Confessional Religious Education at School in the Face of Contemporary Challenges Based on the Polish Experience

Abstract

Religious education is a standard in European schools, but it is implemented according to different models. Against this background, Poland, with its confessional religious education for which churches and religious associations are responsible, appears as a certain model. However, is this kind of religious education able to meet the needs of today’s children and young people? This article begins with a brief description of religious education in Poland and then focuses on the characteristics of contemporary changes that affect all areas of human life, including religiousness. The hypothesis of the authors, which has found its justification in the proposed text, is the conviction that confessional religious education is able to respond to the needs of its contemporary addressees, but it must also have the ability to change and adapt, especially from the perspective of didactics. It is also important to be able to function in the reality of pluralism and complexity, as well as in the increasingly widespread computerization.

1. Introduction

The classics of the social sciences noted that societies go through specific stages of development, evolving and developing over time. Social structures, norms, values, and institutions are subject to change, and this process can be evolutionary, occurring slowly over a long period of time, or revolutionary, when change occurs rapidly and abruptly. The dynamics of today’s social changes are a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that affects all aspects of social life, from interpersonal relations to economic and political structures. Individuals and societies must be flexible and open to continuous learning and adaptation to function effectively in such a rapidly changing world. The quick exchange of information and increased international mobility leads to the blending of cultures, which, on the one hand, may enrich local cultures and, on the other hand, may lead to identity-related frictions and conflicts. New technologies change the way people learn; remote learning is becoming more and more common. At the same time, educational needs change, with the emphasis on developing digital and soft skills. The range of these changes may be described as “modern challenges”, which refers to the complex and often multifaceted problems and issues that society faces in the modern world. The challenges are often global and multifaceted and require a holistic approach and cooperation at various levels—from individuals to local and international. Modern challenges may concern different areas of life, such as politics, economy, environment, technology, health, culture, and society, as well as education or religion. Religion especially faces modern challenges by asking questions about the limits of flexibility and openness to dialogue with science, technology, and cultural diversity.

This analysis focuses on the evaluation of confessional religious education’s capability to respond to modern challenges resulting from dynamic social changes, including changes in the area of religion, in particular in its institutional aspect. These changes can be observed in many countries, with Poland being a special case, which will be analyzed. In the context of progressing secularization, religious pluralism, and individualization of approach to religion, traditional forms of religiousness, represented by religious institutions, face new challenges. Religious education, which is often one of the main channels for passing on religious values, must adjust its methods and content to the changing social reality to remain effective. The main research question of the article is: To what extent is confessional religious education able to respond to these challenges, and how does it adapt to social shifts and changing forms of religiousness in Poland? The article explores the extent to which current religious education concepts and educational practices can respond to the needs of today’s students who function in an increasingly religiously and culturally diverse society. The aim of the study is to understand whether confessional religious education in Poland is flexible and innovative enough to meet the challenges of the modern world or whether there are elements that require reform to better reflect the changing social and religious context. This article employs the method of source analysis and available empirical research results to comprehensively present and assess the challenges faced by religious education in Poland within the context of dynamic social transformations. This study uses subject literature, including theoretical works and research reports, which provide information on secularization, cultural pluralism, digitalization, and the impact of globalization on religiosity and the social perception of religious education. The analysis also includes an interpretation of data from research conducted by Polish and international sociologists of religion, allowing for a critical examination of the condition of religious education in Poland in light of contemporary challenges, as well as the specific characteristics of the Polish model of religious education compared to other European countries.

2. Specifics of the Polish Concept of Religious Education

When analyzing the issue of religious education in schools in European countries, two regularities can be observed. The first concerns the prevalence of this education (Tomasik 2010). The second regularity is related to the diversity or heterogeneity of the vision of such education in each country, the responsibility of state or church entities for it, and the practical solutions adopted (Uriarte and Rodríguez 2023). Some models can be discerned among them, including the confessional model, which may be oriented toward the transfer of knowledge and the shaping of attitudes but may also have a catechetical and evangelizing component, the non-confessional (aconfessional) religious model, focused on the relationship between religion and culture, and the interconfessional or interreligious model, referring to shared competences and content for believers regardless of their denomination or religion (Kielian 2022). There are also countries pursuing a secular model of education (learning outside of religion). This applies to France (without Alsace and Lorraine), Albania, Montenegro, Kosovo, and, to some extent, Slovenia (Uriarte and Rodríguez 2023).

In this context, a solution adopted in Poland, which dates back to the inter-war period, is special (Panuś 2022). Religious education came back to Polish schools in 1990 after an almost 30-year absence as a result of its unlawful elimination in 1961, although this was a process that continued throughout the 1950s, with an illusory “thaw” in 1956 (Misiaszek 2010). It is a confessional education to which churches and religious associations legally operating in Poland and fulfilling the conditions stipulated by law have an equal right. The basic document regulating the form of religious education is the Regulation of the Minister of National Education on the Conditions and Manner of Organizing Religious Education in Public Kindergartens and Schools of 1992, updated regularly (Minister of National Education 2020). The document outlines the content-related responsibility of churches and religious associations for the preparation of curricula and syllabuses, as well as textbooks, which are only to be submitted to the minister in charge of education for information. This responsibility also applies to the content-related supervision of religion teachers, with pedagogical supervision also exercised by school principals and education office employees. The document also specifies the weekly number of hours of religious education, two lessons in school or kindergarten, group sizes and ways of bringing together smaller numbers of students, the status of religion teachers, and how they are employed.

Because of the autonomy of churches and religious associations in defining curricula, the Catholic Church has developed a model of school religious education that is part of a broader catechesis, or even its ‘specific form’ (Polish Episcopal Conference 2001). Without underestimating the role of school religious education, it must be emphasized that for full catechetical formation, it is insufficient since the involvement of the family and the parish community is necessary for full integration into religious life (Zjawin 2023). In the Polish model of religious education, this can be seen in the context of preparation for the sacraments.

This approach helps to avoid two extremes. Firstly, the utopian vision, which assumes that school religious education can become synonymous with catechesis and will fully fulfill both its informative and formative role in leading students to religious maturity. Secondly, and this seems peculiar compared to the solutions adopted in other European countries, religious education is not devoid of evangelizing and catechetical elements (Polish Episcopal Conference 2018), which entitles it to define itself as “part of catechesis”.

An empirical analysis of the data shows that attendance rates remain relatively high in primary schools, especially in smaller towns and certain dioceses, such as Przemyśl and Tarnów, where participation reaches 96–99%. In larger cities, however, such as Warsaw, Poznań, and Wrocław, religion class attendance among primary school students ranges from 60% to 73%, and in secondary schools, these figures drop drastically to only 15–30%. Detailed data illustrates this trend clearly. In Warsaw, only 42% of all students attend religion classes, 11% in kindergartens, 65% in primary schools, and merely 27% in high schools. In Poznań, 29% of high school students and just 32% of technical school students attend religion classes, reflecting a decline over recent years (from 36% and 39%, respectively, in 2021). The age structure of catechists also poses challenges for religious education in Poland. The largest group of catechists falls within the 46–50 age range, with numbers declining in older age brackets. However, catechists over 50 still constitute a substantial portion of the workforce, with 5284 aged 51–55, 3206 aged 56–60, and 1739 over 60 years old. The lack of younger catechists could limit the ability to adapt teaching methods to meet the needs of today’s youth, who often expect more dynamic and relevant forms of instruction. This declining trend in attendance and the growing generational gap indicate the necessity of reforming religious education in Poland. Suggested changes could include hiring younger catechists who better understand the needs of contemporary students, as well as introducing modern, interactive teaching methods. Adapting religion classes to reflect new realities, such as ideological pluralism and digitalization, is essential for religious education to engage students effectively and provide them with values aligned with their life experiences.

The CBOS survey from September 2024 indicates a decrease in support for teaching religion in public schools, with 51% of respondents in favor and 43% opposed. Support is higher among right-wing individuals, more often rural residents, those with lower education levels, and those with lower incomes. Opposition is strongest among younger people, residents of large cities, individuals with higher education, and those with left-wing views. Most respondents (69%) approve of not including religion grades in the end-of-year GPA, with only 25% against this approach. Additionally, 63% believe religion should not be graded at all, though 31% think otherwise. Support for not grading religion or including it in the GPA is primarily seen among those who oppose religious instruction in schools. A total of 58% of respondents favor reducing religious education to one hour per week, while 35% are against it. Support for limiting religious classes is strongest among younger people, residents of larger cities, and individuals with left-wing views. Opposition is mainly found among those who frequently practice religion, older individuals, and right-wing supporters (Instytut Statystyki Kościoła Katolickiego. n.d.; CBOS Survey Report 2024). The idea of combining religion classes when fewer than seven students are enrolled is widely supported, with 70% in favor and only 23% opposed. This proposal has support from both proponents and opponents of religion in schools. A majority (79%) of respondents favor organizing religion classes at the beginning or end of the school day so that students not attending religion classes do not have to wait between lessons. This idea is supported across various social and demographic groups. Respondents prefer that religion be a non-compulsory subject (72%), with 37% favoring religious education in catechetical centers at parishes and 35% preferring it in schools. Among those who support religious education in schools, opinions are split, with a slight majority preferring it as an optional subject (CBOS Survey Report 2024). Wojciech Klimski examines current trends and societal attitudes toward these classes, drawing on empirical research conducted in 2020 among 621 university students. Key findings reveal a gradual decline in engagement, particularly in urban areas, where secularization and cultural pluralism are more pronounced. The study indicates that religious education may increasingly serve only a niche group—students from families with strong religious commitments—if current trends continue. The research highlights four primary motivations among students regarding future enrollment of their own children in religious classes: Religious Commitment: About 48.5% of respondents indicated they would enroll their children to deepen their faith, particularly among women, students from rural areas, and those who regularly practice religion. In contrast, 52.3% of students from major cities opposed this motivation. Tradition-Based Motivation: Around 27.2% of respondents would enroll their children in religious classes based on their own experience. This view was more common among students from rural areas and smaller towns, while it was significantly less popular in urban settings, indicating a trend away from traditional motivations. Individual Choice for Children: Nearly half (48.3%) of respondents supported the idea of allowing their children to choose whether or not to attend religious classes, with men and urban dwellers being the most supportive. This reflects a growing emphasis on individual autonomy over traditional religious instruction. Perception as Wasted Time: A smaller segment (12.1%) expressed that religious classes are a waste of time, reflecting ideological opposition rather than concerns about class quality. This view is prevalent among non-believers and students from large cities. The findings also underscore that religious education faces structural and functional challenges, as the classes often lack a strong impact on students’ faith and religious practices. This disconnect appears even as more secular perspectives gain ground, especially in larger cities. The report also suggests that the future of religious education may be increasingly polarized, with participation possibly limited to those deeply integrated within the Catholic faith. Furthermore, the article discusses broader sociocultural factors influencing religious education. Trends in Western Europe—where secularization is more advanced—mirror some observed patterns in Poland, such as reduced enrollment in religious classes. For example, data from Spain show a steady decline in students enrolled in religious education, particularly in secondary schools. These patterns highlight the potential for a similar decline in Poland as urban areas continue to embrace more secular values and individualistic perspectives on religious education. Klimski’s study concludes that unless there is a revival of interest or a significant shift in societal attitudes, religious classes in schools may ultimately become a selective activity, restricted to a subset of the population that maintains traditional religious values. This evolution reflects Poland’s ongoing sociocultural transformation, where religious education may move away from mainstream schooling and perhaps return to parish settings, catering specifically to families with a deep-rooted religious orientation (Klimski 2021).

An important question is whether a concept of religious education understood in this way works in the context of the observed changes and contemporary challenges faced, in particular, by young people who are growing up and shaping their personality and religiousness.

3. Contemporary Challenges for Catechesis—A Sociological and Pastoral Context

Not only religion classes, which are the subject of the research in this article, but education, in general, faces numerous challenges related to the various symptoms of social change, including globalization, relativism, pluralism, and fluid identity. An adequate diagnosis of present-day challenges is fundamental for taking effective educational action, which means that this is one of the more sensitive areas of social life, which should be flexible and able to adapt quickly to changing social and technological realities. Curricula need to be updated to reflect these changes and prepare students for a range of challenges. Education should change in such a way as to become flexible, inclusive, and geared toward developing critical thinking skills and intercultural competence. This means balancing the teaching of universal values with respect for diversity and pragmatism. OECD reports, such as Education at a Glance, show that schools with greater cultural diversity tend to better prepare students for life in a globalized world (OECD 2023). In turn, the PISA reports added an assessment of so-called global competencies, which include the ability to understand and evaluate different cultural perspectives and to communicate effectively in an international context (OECD 2018).

This analysis is based on sociological theories that aid in understanding the challenges confronting religious education in Poland. The theory of secularization, though subject to interpretative controversy, remains a key point of reference, indicating a decreasing influence of religious institutions on social life, particularly among younger generations. Theories of individualization, such as Thomas Luckmann’s concept of privatized religion and Grace Davie’s notion of “believing without belonging”, illustrate how contemporary forms of spirituality are becoming more personal and independent of institutional structures, impacting the perception of religion as a subject in schools. Additionally, the concept of religious pluralism and Gerhard Schulze’s idea of the experience society emphasize that religious education should be more flexible and interactive, tailored to the needs of culturally rich and diverse societies. A characteristic feature of today’s challenges is globalization. Previously, they were much more local or regional in nature, linked to local cultural, political, or civilization backgrounds. Nowadays, due to the global nature of media, especially electronic media, these challenges are very similar in each part of the world, and even the characteristic shift in time for different continents or regions is gradually flattening.

Globalization is not just about universal access to the internet, which unlocks a vast amount of educational resources for students and teachers, or opportunities for students to develop intercultural skills, but also a certain overall change described by sociologists as the information society (Negroponte 1995; Masuda 1980). It is a multidimensional category consisting of the technological aspect, i.e., the availability of devices for collecting, processing, storing, and sharing information; the multitude of data transmission channels and the possibility of combining them in various configurations; the economic aspect, i.e., the development of manufacturing and service industries that deal with the production of information, information techniques, as well as their distribution; the social aspect, redefining social life, ties, influencing education, work; and the cultural aspect, i.e., the corresponding level of information culture behind it or the use of the possibilities associated with the application of artificial intelligence in social activities (Russo 2023). Social and cultural changes also alter the behavior of individuals in the so-called digital space. The virtual shield, which creates the appearance of anonymity and adventurousness, encourages people to go beyond socially imposed boundaries. Hence, the profile of the modern man in the information society is often dual in nature—it shows what is available in reality and how the man reveals himself socially, and what is available online with the corresponding manner of self-expression. It is worth adding that religious and moral socialization stands in contrast to cyberspace and the role models created there. It is no longer a flow of ideas but a presence in the world where these ideas are born. The private area is also being redefined. What was reluctantly revealed in the real world and reserved to the private area, in the virtual world finds its outlet through expression. In the virtual world, one reveals their preferences, boldly proclaims religious, moral, and political views, co-creates discourses without any restraint, and exposes their problems and private experiences, but also talks about relationships or even presents their bodily nudity. This is also where norms preached in the real world can be revised.

Pluralism is also a manifestation of globalization, which involves not only issues of plurality of cultures but also of plurality of offers. Experiences that stimulate and can create a specific market of experiences are also offered. This is how Gerhard Schulze, in his concept of the experience society (Schulze 1992), describes the modern times challenging education and upbringing—including religious education lessons. A pluralistic society, Schulze notes, is characterized by the relative great importance of the experience domain. However, this is not an infantile thesis reducing everything to simple consumerism and hedonism. Schulze depicts the experience society as a place of reorientation of a psychological and sociological nature. In its most practical manifestations, it is expressed in the shift of the experience area from the fringes of leisure and entertainment to the areas of valuing and making sense of life (Schulze 1992). Gerhard Schulze notes that the experience society is a response to another process, that of individualization. The author of the theoretical concept that is the experience society, called Erebnisprojekt by the author, does not at all exclude questions about the meaning of life. However, they are regarded as a certain hunger that needs to be satiated with an appropriately selected product with an adequate experiential value. Thus, the more positive experiences become the meaning of life, the more pressure and fear of not encountering such experiences or of monotony arises (Schulze 1992). In the experience society, traditional values, such as education, duty, and work, give way to values related to self-fulfillment, pleasure, and personal development. A client in the experience society has many options, but it is getting harder for them to formulate their needs with so many opportunities. Thus, uncertainty accompanies people. In Schulze’s theory, the search for the meaning of life overlaps with identifying it with feeling satisfaction and happiness. When there is satisfaction expressed in the experienced flow, existential uncertainty disappears for the individual. The uncertainty is connected to the risk of dissatisfaction turning into boredom (Schulze 1992).

These are only examples of theoretical approaches that try to comment on the social changes affecting various areas of life, including education. This description is also a context for the confessional religion lesson. It must be highlighted that issues of globalization, individualization, or the experience market are also undertaken by researchers and creators of sociological religion theories. Of course, from the sociological perspective, a crucial theoretical and diagnostical reference is the secularization theory. It arouses many interpretation controversies related to its reception. For some researchers, it clarifies all processes taking place in the dynamics of religiousness changes, and for others, it is a failed attempt to explain the issue, which needs to be replaced with other theories. Both stances seem exaggerated, and it must be acknowledged that the secularization theory is still a significant reference, but it needs to be described in contrast to the ambiguity of both its meaning and its reference to the analyzed phenomena.

The secularization literature includes many diverse perspectives, which show that the process is not homogeneous and its trajectories depend on the social, political, and cultural context. Karel Dobbelaere introduces the idea of secularization at the organizational level, where religious institutions must adapt to professionalization and pragmatism requirements, often adopting more secular procedures (Dobbelaere 1981). On the other hand, David Martin emphasizes that secularization does not take place evenly throughout the world. He notes that some societies may even see the revival of religion, which becomes the answer to globalization and social changes. Steve Bruce emphasizes that in Western societies, secularization manifests itself in the decline of religious practices and the decreasing impact of religious institutions (Bruce 2002).

Thomas Luckmann introduces the concept of religion privatization in his analysis, in which contemporary religiousness increasingly takes the form of individual, private belief systems adjusted to an individual’s needs (Luckmann 2022). Roberto Cipriani expands the issue by pointing to the impact of globalization on religious diversity and the appearance of cultural relativism. His concept of “diffused religion” refers to the presence of religious elements in social and individual life but outside the formal structures of religious institutions. Ciapriani notes that religion, despite global shifts, is capable of adapting to new conditions thanks to its cultural heritage passed down through the generations (Cipriani 2020). Secularization is not a unidirectional or globally uniform process. Instead, religion can take new forms, adapting to contemporary realities such as globalization, cultural relativism, and the rise of individualized beliefs. Its social role changes, but it does not completely lose its relevance, which is shown by its evolution from organized religiousness to more diffused and private spirituality.

One cannot overlook Peter Berger, who advocated a theory of secularization based on the premise that reality is socially constructed and religion plays a key role in this process, creating a cosmos of meanings that protects individuals from chaos. Religion has a legitimizing function, justifying the existing social order and norms. Through sacred symbols and rituals, religion gives a transcendental character to human institutions and actions. As he notes, secularization weakens the sacred shield but, at the same time, can lead to a revival of religion in new forms (Berger 1967). It must be emphasized that Berger evolved in his approach to the evaluation of changes in religiousness. In the process of observations and analyzing research, he put forward a thesis that religion is still of key importance, both in the public area and in the private area, but is more susceptible to transformations and diversity than in the past. Berger noted that religions have been globalizing on an unprecedented scale, leading to new challenges, such as the need for interreligious dialogue (Juergensmeyer 2024; Pfadenhauer 2016). Researchers emphasize that Berger rightly noted that, in pluralism conditions, religion does not disappear but adopts new forms, responding to the needs of contemporary societies (Davie 2001). Moreover, Berger was right when he emphasized the need for a flexible and empirical approach to researching religion in the contemporary world, where simple theoretical models do not reflect the complexity of reality (Woodhead 2022).

Grace Davie, like Thomas Luckmann and Robert Cipriani, disputes classic secularization theories, claiming that the processes do not lead to the disappearance of religion but to its transformation (Luckmann 2022; Cipriani 2017, 2020). Davie introduces the idea of “believing without belonging”, which describes the phenomenon where people keep some religious beliefs but do not regularly participate in religious practices or are not associated with religious institutions. It is a manifestation of changes that take place in contemporary religiousness, where individual faith and spirituality are gaining importance at the expense of formal institutional ties (Davie 1994). Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge develop the concept of the commercialization of religion, which they see as a form of social exchange. According to them, religion functions similarly to the market where worshippers “buy” spiritual benefits for prayers, offerings, and other religious practices, expecting supernatural awards in exchange. In their view, religion has a compensatory function, offering people rewards for present suffering or deficiencies. The authors also note that religious systems are competing for worshippers using arguments, the attractiveness of rituals, and the strength of the message, in response to the growth of new religious communities, particularly evangelicals. According to these theories, secularization does not mean the complete disappearance of religion but rather its adaptation to modern social conditions. People choose more individual forms of expressing faith, which does not mean its disappearance but a shift toward new forms of spirituality. On the other hand, the market-based approach to religion suggests that religious communities must adapt their practices and message to effectively compete for worshippers in the changing social world. In the context of the confessional religion lesson, these changes suggest that traditional religious education must be adapted to new forms of individual spirituality and compete with diverse, more attractive, and competitive forms of religiousness present in contemporary society (Stark and Bainbridge 1987).

With reference to religious education, it may be inspiring to analyze parts of the General Directory for Catechesis (Pontifical Council for Promoting the New Evangelization 2020), which is a fairly new document. The authors, in a condensed but competent way, try to characterize these challenges and diagnose “the world” in which religious education takes place (Offmański 2021). The very change of authors of the document—it was commissioned to be prepared by the Pontifical Council for the Promotion of the New Evangelization, while the previous directories were signed by the Directory for the Clergy—gives hope for a more thorough and reliable analysis of contemporary reality. By mentioning the characteristics of the modern world and the challenges that are their consequences, the authors of the document draw attention to the pluralism and complexity of contemporary societies, denominational and religious pluralism, the increasing digitalization of culture, the scientific mentality, doubts about basic bioethical issues, the question of the integrity of the human being, ecology, options for the poor, and social commitment or testimony in the workplace (Pontifical Council for Promoting the New Evangelization 2020). From the perspective of the topic of this article, it seems most relevant to focus on the pluralism that characterizes contemporary societies and digital culture. It is worth emphasizing that the authors of the document are not content to take a critical view of the phenomena in question but also try to see in them an opportunity for the development of religiousness, including religious education.

The authors of the document note that “there has been an increase in the number of connections and interdependencies between issues and areas that in the past could be considered separately, but today require a holistic approach” (Pontifical Council for Promoting the New Evangelization 2020, p. 320). The reason for the increase in interconnectivity, as well as the complexity of the social processes taking place, is both the trend toward globalization and the widespread access to media, including global media. Pluralism is not a new phenomenon; however, it is becoming increasingly widespread and also affects societies that were previously considered homogeneous or not very diverse.

The phenomenon of pluralism also reaches the cultural or religious dimension, and, as a result, we face a situation of a kind of market of ideas, worldviews, morality, or beliefs (Draguła 2020). In the case of the religion phenomenon, there is also an increasing diversity within religions or denominations, which, with regard to the Catholic Church, can be seen, for example, in the differences between the charismatic and traditionalist movements, which are not themselves monolithic, either (Draguła 2020). Similar processes are also present, for example, in Islam or Protestant denominations that are developing and differing from each other more and more. Apart from the above trends, one can also see more and more intensive individualism, which affects the religiousness of many people, separating them from their own religious communities or justifying selectivity in adopting tenets and moral principles. This often leads to the selection of what a person is personally convinced of from different religions and denominations and the creation of a unique collage from these often random and often contradictory elements (this phenomenon is sometimes referred to as patchwork religion) (Mazur 2021).

Wolfgang Brezinka (2008, p. 87), a German pedagogue and philosopher, fairly notes that “pluralism of large worldview groups has been completed and, to a great extent, replaced by the pluralism of individuals. The society, in which the pluralism of groups prevailed, has transformed into an individualistic society”. One might, therefore, even draw the conclusion that pluralism is also an intrinsic feature of pluralist processes. Recognizing this multidimensionality, the authors of the Directory propose a polyhedral model to explain it, which is intended to reflect the mutual position of the elements in relation to each other and in relation to the whole (Pontifical Council for Promoting the New Evangelization 2020). When looking for positive aspects of the diagnosed phenomena, it is possible to find in the document the bolstering of free choice, also with reference to the choice of faith, which may become a selfless, mature, conscious, and deeply personal choice (Pontifical Council for Promoting the New Evangelization 2020). What is more, the progressing pluralism increases the need for a synodal evangelization model, and thus, greater respect for the subjectivity of recipients of religious education and greater emphasis on triggering their creativity and commitment (Willey and White 2021).

The second significant challenge for religious education, described in detail in the document, is the digital culture phenomenon, or cyberculture. It is characterized by common digitization with constant, ordinary, and, thus, natural influence. This new culture changes the language, shapes mentality, and sets up a new hierarchy of values (Pontifical Council for Promoting the New Evangelization 2020). The perspective presented this way corresponds well with the term coined by Jean Twenge, who suggests calling children and adolescents born between 1995 and 2010 the iGen generation—the name refers to the practically unlimited access to the internet, which this generation has access to from birth as the first generation ever (Twenge 2017). It might be concluded that it is the unrestricted and unlimited access to the internet that is the practical manifestation of cyberculture.

The growing digital culture has undeniable advantages. These include the possibility of interpersonal dialogue via the internet and social networks. Cyberspace is where meetings take place, experiences are exchanged, and there is access to information and knowledge. Presence in digital culture can broaden and enrich people’s cognitive abilities so that one can speak of a kind of “digital empowerment” (Pontifical Council for Promoting the New Evangelization 2020). This became particularly apparent during the coronavirus pandemic, where digital learning tools had to be used to a greater extent than before, but it also contributes to greater involvement in the education and self-education of older people, at least those who are not digitally excluded.

The theories of glocalization (Robertson 1995), as well as synergy and homo reciprocates (Ostrom 2005), respond to the challenges of globalization, making it possible to maintain a balance between global processes and local specifics. Bauman (1998) emphasizes that globalization leads to increased mobility and cultural relativism, which requires adaptation of social systems, including education and religion. Interactive, multisensory teaching methods (Vygotsky 1978) are a response to the experience society (Schulze 1992), which pursues the maximization of sensory experiences, while inclusivity (Habermas 1989; Benhabib 2002) allows a pluralistic dialogue in societies, promoting cooperation and mutual understanding. In an inclusive public space, different voices and perspectives are taken into account, allowing for consensus creation and conflict resolution in a pluralistic society. Habermas emphasizes the importance of communication based on rational dialogue, where every participant has an equal right to take part. For Habermas and other authors, such as Seyla Benhabib, inclusivity is the key element of democratic debate and coexistence in a culturally and socially diverse society (Habermas 1989; Benhabib 2002). This addition is relevant from the perspective of the above discussion of theories diagnosing social changes, as the theories and theoretical concepts are not only focused on description but also on suggestions for responses to challenges or forms of adaptation to changes.

This impact suggests that also the confessional religion lesson, which fits into the institutionalized form of religiousness, must be adapted to pluralism by introducing more engaging, interactive teaching methods and taking into account the need for dialogue and inclusivity in culturally diverse societies.

4. The Future of Denominational Religious Education

In this context, how can we decipher from the sociological side the challenges faced by denominational religious education? The latest EVS data show a distinct decline in religious affiliation and religious practices among young Europeans. The trend is consistent in many European countries, which indicates a broader movement toward secularization among the youth. Taking into account the situations in Germany, Sweden, and France, the number of young people identifying as “nones” (no religious affiliation) is higher than ever before (European Values Study (EVS) 2017). Additionally, it is worth noting that some reports emphasize that respondents define their process of abandoning religion as gradual, although when analyzing the issue cohort-wise, it is noticeable that the decision to distance oneself from religion is made more and more quickly and at an increasingly younger age. Respondents point to moral and social issues as dominant factors (Pew Research Center 2018). In the last 20 years, researchers have noticed the secularization dynamic, emphasizing that representatives of younger cohorts are less religious than representatives of older cohorts throughout Europe. The secularization tendency is particularly visible in Western Europe, where we see a proportion of youth identifying themselves as non-religious, which does not always mean that young people are interested in looking for new forms of spirituality or activities of new religious movements, which reduces the religious and spiritual needs (Norris and Inglehart 2004). In most European countries, young people declare that religion is not important in their lives. In a 2008 survey, only in Italy, Poland, Ukraine, and Romania, the majority of young respondents claimed that religion is very or quite important to them. It is the most important in Romania, where more than 3/4 of young respondents claim that religion plays a significant role in their lives, and it is the least important in Latvia and in Eastern Germany, where only 13% consider religion to be important. The most dramatic decline was seen in Poland and Ireland, around −26% (Vincett et al. 2015). The researchers point out that the integration of religious beliefs with other aspects of young people’s identity is a dynamic and highly contextual process, meaning that young people adapt their religious beliefs to changing life circumstances. One example is the situation of communities where religion plays a key role in the formation of the national identity of young people, especially in countries with strong religious traditions. Social shifts mean that this intersection of religion and national identity is no longer clearly integrated. Similarly, traditional gender roles supported by religious teachings or tenets may not be sufficient for young people seeking freedom when interpreting their social roles. This may lead to a search for more inclusive religious communities, distancing oneself from too radical ones, or reinforcing the “believing without belonging” syndrome (Day 2010).

Similar diagnoses based on sociological theories and concepts referred to here are made by researchers in the Polish context, where religiousness rates had been stable for years. Research on the religiousness of the youth in Poland has been conducted by many sociologists, who analyze various aspects of this phenomenon, including its dynamics, variability, and impact on society. Examples include sociological analyses by Janusz Mariański, who, among many aspects of the changes, describes in detail the process of the individualization of religion, where young people increasingly create their own personal belief systems independent of religious institutions (Mariański 2017). There are sociologically confirmed shifts in the religiousness of the youth, such as a decline in trust in institutions and teachings of the Church, despite the indication of faith in global declarations (Curyłowski 2005), signs of privatization of religion, especially with regard to Catholic tenets, moral teachings, and ties with the Church (Dębski 2005), drifting away from the sacrum defined by the institution and disruptions of intergenerational religious socialization (Sroczyńska 2022), impact of family and school on attitudes toward the faith of the youth (Adamczyk and Szymczak 2022) or reevaluation in terms of reception and assessment of clergymen in terms of both flaws and advantages, as well as assessment of their competence (Adamczyk 2020). Last year’s IPSOS research gives us one more interesting and disturbing parameter, which is the decline in religiousness in the so-called “z” generation (born between 1995 and 2010, also described as the “iGen”) in comparison to previous generations. In Poland, the figure is as high as 24% (IPSOS 2023).

We can observe a dynamic decrease in the number of young people taking part in the sacramental and religious life in Poland over the last decade. The decrease is related to the dynamically changing social, cultural, and religious conditions in Poland, where, as results from the research show, the secularization process is gaining momentum and is beginning to be a uniform trend (CBOS Survey Report 2021). However, it varies from one region of Poland to another. A hallmark of the increase in non-religious attitudes among young people is the dislike, distance, or aversion toward the Church that can be seen in the statements of the respondents. This also applies to those declaring to be deeply religious, which has become more intense due to the scandals that were revealed. At the same time, we can conclude, based on respondents’ statements, that the presence of the Church is inherent in their lives by occasional religious practices, even if they are not motivated by religion but rather by culture and family (Szauer 2020, p. 144). The Church, which is additionally the main bearer of the denominational content in religion classes, faces a loss of authority in terms of morals and lifestyle (Mąkosa and Rozpędowski 2022; Szymczak et al. 2022). These phenomena are affected by many factors, including the media and social and political discussions relating to the Church’s teaching on bioethical and moral issues (Kiełb et al. 2023). Some researchers indicate that a significant cause may also be the confessional, even evangelizing and catechetical, nature of the religious education, the subject of which is only Catholicism. An increasing share of students and parents disagree with this concept, according to the researchers. The regular decrease in the number of people attending religion classes, especially in secondary schools, has continued since 2010 when the number of young people attending the classes reached 93% nationally (Mąkosa 2015). The outflow of young people from religion classes at school, the decline in religious practices among teenagers, as well as the increasingly popular official withdrawal from the Church show that Polish youth, very much unlike their parents, experience their religiousness in a way that does not tie it closely to the Catholic Church. What is more, an important reference when interpreting the results of surveys of religiousness in Poland is the importance of the age variable, which is the strongest correlating independent variable. The younger the respondent, the lower or weaker the religiousness rate in all religiousness parameters (Szauer 2023).

Given a fairly general overview of the theories, empirically confirmed by the cited studies, it can be concluded that the diagnosis proposed in the 2020 General Directory for Catechesis remains correlated with the challenges faced by the denominational religion lesson. The authors of the document seem to be aware of issues such as pluralism, cultural complexity, and digital culture with their advantages and disadvantages, adding to the problems of reductionism and scientism. The sociological analysis, however, reveals greater complexity of the processes taking place and the social conditions in which religion finds itself and which are faced by the denominational religion classes. One cannot miss the individualization processes, the syndromes of commercialization of religion, or the impact of the stimulation of experiential stimuli on the perception of the religious education recipient, as well as their sensitivity to the possibility and willingness to make autonomous choices. The answer to these challenges is the measure of what Niklas Luhmann described. The extent to which the denominational religion classes show the content being their subject will confirm whether the Roman Catholic religion, in the Polish context, is a self-sustaining system that keeps repeating and reconstructing its elements to survive in the changing social environment (Luhmann 2012), and at the same time whether they can help potential recipients of the denominational religion classes to answer fundamental questions about the meaning of life, death, morality, and existence and to understand and accept the world (Luhmann 2013).

It is also worth noting that one of the key challenges in the Polish context faced by confessional religion classes is the clear separation of the Church and state or even the secular state demand postulated by some political environments. Confessional religion classes at public schools may offer some benefits even in this state–Church relationship, especially in the context of exercising the right to religious freedom and cultural education. However, they entail significant challenges, such as the potential breach of worldview neutrality, problems with equality and inclusivity, the risk of social divisions, and administrative burdens. Therefore, the debate about the presence of religion in public schools in Poland is multifaceted and requires finding a balance between the often contradictory social interests with respect to democratic values, which is not easy given the social emotions involved.

5. Conclusions

If we accept the accuracy of Gerhard Schulze’s diagnosis regarding the description of contemporary changes in the experience society categories, where individuals are more interested in the wealth of their experiences than in traditional values such as stability or social responsibility and whose existence is focused on consuming sensations, education should be more focused on offering students diverse, enriching experiences, rather than exclusively on passing theoretical knowledge. This involves, for example, incorporating a multisensory dimension, which consists of using different senses, into the educational process in denominational religion classes to allow students to absorb knowledge better (Kielian 2021). Additionally, the performative character of religious education, which is based on action, expression, playing roles, and experiencing, is also important. Here, too, a wide range of tools can be seen, such as religious theatre, pantomime, simulations, and role-play games. A significant challenge faced by denominational religion classes is the effective implementation of the interactive dimension in teaching. Using technology and active teaching methods that encourage students to participate and discover knowledge on their own, although popularized by pastors and catechists, is still at a relatively low level. An educational response would be incorporating interactive quizzes, games on the history of the Church or the teaching of the Popes, or the use of VR technology to visit important religious sites such as St. Peter’s Basilica or the Holy Land. Using e-learning platforms that allow access to learning materials, videos, or online discussions can increase the appeal of the message and allow people to continue learning outside the classroom, as well as help those undergoing home education. A lot of interesting options in this area appeared in the context of pandemic education and are still used today. Therefore, the introduction of the multisensory, performative, and interactive dimensions into denominational religion classes may not only make them more modern but also more effective and adjusted to both the needs of contemporary students and changing social conditions. Thanks to this, teaching religion will become a live experience that will have a lasting impact on the spiritual, social, and moral development of young people. Of course, focusing on experiences may lead to the marginalization of deep, analytical learning and allow superficial messages.

Education, but also the denominational religion classes, should raise awareness of social problems such as poverty, violence, gender equality, and human rights. It is worth noting that religion classes in schools, conducted in the discussed context by the Catholic Church, aim not only to impart theological knowledge but also to shape the moral and social behaviors of students. The synergy theory referred to above emphasizes that through cooperation and integration of actions of various entities, it is possible to achieve results that bring greater benefits than actions implemented separately. In the context of the Church’s activities, this means building strong, morally shaped, and integrated communities that are capable of solving problems and pursuing the common good. This educational role may lead to synergy in the local environment in many ways. Firstly, by teaching values such as solidarity, love of one’s neighbor, and social responsibility, confessional religion classes may influence the attitudes of students, which, in the long run, translates into a more cohesive and integrated local society. Secondly, regular meetings of students at religion classes, as well as their participation in parish life, are conducive to building social bonds, which are key to the healthy functioning of local communities. Last, but not least, the Catholic Church, by organizing various extracurricular initiatives such as retreats, volunteering, youth groups, or charitable actions as part of the denominational religion classes, may significantly contribute to the development of local communities. These activities supported by religious education create the synergy effect, which benefits both individuals and the community as a whole. It is also worth adding that extracurricular activities, although inherent in the process of religious education at school, often cover people from different backgrounds, which promotes greater inclusivity. Joint charitable activities, such as helping the elderly, the poor, or the sick, reinforce social bonds and promote attitudes of solidarity among participants. Another positive effect is inspiring denominational religion class participants to actively engage in social and public life, which, as a consequence, leads to the creation of aware and engaged civic attitudes. However, it all depends on the extent to which the Catholic Church is ready to respond to this challenge and establish partnerships with local NGOs, schools, or local authorities. One example may be the joint organization of cultural, sports, or educational events, which promote religious and social values, but also creating, supporting, and running aid centers such as children’s homes, clubhouses for the youth, homeless shelters, or mental health centers for young people. Thanks to the integration of these activities with local initiatives, it is possible to better meet the needs of communities and use available resources more effectively.

It is crucial to improve the comprehensibility of the message in denominational Catholic religion classes so that students can better understand the complexity of the tenets and feel more engaged in the learning process. Sociological research shows that youth often find it difficult to understand the teachings of the Church. Young people report that some moral and ethical issues are hard for them to accept or that they are not fully clear, or that the tenets are incomprehensible. Moreover, the results show that even though many young people declare Church affiliation, their understanding of the tenets is often superficial. They rarely dive deep into the theological twists and turns and often see the tenets as distant and little related to their daily lives (Operacz 2023). Thus, making the message and the tenets more comprehensible is an important challenge. The contextualization of the tenets to contemporary problems and situations to which students can relate is also important when explaining the teachings, which facilitates the understanding of abstract concepts. It is also important to make sure that the language used is not perceived by young people as judgmental or exclusive but rather as inclusive and promoting understanding and acceptance. A key feature of both the teacher and the message is empathy and the ability to understand the different points of view of students (Goddard 2022; van Lisdonk and Keuzenkamp 2016). Giving space for questions and doubts may help students feel more accepted and less judged. Discussions, in which students are able to express their opinions and thoughts, may play a key role. Such dialogues not only are an expression of understanding of the pluralism present in the social system but also may help to defuse tension and reduce feelings of oppression, which is noticed by students in the Church’s teachings. The analysis of cases related to moral or ethical dilemmas may also help students to better understand how the Catholic tenets relate to everyday situations. Such a method makes it possible for students to see practical uses of religious principles. This is related to the customization of the message, as students are different in terms of life experiences, sensitivity, and level of understanding. Instead of imposing clear-cut interpretations, it is worth encouraging critical thinking and reflecting on the religious messages, which is favorably accepted by students. It may be helpful to ask open questions that encourage thinking and allow students to come to conclusions independently. It is also worth referring to the contemporary media, literature, and art, which may bridge the Catholic tenets and everyday experiences of students. The above remarks add up to a postulate for the formation of an open religious identity that teaches how to function in a pluralized society without giving up one’s own identity (Różańska 2015; Mazur 2021). Attempts to correlate school religious education with ethics lessons should also be observed with attention and hope (Kostorz 2018).