What about Rats? Buddhist Disciplinary Guidelines on Rats: Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentaries
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Rats in the Vinaya Texts
2.1. Annoyances Caused by Rats
2.1.1. Eating Leftover Food
復觀田倉多有鼠雀犯暴穀米。恒生憐愍復作是念。如是鼠雀因我得活。念已歡喜無觸惱想。當知是人得福無量。If, when [a person] sees many rats and sparrows damaging grain in his field or barn, he always feels compassion for them and then thinks, “In this way, rats and sparrows are able to live because of me,” and if, after thinking this, he feels joyful and has no thoughts of harming them, you should know that this person will attain immeasurable blessings.12
2.1.2. Gnawing on Mats and Robes
2.1.3. Making Holes in Floors and Walls
2.2. How to Deal with Rats
若比丘故殺畜生命者波逸提。
2.3. The Rat’s Reputation
2.3.1. Rats’ Bad Manners
2.3.2. Thieving Rats
2.3.3. Rats’ Loyalty and Cleverness
3. Rats in Chinese Vinaya Commentaries
3.1. Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentaries
雖懺三惡道罪不除。如比丘殺畜。罪報猶在。Even if one repents the offenses that lead to the three evil destinies [hell, hungry ghost, and animal], [the karmic effect] is not annulled. This is the case when a bhikṣu kills an animal. The retribution for the offense remains.
如明了論述云。有四種麁惡言犯罪。一者濁重貪瞋癡心。二者不信業報。三者不惜所受戒。四者輕慢佛語。故心而造則得重果。以此文證。由無慚愧初無改悔。是不善心。故成論害心殺蟻。重於慈心殺人。由根本業重。決定受報縱懺墮罪。業道不除。As mentioned in the Mingliao lun,46 there are four kinds of despicable acts that are recorded as offenses: one, being greedy, angry, or foolish with a contaminated mind; two, showing disbelief in the workings of karma; three, not cherishing the precepts one has accepted; and four, belittling the words of the Buddha. If one acts intentionally, one experiences a heavy karmic effect. As this text explains, since there is no shame and not even a beginning of repentance, this is a non-benevolent state of mind.47 Therefore, the Cheng lun 成論 (*Tattvasiddhiśāstra)48 [says] that killing an ant with an evil state of mind is worse than killing a person with a compassionate state of mind. Since the karmic effect will be heavy, one certainly receives retribution,49 even if one expiates the pācittika offense (duo zui 墮罪).50 The karma will not be annulled.
有人斷同大重者。胡律云。鼠偸故桃積成大聚。比丘盜之。佛言波羅夷。故有解。非望畜生還望本主。以鼠盜疑豫未決望人猶是本主。故還就人結重。Some people judge that [the theft of animals’ possessions] is similar to a grave offense [in this case a pārājika offense]. Therefore, [the Dharmaguptaka] vinaya says:53 “Rats steal walnuts and pile them up on a big heap. A bhikṣu steals them. The Buddha says that he commits a pārājika offense.” The reason can be explained. It is not judged from the perspective of the animal, but it is still judged from the perspective of the original owner, because, when the rat steals, it is not yet certain and not yet decided [who the true owner is]. Thus, the [issue] is still judged by regarding the person [whose walnuts the rats stole] as the original owner. Therefore, with reference to the person, [the theft] is seen as a grave offense.
3.2. Daoxuan’s Comments on the Situation in China
律爲法命。弘則命全。今不欲不弘56正法斯滅。Vinaya is the life of the Dharma. If one propagates it, the life [of the Dharma] is complete; now, if one does not intend to promote [vinaya], the True Dharma will be extinguished.57
滅法不久。寺家庫藏廚所多不結淨。道俗通濫淨穢混然。立寺經久。綱維無教。忽聞立淨惑耳驚心。豈非師僧上座妄居淨住導引後生同開惡道。或畜貓狗專擬殺鼠。牛杖馬䩛韁絆箞橛。如是等類並是惡律儀。雜心云。惡律儀者流注相續成也。善生成論。若受惡律儀則失善戒。今寺畜貓狗。並欲盡形。非惡律儀何也。擧衆同畜一衆無戒。[If the aforementioned behavior continues], the disappearance of Dharma is not far away. The storage rooms and kitchens of monasteries have often not been designated as purified [places] (jie jing 結淨).58 Monastic and laity intermix [throughout the monasteries], and what is pure or dirty becomes indistinguishable. Monasteries have been established for a long time, but regulations have not been taught. When [monastics] suddenly heard of [the correct procedure for] establishing a purified [storage room and kitchen], they were confused and shocked. Is it not that teachers and seniors, completely oblivious of a pure life, lead the younger generation on a journey down an unwholesome path? Some keep cats and dogs with the specific intention of killing rats, or they [have] sticks for cattle, reins for horses, halters and pegs. All such acts are evil deportment (e lü yi 惡律儀).59 The Za xin 雜心 (*Saṃyuktābhidharmahṛdayaśāstra) says that “evil deportment” (e lü yi) means that there is a flow [of unwholesome acts], continuously being accomplished.60 The Shansheng 善生 (Upāsakaśīla Sūtra)61 and the Cheng lun 成論 (*Tattvasiddhiśāstra)62 [leave no doubt that] if one embraces evil deportment, one loses good morality. Now, [monastics] keep cats and dogs in their monasteries, intending to have them for their whole lives. If this is not evil deportment, what else can it be? [If] the whole community together raises [cats and dogs], [then] the entire community is lacking [vinaya] rules.
畜惡律儀即猫狗殦梟鷹鷂鼠蠱鼠弩弓檻等。及弓箭五兵機羅殺具者。
惡律儀具。事類乃希。時復縁邊塞首中表無知。或加畜用。既事在罪増。並可焚屏。則同瓦屋之非法也。故善見論云。若有施器仗者。僧應打壞。不得賣。若賣與人。前得行殺。賣者同業故。論中其有畜非法之物。衆主破之無捐財咎。正論明斷。準用何疑。亦有養畜猫狗專行殺害。經論斷在惡律儀。同畜便失善戒。出賣則是生類。業障更深。施他還續害心。終成纒結。宜放之深藪任彼行藏。必繋之顯柱更増勞役。但依前判彼我夷然。便息生殺怨家。新樹慈悲聖宅(其餘鷙鳥例此騰空)。As for things [connected] to evil deportment, there are not so many in this category. At times, in remote as well as central regions, a lack of knowledge is evident. Some people keep and use [such things]. And since these things exacerbate the offense [against living beings], they should be burned and rejected. It is just as much against the Dharma as a hut made out of mud, [which must be destroyed].69 Therefore, the Shanjian lü piposha 善見律毘婆沙 says that if one is offered weapons, the saṃgha should destroy them, and one cannot sell them.70 If one sells [weapons] to a person prior to their committing murder, then the karmic retribution for the seller is the same [as the murderer]. In commentaries [it is said that] if one keeps things that go against the rules, then the monastic managers destroy them, so they do not increase wealth or fault.71 The correct position is that [these things] are clearly proscribed;72 this is doubtless the standard to use. There are also those who raise and keep cats and dogs, specifically to kill [rats]. The sūtras and commentaries proscribe this as “evil deportment.” Together keeping these [animals for pest control], one diverges from the good precepts. If one sells them, the karmic retribution will be even worse, since they are living beings. If one gives them to someone else, this still perpetuates harmful intentions (hai xin 害心) and ultimately manifests [karmic] bondage. The deep wilds of fitting release let them come and go as they please. The manifest yoke of forced bondage further increases their hardship. Only by following the previous determination we can both [i.e., the animals and the monastics] feel at ease, thus calming the enemy of birth and death and newly establishing a holy residence of compassion. (As for birds of prey, they should be dealt with according to the same principle, and released into the open.)73
穿牆竊盜貪財健怨無有親疎者從鼠中來[A person who] breaks walls, steals, is avaricious, and displays anger, and who has no close or distant relatives, comes from the life of a rat.
4. Conclusions
念一切眾生同是佛因。起不殺行。即是敬信信知因果。作長壽緣Remember that all living beings are equally endowed with the potential to Buddhahood. That is why we should not kill. This is to respect the teaching, to put trust in the law of cause and effect, and so secure a long life.
Funding
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
Abbreviations
DZ | Daozang 道藏. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi 信文豐出版公司 edition, 1977. |
T | Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大蔵經. 85 vols., ed. Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 and Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭. Tokyo: Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai, 1924–1934. |
Vin | Vinaya Piṭakaṃ: One of the Principal Buddhist Holy Scriptures in the Pāli Language. 5 vols., ed. Herman Oldenberg. London: Pali Text Society, 1969–1993 [1879–1883]. |
ZLBC | Tang Shenwei 唐慎微. Eleventh century. Zhenglei bencao 證類本草 (Collected and Classified Materia Medica). Siku yixue congshu 四庫醫學叢書. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991. |
1 | Later sets of rules, such as the so-called ‘rules of purity’, qing gui清規 a new genre that started to develop in China from the eighth century onwards and that aims at the practical organization of large public monasteries, fall beyond the scope of the present study. Research on these later developments can further shed light on the step by step formation of a Chinese Buddhist identity. |
2 | For further details, see: (Yuyama 1979; Clarke 2015). |
3 | A Tibetan translation of the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, as well as many Sanskrit sections of the same text, are also extant. For details, see (Yuyama 1979, pp. 12–33; Clarke 2015, pp. 73–81). |
4 | See, among others, (Heirman 2007, pp. 192–95; Zou 2019, pp. 188–207). |
5 | For more information on the vinaya texts’ views on annoying and dangerous animals, see: (Schmithausen and Maithrimurthi 2009; Heirman 2019). |
6 | Dogs are also classified as dangerous, but nearly always in the context of meat consumption. This is considered dangerous on the grounds that they are likely to attack members of the monastic community if they fear they will be killed for their meat (see Heirman and De Rauw 2006, pp. 60–61). |
7 | On insects in a Buddhist context, see (Heirman 2020). |
8 | See also T no. 1450, 24: 8.139c9–11: monastic dwellings should be quiet, with moderate heat and wind, and no mosquitoes, flies, snakes, or scorpions. |
9 | Biologically, the difference between a mouse and a rat is rather nebulous, with size being the most important factor. On the Chinese terminology, see, among others, (von Kispal 2015, pp. 39–40), who argues that problematic rodents in medieval China were usually relatively large, so she prefers the translation “rats”. |
10 | A pācittika (or variants) is an offense that must be expiated (cf. Heirman 2002, pp. 141–47). Keeping, storing, and/or eating leftover food is a pācittika offense in all six vinayas: Pāli vinaya, (Vin IV, pp. 86–87); Mahīśāsaka vinaya, T no. 1421, 22: 8.54b1–19; Mahāsāṃghika vinaya, T no. 1425, 22: 17.359b11–360c12; Dharmaguptaka vinaya, T no 1428, 22: 14.662c25–663b9; Sarvāstivāda vinaya, T no. 1435, 23: 13.95b26–c24; Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, T no. 1442, 23: 36.824c20–825a24. |
11 | The term undura is usually translated as “rat” (cf. Rhys et al. [1921–1925] 1992, p. 137, s.v. undura). The Pāli vinaya commonly uses this term. Still, it also mentions a mūsikā, which is usually translated as “mouse” (Rhys et al. [1921–1925] 1992, p. 540, s.v. mūsika/mūsikā). The mūsikā is classified as a creeping creature, alongside snakes, scorpions, centipedes, spiders, and lizards (Pāli vinaya, Vin II, p. 110). |
12 | Translated after (Shih Heng-ching Bhikṣuṇī 1994, p. 126) (with minor changes). The text emphasizes the importance of bodhisattva practice of lay Buddhists. As pointed out by (Shih Heng-ching Bhikṣuṇī 1994, p. 1), “the sutra concludes that lay bodhisattvas encounter more difficulties in following the precepts than ordained bodhisattvas.” The compassion lay Buddhists show is therefore highly valued. |
13 | In his account of a long and difficult journey to India that he undertook between 399 and 412, Faxian 法顯 (?–?) tells of a rat that caused even more damage by chewing on a lamp’s wick and starting a fire in the Jetavana monastery (Gaoseng Faxian zhuan 高僧法顯傳, Record of the Eminent Monk Faxian; T no. 2085, 51: 860b25–27). For translations, see: (Li 2002, p. 182; Deeg 2005, p. 537). |
14 | Pāli vinaya, Vin I, p. 109, p. 284, Vin II, p. 117, and Vin III, p. 263 (robes); Vin II, pp. 148–49 and Vin III, p. 227 (mats); Vin II, p. 152 (bags); Vin II, p. 148 (door fastenings). |
15 | See (Clarke 2004) for further information on the Pinimu jing. The affiliation of this text is unclear. |
16 | |
17 | The affiliation of this text remains a subject of debate, but it is generally thought to be Sarvāstivādin (Clarke 2015, p. 72). |
18 | Niḥsargika pācittika rules relate to objects that are unlawfully obtained and therefore must be surrendered. |
19 | See (Heirman 2002, pp. 515–17), note 197 for a discussion on this method of protecting monastic robes. |
20 | |
21 | See (Dantinne 1991) for a detailed study of Buddhist ascetic practices. See also (Ray 1994, pp. 293–323); Muller (1995), Digital Dictionary, s.v. shi’er toutuo 十二頭陀, http://www.buddhism-dict.net/ddb, last accessed 9 January 2021. |
22 | See (Witkowski 2017, pp. 269–74, 281–83) for further details. |
23 | See (Heirman 2014) for a discussion on how and why monastic robes are cleaned. |
24 | See (von Hinüber 1996, pp. 21–22) for further information on the Parivāra, which may be considered as a kind of appendix to the vinaya. |
25 | The Vinayakārikā is a versified compilation of Mūlasarvāstivāda monastic guidelines, composed by Viśākhadeva (?–?) and translated into Chinese by Yijing. |
26 | The first of these passages forms part of the Sarvāstivāda vinaya’s *Ekottarikā; the second is found in the same vinaya’s Mātṛkā (cf. Clarke 2015, p. 71). |
27 | The Sapoduo pini piposha (*Sarvāstivāda-vinaya-vibhāṣā) was probably translated into Chinese after the translation of the Sarvāstivāda vinaya itself but before 431 (cf. Yuyama 1979, pp. 8–9). Funayama (2006, pp. 44–46), draws attention to Chinese exegetical elements interpolated in the translation. |
28 | This description is echoed in the Sapoduo pini piposha (T no. 1440, 23: 3.520c29–521a1). |
29 | The Youposai jie jing (Upāsakaśīla Sūtra) also advises filling in rats’ and snakes’ holes in its guidelines on how to construct a stūpa. Thereafter, such animals should be kept away from the site (T no. 1488, 24: 3.1052a7; see Shih Heng-ching Bhikṣuṇī 1994, p. 94 for a translation). |
30 | For more information on the general ban on digging, see, among others: (Schmithausen 1991, pp. 46–51; Heirman 2020, pp. 36–39). |
31 | Dharmaguptaka vinaya (T no. 1428, 22: 15.677a24–25). Killing any animal is categorized as a pācittika offense in the other five vinayas, too: Pāli vinaya, Vin IV, pp. 124–25; Mahīśāsaka vinaya, T no. 1421, 22: 8.58a15–b9; Mahāsāṃghika vinaya, T no. 1425, 22: 19.377a26–378a26; Sarvāstivāda vinaya, T no. 1435, 23: 16.110b28–111a26; Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, T no. 1442, 23: 40.847c18–848a16. For further discussion on early Buddhist attitudes towards killing animals, as opposed to killing humans, see, in particular, (Schmithausen and Maithrimurthi 2009, pp. 77, 90–100). |
32 | Of course, monastics are banned from using rat poison, ax explicitly stated in the Mahāsāṃghika vinaya (T no. 1425, 22: 4.255b10–12 and 19.377b28–c1). |
33 | The Dharmaguptaka vinaya also advocates using incantations to protect oneself from rat bites (T no. 1428, 22: 53.963b25). |
34 | A yuepini zui (vinayātikrama) is equivalent to a duṣkṛta in the other vinaya traditions. See (Hirakawa 1982, pp. 105–6, note 10; Nolot 1991, pp. 384–86). A duṣkṛta, lit “a bad deed”, is a minor offense (cf. Heirman 2002, pp. 148–49). Rules, such as these, do not incur severe institutional measures. They rather function as a warning. |
35 | The vinaya adds that no offense is committed by a monk who drives out camels, oxen, or horses that have soiled or damaged the monastery. |
36 | See (Buswell and Lopez 2014, pp. 233–34) for a brief introduction to Devadatta. |
37 | In the non-Pāli traditions, a monk or a nun may be permitted to retain a minor position within the monastic community after committing a pārājika offense; see (Clarke 2000, 2009a). On remaining a monk, albeit in another monastery, see (Clarke 2009b). For a critical response to Clarke’s hypothesis, see (Anālayo 2017). |
38 | A failure to commit a pārājika offense is commonly classified as a sthūlātyaya offense. The latter is still a grave offense, but less serious than a pārājika. |
39 | A shou yuan ren 守園人 (lit. “gardener”; ārāmika) is a (lay) attendant in a monastery (cf. Heirman 2002, p. 497, note 48 and p. 854, note 53). His functions can sometimes overlap with those of a jing ren 淨人 (kalpikāraka), a layperson who, among other duties, makes situations “pure”—that is, acceptable or permissible—for a monk, such as by accepting donations on the monk’s behalf. See (Kieffer-Pülz 2007, pp. 15–21) for further information on both terms. |
40 | The Mūlasarvāstivāda *Vinayasaṃgraha contains a similar guideline (T no. 1458, 24: 2.536c25–26). |
41 | See (Liang 2010, pp. 251–80) for more information on this story and several alternative versions. |
42 | The cat’s owner repaid the young man with some garden peas. See (Barrett 1998, pp. 18–19) for more information on this anecdote. |
43 | T no. 1425, 22: 2.238b9 and 27.445a8. |
44 | See (von Kispal 2015, pp. 21–33) for a detailed history of the cat in Asia. |
45 | See (Heirman 2020, pp. 28–34) for a detailed discussion on how Daoxuan interprets the proscription against killing animals. |
46 | The Lü ershier mingliao lun 律二十二明了論, Treatise on the Elucidation of 22 [Verses] on Vinaya (568 CE; T no. 1461, 24) is the Indian master Paramārtha’s translation into Chinese of a vinaya commentary by the Indian monk *Buddhatrāta (?–?). The latter was a member of the Sāṃmitīya school, and the commentary discusses this school’s views on a variety of important vinaya matters (see Clarke 2015, pp. 82–83). |
47 | Daoxuan uses the phrase “mingliao lun shu yun 明了論述云 [lit. The Treatise on the Elucidation (明了論) explains (述云)].” It is important to note that the character shu 述 is not part of the treatise’s title. Rather, Daoxuan uses it to indicate that he is not quoting directly from the text but simply presenting a summary in order to emphasize that any offense committed with an evil state of mind results in especially harsh karmic retribution. |
48 | Daoxuan uses the abbreviation “Cheng lun 成論” to refer to the Chengshi lun 成實論 (*Tattvasiddhiśāstra; The Treatise that Accomplishes Reality; T no. 1646, 32). See (Heirman 2020, pp. 32–33 for further details). This is a philosophical treatise compiled by the Indian monk Harivarman in the middle of the third century CE, and translated into Chinese by the monk Kumārajīva at the beginning of the fifth century (see Demiéville et al. 1978, p. 139; Potter 1999, pp. 255, 741, note 317). The passage in question can be found at T no. 1646, 32: 7.291a11–13. |
49 | Both bao 報 and baoying 報應are routinely translated as “retribution,” even though the karmic effect of an evil act is seen as a natural consequence, rather than a punishment. Therefore, a preferable translation might be “repercussion.” Many thanks to Peter Harvey for this suggestion. |
50 | The technical term duo zui 墮罪 may refer to either a niḥsargika pācittika (or variants thereof)—an offense that must be expiated while surrendering an object that is prohibited or has been improperly acquired (see Heirman 2002, pp. 138–41)—or a pācittika (or variants thereof)—simply an offense that must be expiated (see Heirman 2002, pp. 141–47). In this case, it probably refers to the aforementioned pācittika rule on the killing of animals. |
51 | For more information on cleanliness and the purity of robes, see, among others: (Schopen 2007; Heirman 2014; Witkowski 2017). |
52 | This guideline is contained within the Sifen lü biqiu hanzhu jieben 四分律比丘含注戒本 (T no. 1806, 40), Daoxuan’s commentary on the Dharmaguptaka vinaya’s bhikṣuprātimokṣa. |
53 | The term hu lü 胡律 is problematic. It may be presumed that the character hu 胡 (“foreign”) in the Taishō edition should be gu 故 (“therefore”), which appears in the same position in the alternative gong 宮and jia 甲editions (the former, which dates from the Song Dynasty, is housed in the Japanese imperial library (Kunaishō 宮内省); the latter dates from the Tokugawa period, 1603–1868). Likewise, a few characters later, the term gu tao 故桃 (“reason-peach”) in the Taishō text should presumably be hutao胡桃 (“walnut”), as we find in the jia edition. In other words, it seems that the scribe of the Taishō edition transposed hu 胡 and gu 故. This conclusion is corroborated by the fact that the original Dharmaguptaka passage concerns rats stealing walnuts (hutao胡桃) (T no. 1428, 22: 55.978a24–29). |
54 | With many thanks to Sakda Hemthep and Max Deeg for their constructive comments on this passage. |
55 | See, for instance, (Zou 2019, pp. 150–207). |
56 | The Taishō edition actually reads bu yu bu hong 不欲不弘 (“if one does not intend not to promote [vinaya]”), rather than bu yu hong 不欲弘 (“if one does not intend to promote [vinaya]”). However, the latter reading is found in the so-called “three editions,” commonly dated to between the twelfth and the seventeenth centuries, as well as the gong edition. All of these editions are related to a tripiṭaka edition that was compiled and printed between 1080 and 1176 in Fuzhou, southern China (cf. Mizuno 1982, pp. 176–77). These latter readings make much more sense than the double-negative clause in the Taishō edition. |
57 | Translation based on (Lin 2014, p. 102). |
58 | The term jie jing signifies that a particular location has been officially designated (jie 結) as a “purified place” (jing di 淨地). In this case a monastery’s storage room and kitchen should be jie jing before food is stored and prepared in them (potentially by laypeople as well as the monks themselves). In this way, behavior that is not ordinarily permitted in a monastery may be “purified”—that is, made acceptable. All of the vinayas outline their own versions of the jie jing procedure. For instance, the Dharmaguptaka vinaya (T no. 1428, 22: 43.874c8–18) states that a purified place must be designated by a bai er jiemo 白二羯磨 (jñaptidvitīya karman), a formal procedure consisting of one motion (jñapti), one proposition (karmavācanā), and a conclusion. Similarly, the traveler–monk Yijing, translator of the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, stresses the importance of cooking and eating in a proper, well-marked place, as is found in every Chinese monastery (T no. 2125, 54: 2.216c22–217a23; translated by (Li 2000, pp. 80–82)). |
59 | The term e lü yi (asaṃvara) refers to bad practices that go against vinaya (Muller, Digital Dictionary, s.v. e lü yi 惡律儀, http://www.buddhism-dict.net/cgi-bin/xpr-ddb.pl?q=%E6%83%A1%E5%BE%8B%E5%84%80 (accessed on 22 January 2021). |
60 | Za xin 雜心 is a reference to the Za apitan xin lun 雜阿毘曇心論 (*Saṃyuktābhidharmahṛdayaśāstra; T no. 1552, 28), a Sarvāstivāda abhidharma text written by Dharmatrāta at the beginning of the fourth century and translated into Chinese by the monk Saṃghavarman in 434. See (Dessein 1999) for an introduction and full translation. |
61 | Shansheng 善生 is a reference to the Youposai jie jing (Upāsakaśīla Sūtra; Sūtra on Upāsaka Precepts; T no. 1488, 24). This sūtra is also known as the Shansheng jing 善生經 (Sujata Sūtra), as Sujata is the main character (cf. Shih Heng-ching Bhikṣuṇī 1994, p. 1). It is intriguing to see how Daoxuan, himself a firm promotor of Mahāyāna practices (discussed in, for instance, Zou 2019, pp. 191–97) refers for his argumentation to both abhidharma texts and lay bodhisattva texts. It testifies of his broad knowledge and of his encompassing view on Chinese Buddhism. |
62 | See note 48, above. |
63 | See (Dessein 1999, vol. 1, pp. 167–69) for a translation. |
64 | See (Shih Heng-ching Bhikṣuṇī 1994, pp. 176–77) for a translation. |
65 | There are lists of improper occupations, with slight variations, in several Buddhist texts (see Dessein 1999, Vol. 2, p. 155, note 265). It is unclear which of these inspired the list that appears in the Upāsakaśīla Sūtra. |
66 | See (Chen 2009, pp. 35–41) for a detailed discussion of this passage. |
67 | It is difficult to know which species Daoxuan means by the phrase diao xiao ying yao 殦梟鷹鷂 as both diao 殦 (another term for chi 鴟) and xiao 梟 are general terms for “owl,” while ying 鷹 and yao 鷂 are general terms for “hawk” (although (Schafer 1958, pp. 309–10) specifically identifies ying as a goshawk and yao as a sparrowhawk; see (Wallace 2012, p. 102) for more on the use of these two species in Chinese falconry). However, in the context of this paper, the important point is that all of these are birds of prey, so they could have been domesticated and used to kill rodents. Hunting with eagles, hawks, and falcons (in conjunction with dogs) was possibly introduced into China from the west in the final few centuries BCE. It had become quite a popular pastime among the Tang elite by Daoxuan’s lifetime. Some markets even specialized in the sale of these birds. See (Schafer 1958; Wallace 2012; De Troia 2020, pp. 153–58). |
68 | Wu bing 五兵 (“five weapons”) is a general term for a list of five different types of weapon. All of these lists mention daggers, lances, and spears, whereas only some of them include bows and arrows (see Ciyuan 1986, p. 132, s.v. 五兵). |
69 | Two vinayas (Mahīśāsaka vinaya, T no. 1421, 1.5b1–21; Dharmaguptaka vinaya, T no. 1428, 22: 1.572b6–c4) prohibit the construction and use of mud huts (wa wu瓦屋; “tile hut”), as does the Shanjian lü piposha 善見律毘婆沙 (T no. 1462, 24: 8.727b2–c27, which is related to Pāli vinaya, Vin III, pp. 41–42; see note 70), a text that Daoxuan mentions in the next sentence. All of these sources tell the story of a monk named Dhaniya whose thatched hut was destroyed by people collecting firewood. In response, Dhaniya made tiles by burning mud on a wood and cow-dung fire, then used the tiles to build a new hut. When the Buddha saw this, he explained that mud huts testify to a lack of compassion (ci xin 慈心, ci min 慈愍, ci bei 慈悲) towards living creatures, as animals may by killed in the fire or when digging up the mud. Consequently, he not only banned their construction but insisted that existing mud huts should be destroyed. (Another interesting aspect to this story lies beyond the scope of this paper. Dhaniya questions whether his offense is sufficiently grave that his home should be destroyed, and ultimately accepts this ruling only because it originated with the Buddha himself. This may be an interesting first instance of an investigation into the authority of the Buddha’s commands and regulations.) |
70 | The Shanjian lü piposha (T no. 1462, 24) is sometimes presented as a direct translation of the Pāli Samantapāsādikā, a commentary on the Pāli vinaya that is traditionally attributed to the monk Buddhaghosa. (See von Hinüber 1996, pp. 103–4 for further information on this attribution and why it may be problematic.) The Chinese translation, which was completed in 488–489, is attributed to the monk Saṃghabhadra. Its relationship to the Pāli text is far from straightforward and has been widely debated. (See Pinte 2011 for further details on the Chinese text and its relationship to the Pāli Samantapāsādikā.) The passage that Daoxuan mentions (T no. 1462, 24: 13.762c4–6) discusses fighting implements. If received as gifts, such items must not be used as weapons or sold, but they may be rendered ineffective and repurposed; then they can also be sold (see Bapat and Hirakawa 1970, p. 368 for a translation). |
71 | A monastic manager, zhong zhu 眾主, might be the monastery’s quartermaster; the term is sometimes used as a translation of the Indian word vaiyāpṛtyakara, a kind of manager–monk (cf. Silk 2008, p. 48). |
72 | This translation is very tentative. The term zhenglun 正論 (translated as ‘the correct position’) might as well be an abbreviation of Apidamo shunzhenglilun 阿毘達磨順正理論 (*Nyāyānusāra, T no. 1562, 29), an abhidharma text compiled in the late fourth or early fifth century by the monk Saṃghabhadra (?–?) and translated in Chinese in 653 by the monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664). For a detailed study of this text, see (Collett 1995). Still, I could not identify a corresponding passage. |
73 | Daoxuan expresses these thoughts on birds of prey in a supplementary note. |
74 | See, for instance, (Sterckx 2019, p. 49). |
75 | For further details, see: (Xu 1993, p. 4; Peintinger 2001, pp. 397–98; von Kispal 2015, pp. 42–43). Smoke was also used to drive out rats, as were exorcisms. Roel Sterckx describes one of these rituals in his study of animals in early China: in the first lunar month, the head of the household would “behead” (or cut open) a rat, suspend it in the middle of the house, and chant an exorcistic prayer (Sterckx 2002, pp. 64–65, 152–53, 266–67, note 90). |
76 | Image of a rat-catching dog in a cliff tomb, Qijiang 綦江 region of Sichuan Province, Han Dynasty (after (Dai 2018), http://www.sixthtone.com/news/1001742/7%2C000-years-of-the-dog-a-history-of-chinas-canine-companions, last accessed 28 February 2021). See also (Xu 1993, p. 4; Peintinger 2001, p. 411. See, for instance, (Erickson 2003) for further information on the Qijiang tombs. |
77 | The authors add that there is increasing evidence that the rat catchers of early China were Chinese varieties of the Bengal cat. One seems to have tried to tame their kittens, without being very successful (Barrett and Strange 2019, p. 85, note 4). See also (Müller 2009, pp. 50–60) for further details of the various interpretations of li and the domestication of cats in China. |
78 | von Kispal (2015, pp. 43–61). The implication is not that there were no (wild) cats in China prior to this time; rather, that this was when humans started to keep them in their homes. That said, it seems certain that cats had previously lived in close proximity to people, attracted by the prey opportunities that human environments generated (see also Barrett and Strange 2019, p. 85). |
79 | |
80 | |
81 | For further details, see: (Barrett 1998, pp. 14–21; 2010, p. 109; von Kispal 2015, pp. 131–32). See (von Kispal 2015, pp. 158–60) on the subject of cats in the Tang imperial court. |
82 | T no. 2128, 54: 11.371c18–19; 14.394a23–24; 24.458b22; 27.485b17–18; 31.513a5; 32.525c4–5; 68.754c14. See also: (Barrett 1998, p. 36, note 74; von Kispal 2015, p. 55). Later, from at least the twelfth century onwards, a myth started to circulate that the monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (who traveled to India between 629 and 645) introduced the cat to China specifically to safeguard the Buddhist scriptures from suffering damage due to hungry rats (Barrett 1998, pp. 15–16; von Kispal 2015, pp. 59–60; Barrett and Strange 2019, p. 88; Idema 2019, pp. 38–39). Xuanzang himself does not refer to cats catching rats, but he must have seen at least one in a monastery because a seventh-century biography by Huili 慧立 and Yancong 彦悰 quotes him comparing a non-Buddhist ascetic smeared with ash to a cat (maoli 猫狸; here used as a composite term) sleeping on a kitchen range (T no. 2053, 50: 4.245a27–28; translation in (Li 1995, p. 132)). |
83 | von Kispal (2015, pp. 131–32). See also (Spring 1993, pp. 49–75) for details of late Tang stories that draw parallels between cats hunting rats in laypeople’s homes and human behavior. These fables provide strong evidence of the widespread domestication of cats in Chinese society by the ninth century. All such animals were kept primarily for the purpose of catching rodents. |
84 | Tim Barrett (2010, p. 109) suggests that the practice of keeping cats as pets may have begun at the very end of the Tang period, in the late ninth and early tenth centuries. See also (Barrett and Strange 2019, pp. 91–93). |
85 | Young cats and dogs were used in this experiment. See ZLBC, scroll 26, p. 1012, b4 (translation in Huang 2000, p. 581): “Prolonged consumption of rice weakens the body; feeding [polished] paddy or glutinous rice to young cats and dogs will so bend their legs that they will not be able to walk.” See also (Barrett 2010, p. 109). |
86 | Of course, in addition to eating humans’ gifts of food, both cats and dogs are well equipped to hunt and kill other animals. That said, some monastics may have hoped that cats’ mere presence would cause rats to give their monasteries a wide berth, which would absolve the monks of any blame in the rodents’ demise. (Johannes Prip-Møller 1967, pp. 128, 369–71) found evidence of this type of thinking in a number of early twentieth-century Chinese monasteries, as the doors of the rice-flour stores were equipped with cat-flaps and a room was sometimes (although not often) set aside for a cat- or dog-keeper. Unfortunately, though, there is no evidence that such cat-friendly innovations were prevalent in the Tang Dynasty. Moreover, they might not have been very effective, as Prip-Møller adds that he saw numerous rats in monasteries’ kitchen gutters, and no one paid them any attention. |
87 | The Fanwang jing (Brahmā’s Net Sūtra; T no. 1484, 24), which was aimed at both laypeople and monastics, was probably composed in China around 420. Its second fascicle comprises a list of fifty-eight so-called bodhisattva precepts. See (Muller and Tanaka 2017, p. xix). |
88 | T no. 1484, 24: 下.1006b9–20 (translation in Muller and Tanaka 2017, p. 55). |
89 | T no. 1484, 24: 下.1007b11–13 (translation in Muller and Tanaka 2017, pp. 61–62). The Fanwang jing lists maoli 猫狸, zhu 猪, and gou 狗, which Muller and Tanaka translate as “cats, badgers, swine, or dogs” in the belief that maoli is a reference to two separate animals—mao (cat) and li (badger). However, as Tim Barrett (1998, p. 36, note 74) has demonstrated, Buddhist authors regularly conjoined mao and li when referring only to cats. A prominent example appears in the Buddhist encyclopedia Jinglü yixiang 經律異相 (Different [Entries] on Sūtra and Vinaya; T no. 2121, 53), compiled by Sengmin 僧旻 (467–527) and Baochang 寶唱 (466–?), among others, and commissioned by Emperor Wu 梁武帝 of the Liang Dynasty (502–557), which explains terms by means of illustrative stories. For instance, the maoli entry tells of a cat swallowing a rat (T no. 2121, 53: 47.253a14–20) and cites the Za ahan jing 雜阿含經 (Saṃyuktāgama; T no. 99, 2; translated into Chinese by Guṇabhadra in the middle of the fifth century) as a source. (The dictionary text does indeed correspond to a passage in the Za ahan jing at T no. 99, 2: 47.345c8–13.) The rearing of cats is also condemned in the Youposai jie jing (T no. 1488, 24: 3.1050a2–4; translation in Shih Heng-ching Bhikṣuṇī 1994, p. 82). |
90 | For discussions on the subject of rebirth in the Shan’e yinguo jing, see: (Teiser 1994, pp. 114–16; Kohn 1998, pp. 22–36). According to (Livia Kohn 1998, p. 27), this apocryphal Chinese text may have been compiled in the fifth century, while (Peter Zieme 2009, p. 392) presents a Dunhuang colophon as evidence that it must have been written by 601. It has been translated into Sogdian (see MacKenzie 1970, p. 21 for the passage under discussion), Tibetan, and Uighur (see Zieme 2009 for further details of these translations). Early Indian Buddhists were equally unenthusiastic about the prospect of being reborn as a rat, not least because the creatures were routinely associated with devious behavior (see Schmithausen and Maithrimurthi 2009, p. 80). |
91 | Confucian texts similarly equate corrupt, greedy administrators with rats (see, for instance, von Kispal 2015, pp. 161–62), not least because they are both hard to destroy without also damaging the institutions they undermine through their harmful actions (see Roel Sterckx 2002, p. 267, note 90). Yet, the rat heads the list of twelve creatures in the Chinese Zodiac, and it is often praised for its extraordinary reproductive capacity (see, for instance, Peintinger 2001, pp. 393, 406; Idema 2019, pp. 31–34). See (Spring 1993, pp. 65–75) for further information on the sometimes positive (protector or harbinger of good fortune) but mostly negative (metaphor for grasping officials or portend of disaster) depictions of rats in late Tang literature. |
92 | For further details, see: (Kohn 1998; 2004, pp. 31–32; Schipper and Verellen 2004, pp. 518–20). This text, which echoes the aforementioned Shan’e yinguo jing in many respects, testifies to the copious cross-fertilization between Buddhism and Daoism in medieval China. |
93 | For more on this text, see: (Kohn 2003, pp. 217–19; 2004, pp. 23–47; Schipper and Verellen 2004, pp. 451–53). |
94 | DZ 1125, Vol. 41, p. 671b4–5 (translation based on Kohn 2004, p. 81). In the same context, both texts explain that eating meat can lead to rebirth as a cat. See, for instance, (Kohn 1998, pp. 1–4) for more on Daoist rebirth doctrines. |
95 | After (Dunhuang Yanjiuyuan 1999, p. 124) (an edited volume on depictions of animals in the Dunhuang caves). The editors note that it might be the only image of a rat in the Dunhuang murals. |
96 | Vaiśravaṇa is invariably accompanied by a mongoose (symbol of riches) in Indian iconography, but in China the companion is sometimes described as a shu 鼠 (“rat” or “mouse”). See (Shahar 2015, pp. 153–58), who suggests that shu signified wealth in China, just as the mongoose did in India. Similarly, the editors of (Dunhuang Yanjiuyuan 1999, p. 124) believe that rats generally symbolize good fortune. On the other hand, (Anderl 2018, p. 289) suggests that the association with Vaiśravaṇa may derive from a story about the god’s defense of Anxi, a western protectorate of the Tang Empire, in which a pack of rats assists him by devouring the enemy’s weapons. See Pishamen yi gui 毘沙門儀軌, Ceremonies in the Worship of Vaiśravaṇa (supposedly translated from Sanskrit into Chinese by the eighth-century master Amoghavajra), T no. 1249, 21: 228b26; see also (Granoff 1970, pp. 150–51 for a discussion). |
97 | This is also the opinion of the editors of (Dunhuang Yanjiuyuan 1999, p. 124). |
98 | See (Mrozik 2007, pp. 61–81) for a discussion. See also (Powers 2009), who identifies a strong correlation between virtue and physical beauty in jātaka (birth) stories. |
99 |
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Heirman, A. What about Rats? Buddhist Disciplinary Guidelines on Rats: Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentaries. Religions 2021, 12, 508. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070508
Heirman A. What about Rats? Buddhist Disciplinary Guidelines on Rats: Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentaries. Religions. 2021; 12(7):508. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070508
Chicago/Turabian StyleHeirman, Ann. 2021. "What about Rats? Buddhist Disciplinary Guidelines on Rats: Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentaries" Religions 12, no. 7: 508. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070508
APA StyleHeirman, A. (2021). What about Rats? Buddhist Disciplinary Guidelines on Rats: Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentaries. Religions, 12(7), 508. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070508