Exploring the Eastward Transmission of Augustine’s Confessions in Mainland China: A Comprehensive Analysis

Abstract

During the late Qing Dynasty and the Republican China period, Augustine’s book, Confessions, had been translated into Chinese. Out of the six Chinese versions of the book available, the one published by the Commercial Press in 1963, translated by Mr. Zhou Shiliang 周士良, is the most widely used version in mainland China. It is worth noting that this version was preceded by five other Chinese translations. This paper provides a detailed analysis of the translation of Augustine’s Confessions in mainland China. This study examines the distinct features of the Chinese versions during the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China period. Additionally, this article explores the transmission of the translated book title, Chanhui Lu 懺悔錄 (Confessions), and the discussions surrounding its precise meaning and translation during the Republic of China period. Ultimately, this study sheds light on the eastward transmission of Augustine’s Confessions in mainland China.

1. Introduction

Augustine (Aurelius Augustinus, 354–430 AD) is undoubtedly a prominent figure in Western history. His contributions as a philosopher, theologian, and Latin father of the Church have had a lasting impact on many aspects of society. The Confessions is one of Augustine’s most famous works, and its influence goes beyond the fields of Christian theology, philosophy, and doctrine. The influence of this book on Western thought is significant, and it even initiated the tradition of confessional autobiography in Western literature. Augustine’s works were introduced to China and translated into Chinese, leaving an enduring impact on the oriental culture. During the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, Catholic missionaries, and later Protestant missionaries during the late Qing dynasty, often referred to Augustine as an authoritative figure and an intellectual resource for spreading the gospel and interpreting doctrinal teachings. Augustine’s Confessions has been widely studied and analyzed from various angles. Scholars have explored the book’s philosophical, theological, literary, and historical significance. However, little attention has been given to its journey to China and how it was received in that context. This research gap is significant considering the Confessions’ enduring influence on Western thought and its potential impact on Chinese intellectual history. Thus, this paper aims to delve into this unexplored area of study to shed light on the transmission of Augustine’s Confessions to China and its reception in that cultural and intellectual milieu.

2. The Introduction of Translated Versions of the Confessions

2.1. The Different Versions of the Confessions in Chinese

Since the arrival of Michele Ruggieri (Luo Mingjian 羅明堅, 1543–1607) and Matteo Ricci (Li Madou 利瑪竇, 1552–1610) in China, many missionaries have made references to Augustine in their writings. However, it wasn’t until the late Qing Dynasty that Augustine’s works were translated into Chinese, beginning with the translation of the Confessions. During this period, two Chinese translations of the Confessions emerged, both rendered in Classical Chinese.

The initial Chinese translation, titled Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪 (An Ancient Saint’s Confessions), was completed by William Muirhead (Mu Weilian 慕維廉, 1822–1900)1, a London missionary. William Muirhead’s translation was published during the Westernization Movement, when the Qing government was deeply engaged in studying Western science and technologies. He had previously translated several relevant books. Like many missionaries of that time, William Muirhead strongly believed in the “Theory of Protestant Civilization”. This theory suggested that the prosperity of Protestant countries was due to Protestantism’s ability to transform people’s inner selves. It introduced new moral values and high ideals to the populace, encouraging them to honor God, obey the law, and strive for personal fulfillment as well as the improvement of society. For China to ascend to the ranks of developed nations, it was deemed essential for the Chinese people to embrace Christianity and undergo a profound spiritual transformation. This would enable them to become new individuals and build an entirely new nation. Augustine was often seen as an exemplary figure for sinners, demonstrating how one could repent, be reborn, and achieve a state of sanctity.

Based on the available information, it appears that William Muirhead was the first to translate the name Augustine into Aogusiding 奧古斯丁. This translated name was later adopted by Young John Allen (Lin Lezhi 林樂知, 1836–1907) of the Christian Literature Society for China (Guangxuehui 廣學會), and it gradually gained recognition within Chinese academic circles during the period of the Republic of China. Over time, it has become the commonly accepted translated name for Augustine in China.

Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪 (An Ancient Saint’s Confessions) is divided into four parts, starting with a prologue followed by the main text, which encompasses the translation of the first ten books of the Confessions. The third part, “Guwang renzui 古王任罪” (“The Ancient King Confessing Sins”), narrates the confessions of King David to God. The final part, “Renzui qiu enyun 任罪求恩雲” (“Confessing Sins and Asking for Grace”), serves as a prayer. In total, this book contains approximately 17,000 Chinese characters.

William Muirhead provides a concise overview of Augustine’s life and also unveils the intended purpose of the book in the prologue of Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪 (An Ancient Saint’s Confessions).

The act of a saint confessing their sins is not unusual. As stated in the holy book, “all men have sins, and it is only through sincere introspection that these reflections can outwardly manifest”. Confucius also acknowledged that “the character of the superior man, carrying out in his conduct what he professes, is what I have not yet attained to”. This notion applies to saints from foreign lands as well. Anyone who claims to be without sin is deceiving oneself and straying from the truth. So, how does one become a saint? It is not a title bestowed upon birth or through the recognition of others. Rather, it is achieved through a change in the mindset and actions, sincere repentance and the correction of faults, devoted belief and worship of God, and the practice of virtuous deeds. The ancient foreign saint known as “Augustine” was born in North Africa (Afeilijiabei 阿非利加北)2 in the 12th year of Emperor Mu’s reign of the Eastern Jin Dynasty. He is renowned as one of the most revered holy fathers of the Holy Church. In his youth, although he learned poetry and read many books, he succumbed to lustful desires. However, later in life, he underwent a profound conversion, embracing a strong faith in the holy teaching. Guided and inspired by the Doctor of the church, he gradually changed his mindset and sought to rectify his past. After a few years, he was ordained as a bishop, working tirelessly to serve and fulfill his duties. Augustine’s extensive writings were instrumental in rebuking heretical ideas and defending the sanctity of doctrine. In the 10th year of Emperor Wen’s reign (430 AD) during the Liu Song Dynasty, when a rebellion plagued the country, Augustine worked with unwavering diligence, which eventually took a toll on his health. Exhausted and seriously ill, he passed away at the age of 76. Alas! Although he has left this world, his fame remains immortal and continues to be commemorated even today. His work serve as guiding counsel, urging people to embrace virtue and strengthen their hearts and mind, like a golden needle capable of saving the world. Currently, I am translating his book Ziren 自任 (Confessions), because Augustine is a genuinely honest and sincere man. It’s my sincere hope that those who read this book will benefit greatly and reap a lot. This introduction was written by William Muirhead, an English man, in the second month of the spring, of the 10th year of Emperor Guangxu’ reign (in the Jiashen Year according to the lunar calendar 農歷甲申年, 1884 A.D.)3.

(Augustine 1884, pp. 1–2)

Gusheng Renzu i古聖任罪 consists of ten chapters and is an abridged translation that roughly corresponds to the first ten books of the Confessions. However, in William Muirhead’s translation of the Confessions, the sixth book is not included. Meanwhile, some aspects are given more importance while others are ignored or not mentioned at all. For instance, in chapter 9, the text mainly discusses Augustine’s shared vision of eternal life with his mother, Monica, before her death, while other aspects are briefly mentioned. Chapter 10 covers Augustine’s struggle to overcome his vices, including the challenge of controlling himself even in dreams. He emphasizes the role of Christ’s intercession in his journey towards personal growth. This differs from the original tenth book of the Confessions, which extensively explores the theme of memory. In his previous chapters, William Muirhead omitted significant topics that Augustine extensively wrote about, such as Greco-Latin education and drama. It is worth noting that these omissions might have exerted an impact on the subsequent translation by Hu Yigu 胡貽穀, as we shall further explore.

During the late Qing Dynasty, missionaries commonly employed the method of “yishu 譯述” (render freely) for translation, wherein the missionaries dictated and Chinese individuals recorded the translations. The Chinese co-translator of Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪remains unknown. William Muirhead did not disclose whether Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪was an abridged translation directly from the original Latin or a translation from an English pamphlet of that time. Unfortunately, it is challenging to ascertain the details today.

The second Chinese translation of the Confessions is Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心 (An Ancient Saint’s Confessions)4 by Hu Yigu 胡貽穀 (ca. 1884–?). Hu Yigu was an active Christian translator and scholar during the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China period (Cheng 1917, p. 17, no. 5; See also X. Zhao 2006). After graduating from the Anglo-Chinese College (Zhongxi shuyuan 中西書院), Hu Yigu worked as an editor for the Christian Literature Society for China (Guangxuehui 廣學會). He was later invited by Xie Honglai 謝洪賚to join the Book and Newspaper Department of the Young Men’s Christian Association (Jidujiao qingnianhui 基督教青年會). Following Xie Honglai’s passing, Hu Yigu took charge of the Chinese Young Men’s Christian Association 中華基督教青年協會 (1917–1932).

Hu Yigu’s translation was published during the power struggle between the Constitutionalists and the Revolutionaries. During that time, people were eager for changes and actively learning from the West. Although Protestantism had lost much of its influence over intellectuals since the 1898 Reform Movement, it still attracted some educated readers. From Hu’s preface, it is clear that he referenced Augustine’s conversion to Christianity to illustrate his belief that “only Christianity can bring true peace to the most learned and experienced individuals” (Augustine 1909, p. 2). He hoped that educated readers could “shift the anchor of despair and reach the shore of enlightenment, just like Augustine” (ibid., p. 2). Additionally, he expected Augustine’s “humble confession” to inspire the arrogant around the world to embrace the Christian faith (ibid., p. 3).

Unlike William Muirhead’s translation, which was published by Shanghai Gospel Church, Hu Yigu’s translation, Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心, was published by the Christian Literature Society for China in the first year of Emperor Xuantong’s reign and aimed at the broader intellectual community. In Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心, Augustine’s Confessions are referred to as “Yagusiding renci” 亞古司丁認詞, meaning Augustine’s words of confession. In the preface of Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心, Hu Yigu stated the following:

This work is divided into ten books, chronicling Augustine’s life from childhood to the age of thirty-three. Augustine is a complex character, displaying both forgiveness and fierceness, as well as firmness and gentleness. An example of his fierce nature is evident in his act of snatching fruits from his neighbor’s house. However, he also exhibits tolerance and gentleness through his mourning for his friend’s death, distress over his own faults, and his fond memories of his mother’s loving kindness. Moreover, Augustine is highly skilled in Rhetorics, which adds depth and emotional undertone to his writings. He demonstrates a deep understanding of the truth found in the Bible. In the book, Augustine reveals the hidden sins he once held in his heart, as well as the conflicts between spirituality and habit, doubts and confusions in faith, and his gradual mental clarity. He describes the horrifying experiences that force readers to confront their own shortcomings. He does not shy away from disclosing the challenges and difficulties he was faced with, emphasizing the importance of moral needs and the sincerity of faith. Despite his past mistakes, Augustine, through his wisdom and extensive knowledge, strives to identify his faults and pursues a pure purpose to break free from his previous bad habits. He finds solace in Christianity, seeing it as the only path that can guide even the most knowledgeable and experienced individuals towards true peace, a feat that no other religious doctrine5 can accomplish. Furthermore, Augustine writes this book with a deeper purpose of illustrating God’s forgiveness and mercy. His ultimate desire is for those who have gone astray to find salvation and reach heaven. Augustine holds a strong belief that individuals like himself should abandon their disappointment and attain enlightenment.

(Augustine 1909, pp. 1–3)

While Hu Yigu may have had no knowledge of William Muirhead’s Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪, his translation exhibits certain similarities with William Muirhead’s Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心. Similar to Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪, Hu also translated the initial ten books of the Confessions, totaling over 80,000 Chinese characters. However, in contrast to the abridged translation of Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪, Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心 is translated directly from the original chapters, albeit with selections and edits based on Hu’s perspective.

In the domain of translation studies, the choices made by Hu Yigu stand in marked contrast to those of William Muirhead. Specifically, in the year 1909, Hu opted for the translated name “Yagushidinng 亞古士丁” rather than employing William Muirhead’s Chinese translation “Aogusiding 奧古斯丁”, thereby reflecting an independent approach to translation. Furthermore, Hu’s preference for the phrase “明心” instead of William Muirhead’s “任罪” indicates a deliberate departure from established terminology; it is noteworthy that it was not until the 1923 edition that Hu embraced the more widely accepted term “認罪”. This divergence is evident in numerous translated names and terms, and it is particularly significant that Hu made no mention of William Muirhead in his preface. Such an omission strongly suggests a lack of awareness concerning William Muirhead’s 1884 translation. Through a thorough comparative examination, it becomes apparent that Hu’s translation appears to originate from an English version that is distinctly separate from William Muirhead’s source text, thereby underscoring Hu’s independent methodology in the translation process.

Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心 was likely translated from an English text, as Hu Yigu mainly translated from English to Chinese. The question remains as to which English text he might have used for his translation. During that period, there were several widely used translations available in the English-speaking world. Edward B. Pusey’s translation of Augustine’s Confessions was published in 1838 (Augustine 1838), but it lacked a synopsis. Later, Arthur Symons translated the first ten books and published them as a separate book (Symons 1898). Hu Yigu also translated the first ten books, but his translation included brief introductions for each chapter and each book. In contrast, Symons only provided summaries at the beginning of each book without the introductions to individual chapter. Another translation available at the time was Canon Bigg’s (Augustine 1898), which only covered the first nine books, while Hu Yigu translated all ten books. A complete translation of the Confessions was accomplished by J. G. Pilkington (Augustine 1886) and included in A Selected Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (Schaff 1886), edited by Philip Schaff (1819–1893). Based on Hu’s introductions and adjustments to each chapter and book, it can be inferred that he used Pilkington’s translation. However, Hu omitted some parts he deemed irrelevant or unimportant to Chinese readers, such as chapters 13 to 17 on Greek and Latin language and culture in the first book of Pilkington’s translation. Hu also divided the original chapter 18 into two separate chapters. This pattern of adjustments applies to the other nine books as well.

The third Chinese translation of the Confessions is a vernacular Chinese version done by Zhao Yunbo 趙允伯, a Catholic priest. In the article “Sheng Aosiding yu zhongguo xueshujie” 聖奧思定與中國學術界 (In memoriam anniversarii Sancti Augustini), Xu Jingxian 徐景賢 once quoted, from Zhao Yunbo’s translation, the two chapters on the conversion in the Milan garden (8:11–12) (Z. Zhao 2016, pp. 281–84; Xu 1931, pp. 28–33). Since Xu Jingxian’s article was published in the autumn of 1930 and Zhao Yunbo’s translation was completed before Xu’s article, his translation should have appeared after the vernacular movement, probably in the 1920s. It is uncertain what the title of the book was or whether it was translated from Latin, as Zhao’s translation was never published. It is also unclear whether the entire book was translated. According to Xu Jingxian’s article, Zhao Yunbo translated the Confessions as indicated in two chapters from the eighth book (ibid., p. 281)6.

Regarding Zhao Yunbo’s translation, our understanding is limited to Xu Jingxian’s article, which does not clearly convey his original intentions. However, when we consider the context of the Vernacular Movement and the New Culture Movement in the 1920s, it becomes apparent that Zhao’s translation of Confessions into vernacular Chinese was a response to the ideological trends of that time. His goal was to make Augustine, an ancient thinker whom some Western scholars referred to as “the first modern man”, accessible to ordinary young readers. Consequently, the vernacular Chinese version of Augustine’s works gained modern significance.

In the fourth Chinese translation of Augustine’s Confessions, Xu Baoqian 徐寶謙, a well-known Protestant theologian and activist, served as the translator. The translation was part of the Jidujiao lidai mingzhu jicheng 基督教歷代名著集成 (A Collection of Christian Classics through the Ages) project that was planned by Sun Ensan 孫恩三, Earl Cressy (Ge Deji 葛德基), and D. F. P. Jones (Zhang Wenxin 章文新) to be compiled in Chengdu in 1941. The following year, Nanjing Union Theological Seminary (金陵神學院 Jinling shenxueyuan) decided to fund the project and appointed Xu Baoqian as the editor-in-chief. However, the project suffered a fatal setback when Xu Baoqian died in a car accident in January 19447. In September 1961, Zhang Wenxin, in the preface to his edited work Jidujiao lidai mingzhu jicheng/Aogusiding xuanji, mentioned that Xu Baoqian’s translation of the Confessions, along with Zou Bingyi 鄒秉彝’s translation of The City of God, were still preserved in Nanjing Union Theological Seminary and were awaiting publication (W. Zhang 1962, p. 7). Even in the 1980s, Xie Fuya 謝扶雅confirmed that Xu Baoqian’s translation of the Confessions was still deposited at the Nanjing Union Theological Seminary, although it was never published (Xie 1986, p. 200). It is probable that Zhang Wenxin and Xie Fuya were unaware of the burning of the books from the Nanjing Union Theological Seminary in August 1966. The two translations were most likely destroyed in the fire. Unfortunately, we have no record of Xu’s translation today. However, based on the translation trends during that period and Xu Baoqian’s writing style, it can be assumed that his translation was written in vernacular Chinese and was completed between 1941 and 1944, after Sun Ensan and others planned the Jidujiao lidai mingzhu jicheng and before Xu Baoqian’s car accident. Xu Baoqian was well aware of Augustine’s significance as a theologian and thinker. His works, the Confessions and The City of God, are truly world-renowned classics. Whether in times of peace or during war, they deserve to be translated into vernacular Chinese so that Chinese readers, especially young ones, can access them. In the midst of the hardships brought on by war, these writings are especially meaningful, as they offer comfort to people’s hearts, inspire them to aspire for the City of God, and encourage them to strive for justice.

Wu Yingfeng 吳應楓 (1898–1972?) completed the fifth Chinese translation of Augustine’s Confessions in vernacular Chinese (Augustine 1950). Wu Yingfeng was a Jesuit who was proficient in both French and Latin8. Born in Shanghai, he served as the director of the high school affiliated with Aurora University, the principal of Jinke Middle School (formerly Gonzaga College), and the priest of the Sacred Heart Church in the Catholic Diocese of Shanghai in Hongkou District. Wu completed his translation work in 1948, which was then published by T’ou-Sè-We (Tushanwan) Printing House in the early 1950s. However, he was imprisoned in 1955. His translated work was later published in traditional Chinese under the pseudonym “Ying Feng 應楓” by Kuangchi Cultural Group in Taiwan, and prior to another version translated by Mr. Zhou Shiliang 周士良, published by the Commercial Press in 1963. The latter version became the most widely used in mainland China, while Wu Yingfeng’s version has been dominant in Hong Kong and Taiwan since its introduction in 1963.

In the preface to his translation of the Confessions, titled “Yizhe de jijuhua” 譯者的幾句話 (“A Few Words from the Translator”), Wu Yingfeng 吳應楓mentioned that he used the French–Latin version by Professor Pierre de Labriolle as the basis of his translation.9 Wu further stated the following:

The translation of the book title Confessions as Chanhuilu 懺悔錄 only captures half of the original meaning. The title also conveys the idea of praising God, which is a significant aspect of the work. In fact, the latter part of the title holds a particularly strong emphasis on this theme10.

(Augustine 2017, p. I.)

It is possible that Wu Yingfeng was aware of the discussion in Shanghai around 1929 regarding the translation of “confessions” by Zhang Ruogu 張若谷 (1905–1960) and Shao Xunmei 邵洵美 (1906–1968). This could have been the reason why Wu specifically mentioned that the word “confessions” not only meant “repentance”, or “chanhui 懺悔”, in Chinese, but also contained the meaning of “singing praise of virtue and merit” or “sing praise” (gegong songde 歌功頌德) in Chinese.

Out of the six Chinese versions of the Confessions, the one published by the Commercial Press in 1963, translated by Mr. Zhou Shiliang 周士良, is the most widely used version in mainland China. Zhou Shiliang (1914–1980) was a scholar and translator of Chinese Catholic thought. He was a Chinese Jesuit who graduated from the history department of Beijing Catholic Furen University. Zhou Shiliang was proficient in both Latin and French and made outstanding contributions to the translation of Chinese Christian classics. Father Zhou completed his translation of the Confessions in 1962. It was reprinted more than 20 times and widely spread. In the introduction, Zhou stated the following:

“Confessiones” in classical Latin means “confession, acknowledgment of one’s sin”. However, in church literature, it signifies acknowledging God’s greatness and praising God. Initially, Augustine emphasized describing God’s grace in one’s life and singing praise to God. However, attention shifted to confessing one’s sin, so the book came to be known as “Chanhui lu 懺悔錄” in our country. In Europe, “confessions” has become another term for autobiography.

(Augustine 2016, p. 2)

Zhou Shiliang also claimed that he used the critical text by Professor Labriolle as the basis of his translation.11

2.2. Distinctive Features of the Chinese Versions of the Confessions

The book Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪 was first published in 1884 by the Gospel Church and later in 1899 by the Chinese Tract Society. While it was mainly distributed within the Church and targeted towards the educated to encourage conversion, it was not popular outside the Church. On the other hand, Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心, which was translated by Hu Yigu and published by the Christian Literature Society for China in 1909, had a significant influence on society at that time and was read by many more people than Muirhead’s translation. During the time of the Republic of China, it became difficult to read Gusheng Mingxin because of the rise of the vernacular language movement. In 1923, the Christian Literature Society for China republished it without adopting the vernacular Chinese, with only slight changes in words. In 1929, Zhang Ruogu, a self-proclaimed Catholic writer, discussed Aogusiding renzui pian 奧古士丁認罪篇 (Augustine’s Confession of Sins) in his article “Sheng Aosiding de Chanhuilu” 聖奧斯定的懺悔錄 (Saint Augustine’s Confessions):

When it comes to literary value, St. Augustine’s Confessions, is renowned for its vivid imagery and descriptions. Some of the text has even made its way into the literature of various European countries and has become part of their common language. [See Wenxue dagang 文學大綱 (An Outline of Literature)]. Augustine’s proficiency in rhetoric is evident, and his writing often contains lingering emotions between the lines. He never shies away from revealing the twists and turns of his story. However, the book’s rigid classic style, focused solely on religious evangelism, makes the Chinese translation a tedious read. Unfortunately, I haven’t read the original Latin text, but the French translation allows me to appreciate the original flavor of this Latin masterpiece. It is undoubtedly one of the great masterpieces of Latin literature.

(R. Zhang 1929, p. 47)

Zhang Ruogu 張若谷claimed that Hu Yigu had only translated ten out of thirteen books of the Confessions. This means that Hu’s translation was incomplete (ibid., p. 48). In the first edition of Hu’s translation, he used “ce” 冊 instead of “bian” 編to indicate “book”. And in the reprinted edition, he changed back to “bian” 編. In addition, Zhang Ruogu said that Aogushiding renzui pian 奧古士丁認罪篇 was not a complete translation, which shows that Hu’ translation that Zhang Ruogu read is a 1923 reprint of Guangxue hui 廣學會. Despite some flaws, Xu Jingxian 徐景賢 believed that Hu’s translation was groundbreaking and unmatched. Therefore, Xu thought that considerable respect should be given to Mr. Hu (Z. Zhao 2016, p. 280). It is worth noting that Xu Jingxian was not aware of William Muirhead’s translation that was completed before Hu Yigu’s. After a thorough evaluation, Xu Jingxian deemed Zhao Yunbo’s manuscript to be an accurate and expressive translation. However, Xu Jingxian also suggested that incorporating elements of Chinese classics into the translation of Augustine’s classic might have improved its quality (ibid., p. 284). Unfortunately, Zhao Yunbo and Xu Baoqian’s translations were not published, depriving us of the opportunity to read them.

3. Discussion on the Translation of the Book Title “Confessions”

During the Republic of China period, there was a challenge in translating and understanding the term “confessions”. Catholics in the previous Ming and Qing Dynasties referred to Augustine’s words but not his works. For instance, The Holy Life of Saint Augustine by Alphonse Vagnoni (Gao Yizhi 高一志, 1568–1640) and Shengnian guangyi 聖年廣益 (The Extensive Benefits of the Saintly Years) by Joseph-Francois-Marie-Anne de Moyriac de Mailla (Feng Bingzheng 馮秉正, 1669–1748) did not mention Augustine’s works. Similarly, Ludovic Bugli (Li Leisi 利類思) and Gabrielde Magalhes (An Wensi 安文思) failed to mention Augustine’s works in their translation of Chao Xing Xueyao 超性學要 (summa theologica) despite Augustine being quoted 455 times in the text12. The examples provided indicate that despite their significant presence, Augustine’s works have not been referenced.

In contrast, Protestant missionaries in the late Qing dynasty began to engage with Augustine’s books, and the title “confessions” was translated in various ways. Some examples of translations include William Muirhead’s Ziren 自任/Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪, Young John Allen’s Mingdao zhifei shu 明道知非書, Timothy Richard’s Renzuiji 認罪記, Hu Yigu’s Yagusiding renci 亞古司丁認詞/Gusheng Mingxin 古聖明心/Aogusiding renzui pian 奧古士丁認罪篇, and Zhou Zuoren 周作人, Qu Shiying 瞿世英, Xie Jinqing 謝晉青, Han Shiyuan 韓士元, Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸, Xu Bingchang 徐炳昶, Zhao Jingshen 趙景深, and Zheng Xuejia 鄭學稼’s Chanhuilu 懺悔錄. Fan Bingqing 樊炳清translated it as Chanhui 懺悔, while Xu Jingxian 徐景賢titled it Yugaolu 籲告錄.

It is believed that the term “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄” was first used by Zhou Zuoren. It became widely accepted in academic circles later. Zhou Zuoren mentioned Augustine in his book, A History of European Literature, which was published in 1918.

St. Augustine (354–430) was born in Numidia in the year 354. He lived a wild and uncontrolled life in his youth. However, after reading Paul’s Epistles, he underwent a transformation, converted to Christianity, and ultimately became a bishop. Augustine chronicled the remarkable events of his earlier life in his famous work Confessions. This autobiographical masterpiece is highly regarded not only for its religious significance but also for its widespread popularity13.

(Z. Zhou 1918, vol. II, p. 61)

The term “Chanhu i懺悔” originated from Buddhist teachings and was later adopted by Zhou Zuoren. Although Zhang Ruogu noted that the term “Chanhui 懺悔” or “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄” was translated based on Japanese versions; there is not enough information available on the exact process of its adoption. It is worth noting that Zhou Zuoren’s translation was primarily followed by subsequent translators within the academic circles of the Republic of China, with only a few exceptions. For instance, Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸 also used the term “Chanhu i懺悔” in his work, An Outline of Literature (Zheng 1927, p. 10).

It is likely that Zhou Zuoren learned of the first Japanese translation of Augustine’s Confessions during his visit to Japan from 1906 to 1911. In 1907, a Japanese Christian scholar named Yaokichi Miyazaki translated the first nine books of Augustine’s Confessions into Japanese. The title of the translation was “アウガスチ懴悔録”, and it was published by Soakshisha-shoten (警醒社書店). Miyazaki based his translation on Bigg’s English version (Augustine 1907, pp. 5–6).

In the “Translator’s Preface”, written by Yaokichi Miyazaki, he noted that Augustine’s Confessions was essentially a confession to God, known as “告白” こくはく in Japanese (ibid., p. 8). Miyazaki’s translation gained popularity and was reprinted the following year, drawing the attention of the publishing industry. As a result, several other translations of Augustine’s Confessions were subsequently published, all titled “懺悔録”. Three translations of 懺悔録 are available: Masaki Nakayama’s 聖アウグスティヌス懺悔録, Koichiro Miyahara’s アウガスチン 懺悔録 (Bunmei-shoi, 1923), and Tatsuzaburo Uchimura’s complete translation聖アウグスチヌス懴悔録全訳 (Iwanami-shoten, 1932). Eijiro Hattori, a Japanese translator, initially translated the book title “Confessions” with the word “懺悔” (ざんげ). However, he later realized that the term was not entirely accurate and replaced it with “告白” in his translation. He used the term “告白” (こくはく) in both the first and second volumes published by Iwanami-shoten in 1940, as well as in the complete works in three volumes published in 1951. Since then, most Japanese translators have followed suit, using “告白” (こくはく) instead of “懺悔録” (ざんげろく) to translate the book title “Confessions”. Akira Yamada also utilized the term “告白” (こくはく) in his translation as an example (Chyohkoronsha, 1968)14. 懺悔錄, however, has become the commonly used translation for the term “confessions” in China.

4. Discussion on the Translation of the Term “Confessions”

Augustine’s influence in the intellectual circles of the Republican era is evident in a notable example concerning the translation of the term “confessions” during the fifteenth centenary commemoration of Augustine in 1930. A group of literati in Shanghai engaged in discussions on this topic, which were later compiled in Zhang Ruogu’s book Kafei Zuotan 咖啡座談 (Talks in a Cafe, 1929). The book includes several articles related to Augustine’s Confessions, such as “Sheng Aosiding de Chanhuilu” 聖奧斯定的懺悔錄 (“Saint Augustine’s Confessions”) and “Shijibing yu Chanhuilu” 世紀病與懺悔錄 (“Malady of the Century and Confessions”) by Zhang Ruogu, “Yifeng guanyu Chanhuilu de xin” 一封關於懺悔錄的信 (“A Letter on Confessions”) by Shao Xunmei, and “Zhi Ruogu Xunmei” 致若穀洵美 (“To Ruogu and Xunmei”) by Hu Wuyi. These articles delve into the specific interpretations of “confession” by Augustine, Rousseau, Musset, G. Moore, and others.

Shao Xunmei 邵洵美was a renowned poet from Shanghai who was closely associated with the Crescent Poetry Club. He was born in a famous family and studied at Cambridge University. In March 1928, he published a book of literary criticism titled Huo yu rou火與肉 (Fire and Flesh), which included an essay titled “Zeiku yu shengmiao zhijian de xintu” 賊窟與聖廟之間的信徒 (“A Believer between Den of Thieves and Holy Temple”). The essay delves into the predicament of a person caught between two opposing forces.

I find comfort in reading the confessions of others to forget my overwhelming sins. I have read J. J. Rousseau’s Les Confessions and felt sorry for his wandering life. I have also read A. De Musset’s The Confession of a Child of the Century15, and laughed at his infatuation. However, when I read G. Moore’s Confessions of a Young Man16, I realized that it resonated with me the most and became my ideal confession.

–––excerpt from “A Believer between Den of Thieves and Holy Temple” (Shao 2006, p. 65).

Zhang Ruogu and Shao Xunmei were good friends who shared many common interests. Zhang Ruogu, a Catholic, was a graduate of Aurora University (Zhendan daxue 震旦大學), fluent in French. He was well-acquainted with Shao Xunmei’s book Huo yu rou火與肉 (Fire and Flesh), which contained various Chanhuilu 懺悔錄. In 1928, Zhang Ruogu fell ill and was admitted to the hospital. During his recovery, he stumbled upon the French translation of Augustine’s Confessions and was deeply touched by it. He then delved into the translations and interpretations of the text, particularly the meaning of the term “confession”. This prompted him to scrutinize the translations and interpretations of the text, particularly the significance of the term “confession”. He wrote an article titled “Sheng Aosiding de Chanhuilu” 聖奧斯定的懺悔錄 (Saint Augustine’s Confessions), which was published in Yishujie (Art World 藝術界), a supplement of Shun Pao (Shen Bao 申報). Shao Xunmei’s “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄” is quoted in the article included in his book Kafei Zuotan, where he focused on the religious aspect of Augustine’s Confessions.

Zhang Ruogu emphasized the value of Augustine’s Confessions and criticized Rousseau’s overstatement. He also expressed his fondness for Musset’s the Confession of a Child of the Century, referring to it as “pure confessions”. Zhang also commented regarding Augustine’s Confessions:

The Confessions is highly regarded as a great religious text from a religious perspective. It is considered to be as valuable as The Imitation of Christ (Zunzhu shengfan 遵主聖範) by Thomas A. Kempis, and both books are considered to be masterpieces after the Bible. The timeless appeal of Confessions can attract readers from all walks of life, regardless of time and place. It is recommended that both believers and non-believers should have access to this book for recitation and contemplation.

(R. Zhang 1929, pp. 47–48)

The book of St. Augustine’s Confessions is often associated with confessing one’s sins, but this is not the only meaning of the word “confessiones”. In Catholicism, it is translated as “Gaojie 告解” (confession), “Huizui 悔罪” (repentance), “Shengong 神工” (God’s work), and more. In Protestantism, it is commonly translated as “Renzui 認罪” (confessing sins), “Mingxin 明心” (clearing the heart), and others. Outside of religious contexts, the Japanese words “Chanhui 懺悔” or “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄” are often used. However, in St. Augustine’s writing, the word “confessions” means “Zansong 讚頌” (praise) or “Zhuci 祝詞” (Conange Benediction), which cannot be interpreted as a general confession of sins. The book is a long monologue, a prayer for the soul to face God directly.

I would like to express my appreciation for reading the Confessions of St. Augustine. The book provides a genuine portrayal of the inner life of humanity. As the author was human himself, his enduring humanity resonates with anyone who has a true heart. I believe that many people will appreciate his authentic works.

(ibid., pp. 50–51)

In the article, Zhang Ruogu pointed out that Shao Xunmei translated Musset’s La Confession d’un enfant du siècle as Yige xiandairen de Chanhuilu 一個現代人的懺悔錄(A Modern Man’s Confession), “but got it wrong”. He himself translated Musset’s Confession as Yige shiji haizi de Chanhuilu 一個世紀孩子的懺悔錄 (A Century Child’s Confession).

After reading Zhang Ruogu’s article, Shao Xunmei replied to Zhang Ruogu on 28 August 1928 (Feast Day of St. Augustinian), which was later published in Yishujie 藝術界(Art World). Shao Xunmei began by explaining his translation of the title of Musset’s La Confession d’un enfant du siècle:

Indeed, Yige xiandairen de Chanhuilu 一個現代人的懺悔錄 (A Modern Man’s Confession) is inappropriate, but I read its English translation, which was titled A Modern Man’s Confession. So I have to beg your forgiveness.

It is not easy to translate the title of books. You translate it literally as Yige shiji haizi de Chanhuilu 一個世紀孩子的懺悔錄 (A Century Child’s Confession), which, I think, is not very satisfactory. First, how to explain “shiji haizi 世紀孩子”(a century child); and then whether there is any other meaning in d’un enfant du siècle.

(ibid., p. 121)

Shao Xunmei then addressed the issue of the translation of the word “confession”:

In the meantime, I would like to discuss the word “Confession” with you. I believe that in some cases, it cannot be translated as “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄” because “Chanhui 懺悔”, by its very nature, is almost identical to “Huiguo 悔過” (repentance). In Catholicism, “Chanhui 懺悔” is a way to relieve the burden in one’s heart or to seek forgiveness from God for one’s sins. However, in George A. Moore’s Confessions of A Young Man, there is no burden to be relieved and no sins to seek God’s help for. Therefore, how can we name his book as “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄”? As a result, I believe that it can only be translated as “Gongzhuang 供狀”. What are your thoughts on this?

(ibid., p. 122)

After reading Shao Xunmei’s reply, Zhang Ruogu wrote another article and published it in Yishujie (Art World 藝術界). He continued to discuss his understanding and translation of the words “shiji” 世紀 (century), “haizi” 孩子 (child), and “chanhui” 懺悔 (confession) in the title of Musset’s book. Zhang Ruogu maintained his original translation of the title as “Yige shiji haizi de Chanhuil” 一個世紀孩子的懺悔錄 (A Century Child’s Confession) and explained that he believed the title of Musset’s work should be interpreted as a “Shijibing de haizi de Chanhuilu 世紀病的孩子的懺悔錄” (Confession of a Child suffering the malady of Century) (ibid., p. 54).

When translating the word “confession”, Zhang Ruogu shared his opinion on the appropriate approach, stating the following:

In my opinion, “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄” is the most appropriate translation of “Confession”. Allow me to showcase my research in textology.

The French word “confession” carries two meanings. The first meaning is “confession of the deed” which refers to the act of admitting to a wrongdoing. In a religious context, it means “confession of sins before a priest”. The second meaning is “public declaration”. For instance, “Confession d’Augsburg” (the Augsburg Confession) is a well-known declaration that was presented by the Lutherans to Emperor Charles V in 1538. 17 To translate into Chinese, there are many options. Some of the options include “Zibai 自白”, “Gongren 供認”, “Gongzhuang 供狀”, “Zuizhuang 罪狀”, “Xuanyan 宣言”, “Gaojie 告解”, “Huizhuang 悔狀”, “jiezui 解罪”, and many others. However, the most appropriate option is “Chanhui 懺悔”.

Originally a Buddhist term, Ksama 懺摩 in Sanskrit, “Chanhui 懺悔” means “repentance”. In short, it means confessing sins and turning over a new leaf. (see 辭源 Source of Words). Now adding the religious sense, it is surely appropriate.

In a literary sense, there is nothing wrong with the Confessions. St. Augustine’s Confessions originally contained the religious meaning of confession. However, the Confessions written by Musset, George Sand, Tolstoy, Tennyson, Rousseau, George A. Moore, Hermann, and others did not, as you suggested, “hope that God will forgive their sins”.

However, I am fully aware that these are literary masterpieces “to relieve the annoyance contained in their bosom”. From this point of view alone, there is nothing wrong with translating it as “Chanhui 懺悔”, right? And even if it is true that they did not all hope for God’s forgiveness, nor for the readers’ sympathy and compassion, they must have written with a non-religious sense of shame or boastfulness. With their good memory, they recalled all the events of their personal experiences in life, whether frustrated or triumphed, happy or sad, just like the religious confessing honestly before a priest, because they must confess in such a state of mind, as the poem goes, “Fret not over bygones and the forward journey take”18. Moreover, since it was written on the paper, it was meant to be presented openly to readers across the world. Isn’t it, therefore, a bad idea to use “Chanhui 懺悔” to express this kind of Gongzhuang 供狀(statement of confession)?

However, we still respect your freedom of choice and won’t force you to abolish “Gongzhuang 供狀” in favor of “Chanhui 懺悔”, because at least in the first edition of your book Huo yu Rou 火與肉 (Fire and Flesh), you translated “Confession” as “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄”. Then let’s wait until the next edition of your masterpiece.

(ibid., pp. 59–62)

Zhang and Shao’s discussion also attracted others to join in. Hu Wuyi 胡烏衣 argued that in the title of Musset’s book, sièecle contained the meanings of “shiji 世紀” (century) and “xiandai 現代” (modern), which was an abbreviation of “xianzai de shiji 現在的世紀” (the modern century), and that the book should be translated as “Yige xiandai haizi de Chanhuilu 一個現代孩子的懺悔錄” (A Modern Child’s Confession). As for the translation of “confession”, he thought that the general meaning of this word is “ren 認” and “gongzhuang 供狀”, like pleading guilty before the judge, in the sense of repentance. In Catholicism, it is translated as “gaojie 告解”, “huidu 悔獨”, “shengong 神工”, or “zansong讚頌”, “zhuci 祝詞”, “shiwen 誓文”, when indicating the oral statements of the heart. Lately, it also has a sense of memorizing and confessing the faults in one’s life; it thus should be translated as “Chanhui 懺悔” or “Chanhuilu 懺悔錄”, such as the Confessions of St. Augustine and that of Rousseau and others. “Confession” should be translated as “Zigong 自供” or “Zishu 自述” if it doesn’t mean to plead guilty or state a crime (ibid., pp. 124–25).

Augustine’s work titled “Confessiones” is equivalent to the modern English term “confessions”. However, in contemporary English, the word “confession” often implies either criminal admission of guilt or relates to the medieval penitentiary system, both of which did not exist in Augustine’s era. In Augustine’s time, criminal confessions were usually coerced through torture, and the church’s penitential system, known as “confessional”, did not yet exist.

What does Augustine mean by “confessions”? Academia generally recognizes that the term confessio carries three primary meanings in Augustine’s writings: praise of God, confession of sins, and confession of faith. Combing the first two meanings, it can be understood as praising God for one’s healing of confessed sins (Quinn 2002, p. 1). Some scholars argue that Augustine follows the example of King David from the Old Testament, who made confessions to God—first acknowledging his sins and subsequently praising God (Brown 1993, p. xii). It shows that William Muirhead is justified in placing King David’s confession in Gusheng Renzui 古聖任罪 (An Ancient Saint’s Confessions). While it is widely accepted that the term encompasses confession of sin, praise of God, and confession of faith, some scholars suggest it has a broader range of meanings. In addition to the primary definition, it can also imply corroboration, confirmation, and testimony. Notably, what is confessed does not have to be a moral truth; for instance, Augustine confesses the fact time is immeasurable. Why does Augustine use such a general term? Since everything, including demons and heretics, testifies to God, the answer can be found in scripture. Augustine was influenced by the Psalms of the Old Testament, which state that humanity expresses a universal testimony to God. To prevent misleading today’s readers, it is better to translate this as “testimony” (jianzheng 見證, zhengming 證明, zhengshi 證實, biaoming 表明), rather than “confessions” (chanhui 懺悔) (Wills 1999, pp. XV–XVI).

Unlike the modern autobiographical confessions of Rousseau and Musset, Augustine’s confessions focused on the relationship between God and humanity. From the perspective of God’s grace, Augustine viewed himself as a man burdened by original sins, beginning with his first sinful act of stealing pears. He described a gradual descent into a sea of suffering, during which his mind and will went astray. However, he eventually received God’s light and grace, which helped him regain his understanding and abilities. With the help of the Holy Spirit, he experienced a foretaste of eternal life, bearing witness to the greatness of God and the mystery of His creation, including the concept of time. Therefore, confession of sins to God involves expressing gratitude for His care, praising Him for his forgiveness and grace, and testifying to His power and beauty in creation. This practice is a direct confession to God. In contrast, confessions of Rousseau and others were directed toward mankind and served human purposes without deeper implications. In addition, people often struggle to confess to others candidly; they may intentionally or unintentionally hide or distort the truth. As a result, their so-called confessions frequently provoke discussions and controversies among readers regarding the veracity of their claims.

In Chinese, chanhui 懺悔, originally a Buddhist term, is composed of two Chinese characters: 懺 Chan and 悔 hui. The character 懺 Chan is derived from the Sanskrit word “Ksama”, which originally means “to forbear” or “to forgive”, implying an act of seeking forgiveness, while the character 悔 hui in Chinese means “to repent” or “to regret”. It suggests that the character 悔 hui is inconsistent with 懺 Chan. This new phrase was actually created by the translators of Buddhist scriptures. In Buddhism, there is a ritual of confession conducted in front of the Buddha and the monks where individuals confess their sins and ask for forgiveness. In this context, 懺悔 chanhui in Buddhism is akin to confession in Catholicism. When asking for forgiveness, it also conveys gratitude to the Buddha. However, it does not carry the same connotation of praise typically associated with “confession” in Catholicism. This distinction arises from Buddhism’s emphasis on “self-reliance” and “individual enlightenment” rather than reliance on the Buddha’s power. In addition, the Buddhist ritual of confession is public, which further underscores the intention and outcome of a confession of faith, aligning with the third meaning of “confession”. In general, “chanhu i懺悔”is more in line with the multi-layered religious implications of “confession”.

In the discussion about translating the term “confession” as used by Shao Xunmei, Zhang Ruogu, and Hu Wuyi, Shao Xunmei correctly observed that the confessions of philosophers and writers like Rousseau and G. Moore do not carry the connotations of religious “repentance” or “praise of God”. Instead, these texts are merely expressions and statements of their personal experiences. As such, they are quite similar to general autobiographies or self-narratives and should be translated as 供狀 gongzhuang in Chinese. Hu Wuyi concurred with this perspective. On the other hand, Zhang Ruogu argued that those who believe Augustine’s Confessions should be translated into a religious 懺悔錄 chanhuil, while also translating the confessions of Rousseau, Musset, G. Moore, and others as 懺悔錄,overlook a crucial distinction between these secular writers and Augustine. Unlike Augustine, secular writers do not include a praise of God or confession of faith in their woks. Given that Augustine is a Christian writer, and Rousseau and others are secular writers, it would be more appropriate to translate Augustine’s as 懺悔錄 chanhuilu and those of Rousseau and others as 告白 gaobai or 自述 zishu.

5. Conclusions

The Jesuits arrived in China at the end of the Ming Dynasty, starting with Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci. They referenced Augustine and his thoughts in their writings. Throughout the history of Western learning introduced to the East, Augustine was mentioned in China even before Thomas, Plato, and Aristotle. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Catholic churches quoted many of Augustine’s sayings and wrote biographies depicting him as one of the Church’s saints. However, there was no translation or introduction of his specific works, such as the Confession, until later. This effort was initiated by the Protestant missionaries who came to China in the late Qing Dynasty. Notable figures, including William Muirhead, Young John Allen, and Timothy Richard, began to translate the Confessions and write modern biographies of Augustine. At that time, the translation work was still primarily undertaken by Western missionaries.

Beginning with Hu Yigu, Chinese scholars began to emerge on the historical stage, and four Chinese translations of Augustine’s works appeared successively, leading to an increasing awareness of Augustine among ordinary Chinese people19. In the Republican Period, discussions about the translation and meaning of the word “confession”, initiated by Zhang Ruogu and Shao Xunmei, highlighted the profound impact of Augustine’s confessions beyond the churches and into the cultural sphere of China at that time. It signified a growing understanding among the Chinese people, who began to interpret the Confessions from a deeper spiritual level, associating it with their own life experience and purpose. As a result, the Confessions began to become part of the spiritual consciousness of modern Chinese society.

In 1963, the sixth Chinese translation of the Confessions by Zhou Shiliang was included in the Commercial Press World Classics Series. This translation is regarded as the most complete Chinese translation and laid a strong textual foundation for Augustinian studies in mainland China following the reform and opening up period. In the twenty-first century, the growth of translations and research has made Augustinian studies particularly prominent in Western studies in mainland China, with the Confessions being one of Augustine’s most admired and widely read works. Regardless, there is still a lack understanding about the reception history of the confessions in China. This paper aims to provide a basis for further discussions on the eastward transmission of Augustine’s writings20.