided the way of speaking which came across as religiously ‘crude’ that exists among some religious groups or as a crude kind of secularism that rejects attending to the existence of a religious dimension in dealing with problems in our world today.
Secondly, after initially engaging with his audience, Ikeda directly admitted to his listeners that his thought was fundamentally rooted in Buddhist religious culture. It was not necessary for him to refer to forms of Japanese Buddhism or to mention Nichiren Buddhism and the centrality of its scripture given in the Lotus Sutra. In the transition which he effected, he persuasively spoke about the relevance of Buddhism if we are to respond in a good way to a number of important global issues today. However, he avoided Buddhist jargon and the sophisticated doctrinal aspects, preferring to speak about the relevance of Buddhism in a way that could add to the meaning of his talks. In this context, his audience—whether they were religiously committed or not—did not feel put off in any kind of way.
Thirdly, Ikeda delicately articulated a comparative platform that referred to the religious or to the non-religious traditions of his audience in order to engage with his listeners more concretely than would otherwise have been the case. For example, in his talks in the United States, he referred to the importance of American Transcendentalism, in China, Confucianism, Buddhism or Taoism, and in Nepal, its own brand of Buddhism. He also focused on the specific legacies which belong to globally famous educators, philosophers, and artists who came or who had lived in other countries. In India, he referred to Mahatma Gandhi and in Italy, Brazil, Mexico, Russia, France and Spain, other representative artists, thinkers, and painters. Through comparative talks, he tried to build a rapport: his religious concerns were not far from the kind of essential messages which existed in the religious traditions, the cultures, and the civilizations that belonged to a given audience.
Through the delicacy of his interpretative thinking and expression, Ikeda articulated how, in the human subject, there exists momentous inner struggles that are germane to the birth and the development of a religious tradition, a culture, or a civilization in our human history. He did not simply praise them by using flowery external expressions. Instead, he fundamentally grasped the inner experience of human struggles as necessarily the locus of the soul or the spirit within the lives of his audience and SGI members. He thought that this inner awakening experience of the soul within his audience was identical with the growth and the evolution of the human condition in general (
Ikeda 1996, p. 47).
Ikeda’s engagement with the kind of inner experience which exists in an in-depth understanding of our humanity is clearly akin to James’ academic interest and concern with the importance of religious experience in formulating a deeper understanding of human nature. The subtitle of his Gifford Lectures as ‘A Study on Human Nature’ speaks to this point. Hence, in the materials that Ikeda used in his encounter with other persons, he manifested a kind of mutual participation that is so essential if we are to have any progress in understanding how we have evolved as human beings in the context of our lives. A kind of religious experience or a kind of religious awakening emerges as, evocatively, it proceeds from a kind of dialectic which exists between the religious soul of a sympathetic speaker and that of an attentive listener.