1. Introduction
Since the first investigations of prime surprisal (PS), this paradigm has held the promise of shedding light on prediction’s role in language processing and crucially language development (e.g.,
Bernolet and Hartsuiker 2010;
Jaeger and Snider 2008). The PS effect shows that surprising structures are repeated more often than predictable ones, and it offers a distinctive tool for exploring prediction’s role in language processing and learning. Linguistic predictions are notoriously difficult to target experimentally. Rather than assessing reactions to the critical linguistic stimulus, they require the measurement of cognitive processes that start before the stimulus appears. Targeting the role of linguistic predictions is, however, crucial as they are theorised to play a fundamental role in language learning (see, e.g.,
Chang et al. 2006;
Rabagliati et al. 2016). As such, PS-based studies have already led to significant advances in our understanding of prediction’s role in language acquisition (e.g.,
Fazekas et al. 2020;
Jaeger and Snider 2013;
Peter et al. 2015). Yet, at the same time, much remains unknown or unclear, and important issues regarding our understanding and use of PS in prediction research are still to be resolved.
Prediction—the ability to anticipate upcoming events—is widely studied in relation to many aspects of human life. It underpins our ability to perform various activities from playing music to participating in a volleyball match (see, e.g.,
Novembre and Keller 2011;
Urgesi et al. 2012). Predictive processes are therefore a widely studied phenomenon across many branches of cognitive science, and the language sciences are no exception (see, e.g.,
Ryskin and Nieuwland 2023). Pre-activating upcoming language might aid communication in several ways. For instance, by anticipating what our conversational partner will say next, we can start planning our own response ahead of time. This in turn leads to swift turn-taking and smooth dialogues (e.g.,
Magyari et al. 2014).
Of all the roles that prediction might play in communication, perhaps the most interesting possibility is that it is key to acquiring language in the first place. Error-based theories (e.g.,
Chang et al. 2006;
Ramscar et al. 2013) suggest that language learners continuously predict the next word while listening to others talk. They then compare their own predictions to upcoming words and update their linguistic knowledge based on any potential differences. Error-based learning (EBL) theories have gained wide support due to their large explanatory power and the clear, computationally replicable account they provide (
Chang et al. 2006;
Peter and Rowland 2019).
Given EBL theories’ strong focus on how previous linguistic input affects subsequent language use, the structural priming paradigm was a logical starting point to target these accounts. Priming studies typically include linguistic structures that can alternate between different forms that have similar meanings. English structural priming studies (the language most often used in this line of research) commonly feature dative or transitive structures (see
Mahowald et al. (
2016) for a meta-analysis of syntactic priming in language production). The goal of such studies is to assess whether participants are more likely to repeat previously processed linguistic structures as opposed to using the alternative form (e.g.,
Bock 1986;
Messenger et al. 2012). For instance, in a dative priming study, a structural priming effect would show that participants were more likely to reuse the double object dative (DOD) after processing a DOD than after a prepositional dative (PD). The structural priming effect is now well established (
Mahowald et al. 2016) and is, in itself, a source of support for EBL accounts. Priming studies demonstrate that previous linguistic input shapes subsequent language use, a premise which is central to error-based theories. However, structural priming by itself does not target the role of surprisal, which limits the extent to which the paradigm is suited to further assessing EBL theories.
By comparing priming with more or less frequent primes, other studies found additional support for EBL theories in the form of enhanced priming after more surprising structures. This inverse frequency effect has been observed in various modalities, such as morphological (
Moder 1992) as well as semantic priming (see, e.g.,
Goldinger et al. 1989) and inhibitory phonological priming (e.g.,
Luce et al. 2000 or see
Kapatsinski 2006,
2007, for a review). Crucially for this work, the inverse frequency effect has also been observed in syntactic priming, showing that, overall, less frequent syntactic structures, such as passive sentences, tend to prime more strongly than more frequent active structures (
Bock 1986;
Ferreira 2003). However, while the inverse frequency effect is in itself supportive of EBL theories, it still does not consider a key element for these theories: the role of the immediate linguistic context (
Jaeger and Snider 2008,
2013).
The PS paradigm takes the evaluation of EBL theories a step further by assessing how the prime structure’s surrounding context influences the size of the priming effect. These studies typically rely on the observation that each verb is more likely to appear with one of the possible sentence structures than the alternative one (e.g.,
Bernolet and Hartsuiker 2010;
Peter et al. 2015). For instance, when considering the dative structure overall, the DOD variant is more frequent in adult language use (British National Corpus,
BNC Consortium 2007). However, when we observe verb-specific patterns, we find that some verbs favour the PD structure. For instance, the verb
pass occurs more often in a PD structure than in a DOD structure, but the verb
give prefers the DOD structure (
BNC Consortium 2007). As a result, a sentence including the verb
pass is more surprising in a DOD structure (e.g., the nurse passed the patient an apple) than in a PD structure (e.g., the nurse passed an apple to the patient). Conversely, a sentence including the verb
give is more surprising in a PD structure (e.g., the postman gave the package to the recipient) than in a DOD structure (e.g., the postman gave the recipient the package).
The PS effect is particularly suited for assessing the dual-path model (
Chang et al. 2006;
Dell and Chang 2014), an EBL account that has been applied to syntactic acquisition. This model operates via next-word prediction and predicts stronger priming effects after surprising as opposed to predictable sentences. The dual-path model suggests that after hearing a verb, listeners predict the following words according to the syntactic structure that most often follows the given verb. For instance, in a dative priming study, if participants hear the DOD-biased verb
give, they are most likely to predict that the sentence will be a recipient and the sentence will feature a DOD structure. If the sentence unfolds in such a way that it is not compatible with a DOD structure, for example because the second post-verbal noun is preceded by the preposition to indicating a PD structure, the learning mechanism produces an error signal. This error signal both increases the probability of immediate structure repetition (PS) and results in enhanced learning effects. However, if they hear a recipient indicating a DOD structure after a DOD-biased verb, participants are more likely to successfully predict the upcoming structure, and thus no error signal will be produced. In this case, the probability of immediate structure repetition is not increased and no enhancement in learning occurs.
Some priming studies have indeed found enhanced priming effects after surprising primes when structures appeared with mismatching as opposed to matching verbs. Such PS effects have been found in both production (e.g.,
Jaeger and Snider 2013;
Peter et al. 2015) and comprehension (e.g.,
Fernandes 2015;
Fine and Jaeger 2013), as well as in languages other than English (Dutch:
Bernolet and Hartsuiker 2010). Importantly, from the perspective of language acquisition research, the priming effect’s sensitivity to surprisal has also been demonstrated in studies with child participants (e.g.,
Peter et al. 2015). In addition, more recent studies (e.g.,
Fazekas et al. 2020) have confirmed that surprisal contributes to cumulative, delayed (as well as immediate) structure repetition, providing experimental evidence for surprisal’s connection to learning.
However, despite the promise of PS as experimental support for EBL theories and the accumulating evidence it provides, there are reasons to be cautious in our interpretation of existing results. PS is still a relatively new method, with the first study using the paradigm published 15 years ago (
Jaeger and Snider 2008). To date, most PS studies look at a very limited set of languages, chiefly English. Importantly—given PS’s proposed relevance to language acquisition research—studies targeting children are also limited in number. In addition, there are several ways in which surprisal can be defined and measured (such as binary versus continuous measures of surprisal, e.g.,
Jaeger and Snider 2013 versus
Peter et al. 2015), making results difficult to compare. This in turn poses a challenge for any effort to generalise existing results as support for EBL theories.
It is also important to consider the relevance of PS as a tool for assessing error-based language development in future studies. According to the dual-path model, immediate PS effects are the result of the same error-based learning mechanism that is behind long-term language acquisition. This makes PS studies an excellent instrument for assessing error-based learning experimentally. They have the potential to target a long-term learning mechanism in one relatively short experiment as opposed to more resource-intensive longitudinal studies. Consequently, more and more studies are using PS to assess whether specific groups of people, for instance children of various ages (e.g.,
Peter et al. 2015) or L2 learners (e.g.,
Kaan and Chun 2018) can make linguistic predictions.
However, if PS is to be used as a tool for widely assessing predictive abilities in diverse participant groups, including learners of English as well as other languages, it is crucial to establish under what circumstances this effect reliably occurs. This is especially key for participant groups that consistently showed predictive abilities in other experimental settings, such as adult monolingual speakers (see
Ryskin and Nieuwland (
2023) for a review). Otherwise, the lack of PS is difficult to interpret in studies featuring new participant groups. For instance, if a PS study is conducted with second-language learning adolescents and no PS effect is found, it would be difficult to establish whether this group not using linguistic prediction or another factor (for example, low statistical power or a problematic measure of surprisal) has led to this result. In other words, PS can only be a useful instrument for targeting linguistic predictions if the circumstances in which we would expect it to appear reliably are firmly established.
To achieve more clarity regarding these issues, we conducted a systematic review of verb-based PS studies to date. We will discuss the cases in which PS was and was not found and the role of diverging experimental choices in shaping these results. We will then discuss the limitations of the PS paradigm as a tool for assessing error-based learning, including the extent to which existing results can be taken as evidence for or against error-based theories. Based on our assessment of the current literature, we argue that PS only reliably appears under a specific set of conditions and that specifying these conditions is essential for further developing this paradigm. We will also set out future research directions focusing on how PS can be best utilised to assess predictive language processing.
3. Results
3.1. Prevalence of PS Effects
In order to see how consistently the PS effect is observed, we will first discuss how often it was detected in our sample. Most studies in our dataset measure PS by assessing the interaction of prime structure and verb bias in a dataset including both alternating structures (e.g., both DODs and PDs). As such, we coded the PS effect as significant if a study reported a significant prime structure–verb bias (or verb bias match) interaction showing enhanced priming after more surprising primes. Based on this criterion, we have categorized the studies using two different schemes. Firstly, we simply split the studies that found a significant PS effect from those that did not. Secondly, we have further split the studies that did not detect significant PS into two categories by adding an additional “Inconclusive” category. This category includes studies that only analysed the data following the different prime structures separately and found PS after one structure but not the other. For instance,
Jaeger and Snider (
2008) measured the magnitude of priming after passive and active sentences separately in the Treebank corpus and found that surprising passives led to enhanced priming effects, but surprising actives did not. The “Inconclusive” group also includes studies which found an effect in the expected direction (larger priming after surprising structures), but this effect did not reach significance (see, e.g.,
Peter et al. 2015). The goal of this further split was to allow for the possibility that the PS effect did not reach significance in some studies due to either low statistical power or the specific statistical analyses chosen (e.g., no assessment of the prime structure and verb bias interaction).
When examining the studies based on the first categorisation, we found that the majority of studies do not report significant PS. In our sample, only 10 out of 24 (41.67%) of the studies found significant PS effects. Introducing the third inconclusive category paints a somewhat more complex picture. Here, we found that, in addition to the 10 studies that found significant PS, a further six studies reported inconclusive results. Three studies reported PS in a subset of the data, and three studies showed a non-significant effect in the same direction as would be caused by the expected PS effect. Thus, it is possible that participants in these additional six studies were sensitive to the prime’s surprisal, but due to insufficient statistical power or the statistical analyses chosen, the PS effect was not detected. This possibility requires further investigation. Crucially, however, 8 out of 24 (33.34%) of the studies in our sample did not report any results that are in line with a PS effect.
Regardless of the categorisation we used, these results clearly show that PS does not always appear when the magnitude of syntactic priming is contrasted after more versus less surprising sentences. In the following sections, we will discuss the different experimental circumstances under which PS does and does not appear. First, we will discuss how these results are shaped by the analysis strategies employed.
3.2. Analysis Strategies
The analysis strategies chosen naturally affect the results described across each study. Despite the relative novelty of the PS method, there is a general consensus in the tests used to assess PS. All production priming studies in our data have used variations in logistic mixed-effect models (
Baayen et al. 2008;
Jaeger 2008) to analyse their binary outcome measures. The slight variation in this strategy is seen in the two earliest studies (
Jaeger and Snider 2008;
Bernolet and Hartsuiker 2010), which analysed their data separately after the two alternative prime structures. All later studies included both prime structures in their models and assessed the interaction of a prime structure and a surprisal predictor.
However, despite the broad agreement on the most appropriate statistical tests to use to analyse PS studies, a consensus is absent regarding how a key metric—the surprisingness of the prime—is quantified. There is significant variation in how surprisingness is defined, measured and even entered in the models. We have added this information to each study on the excel sheet on OSF, but due to this large variation, it was not possible to make concrete comparisons based on this.
The first source of variation we discuss is how the verb’s subcategorisation bias is defined. Studies can compute an alternation verb bias, only taking into account the two meaning-equivalent structural alternatives (e.g., give appears in DOD/give appears in all datives). However, it is also possible to compute an overall verb bias, in which case all possible subcategorisation frames of the verb are considered (e.g., give appears in dative/give appears in any structure; see
Jaeger and Snider 2008 for more discussion). When choosing between these two alternatives, it is crucial to consider the relevant study design. For instance, if participants see a picture or video before the prime sentence, this might reliably constrain their structure prediction to one of the meaning-equivalent structural alternatives (e.g., DOD or PD). In this case, the more typically used alternation verb bias might be the most fitting measure. However, if the potential structure predictions are not constrained, the overall verb bias (allowing for all possible structure competitions) might be a better choice.
Another source of variability across PS studies is the source of the surprisal measures and the period over which surprisingness is determined. The period can either include previous experience in the study (e.g.,
Fernandes 2015) or a metric that aims to approximate the participants’ overall previous language experience (e.g.,
Peter et al. 2015). Measuring previous experience within a study is relatively straightforward as authors readily have access to all the relevant data. It is significantly more challenging to find a measure that approximates participants’ overall linguistic experience; thus, there is much more variation in how this is carried out. The two key ways in which this measurement is typically obtained is either via a norming study or corpus-based estimates. Norming studies can vary further depending on the task they use. For instance, they can use picture description, forced choice, sentence completion or sentence judgement tasks. These are, of course, all viable avenues in themselves, but the overall approach is hardly standardised.
While the source of corpus-based estimates is relatively clear, how these estimates translate to appropriate surprisal metrics is less straightforward. Corpus-based estimates tend to operationalise surprisingness in terms of a verb’s bias towards one construction versus a nearly synonymous rival. For example, give is usually treated as a DO-biased verb because corpus data shows that it appears approximately 80% of the time in a DO structure (e.g.,
Ambridge et al. 2014). Yet, the vast majority of the time, the DO construct in question lacks an overt subject and uses a pronoun (e.g., give me that!), with potentially limited relevance to understanding the surprisingness of the longer, more formulaic sentences used as stimuli (e.g., the man gave the woman a present/the man gave a present to the woman). This disparity between the corpus-based surprisal estimates used in PS studies and the actual sentence stimuli they are applied to may have contributed to the variability in the results.
Finally, even when the level of surprisingness is determined, authors can still make different measurement choices. For instance, studies can operationalise predictability as either a graded or an overall measure (see, e.g.,
Arai and van Gompel 2022 versus
Peter et al. 2015). Overall, predictability is a binary measure, where structures are either classified as surprising (due to a mismatch between verb and structure) or as predictable (matching verb and structure). Graded predictability operates with a continuous surprisal measure, where each verb has an assigned score depending on how likely is it to appear with a given structure (based on the previously chosen metric). It is worth noting that while it is not advised to dichotomise continuous variables (e.g.,
Royston et al. 2006), some studies might have found PS effects with this method by contrasting extreme cases: very surprising versus very predictable sentences. In this case, a dichotomous variable might still have captured a large part of the relevant variance.
When considering extreme cases, it is also worth noting that with the statistical power most existing studies had, it is possible that only such cases (very surprising versus very predictable sentences) could be successfully contrasted. But, for PS to reflect the kind of learning mechanism proposed by EBL theories—and for the paradigm to be of sustained utility in exploring these theories—it is not sufficient for it to remain detectable only in extreme, item-based edge cases. Future research will have to contrast PS after various levels of surprisal in appropriately powered studies.
It is also worth considering that verb-based PS can in principle be measured in any structural priming study, even if the study was not originally set up to test this effect. This is possible because almost all sentences include verbs and a syntactic structure, for which verb structure frequencies can be obtained (for instance, from a corpus, norming study or based on previous experience in the experiment). Indeed, the majority of the 24 studies in our sample were either the reanalysis of a previous, non-PS focused study (5 studies) or an exploratory analysis in a study set up to test another research question (8). While using exploratory PS analyses to target data from existing studies in such a way is a promising avenue for learning more about the PS effect, the conclusions based on such results are necessarily less strong. When studies are not set up directly to test PS, the stimuli, experimental set-up and verb choice are likely to reflect other experimental questions and can make a possible PS effect less strong and thus harder to detect.
3.3. Variety
In this section, we will review the studies in our sample based on the different languages, participant groups, grammatical structures and modalities they examine.
3.3.1. Stimuli Language
Similarly to structural priming studies in general (see
Mahowald et al. 2016), PS studies chiefly feature English sentences. In fact, only two studies in our sample featured materials from a language other than English. Both
Bernolet and Hartsuiker’s (
2010) production priming study looking at the dative alternation in
Dutch and Fernandes’s (
2015) comprehension priming study looking at Portuguese locatives found significant PS effect with adult speakers. While it is noteworthy that these two studies suggest that PS effects can be detected in languages other than English, further studies are needed.
While this is hardly an uncommon issue in language development research (
Kidd and Garcia 2022), further investigation is vital here. For one, if a PS effect does indeed reflect the existence of a key underlying learning mechanism per EBL accounts, then it should be detectable across all languages. Furthermore, the ambiguity of English language results suggests that a wider examination of individual languages is needed to better understand and delineate when and how the effect can be detected. Given that English features only a limited number of grammatical forms that can be operationalised effectively in an experimental context, research in other languages will be necessary to map out the phenomenon more fully.
3.3.2. Participant Groups
A key characteristic of EBL theories is that they propose a life-long learning mechanism, meaning that they can be meaningfully assessed with studies featuring adult participants. However, to assess the learning mechanism when it is the most active, it is particularly crucial to test these theories among cohorts at the early stages of language acquisition, in which we would expect the learning process to be heightened. We therefore assessed how many PS studies feature groups learning their first or second language. While the majority of our sample (20 out of 24 studies) were conducted among adult native speakers, we also found four studies including child participants and two studies with L2 speakers.
Both of these participant groups showed mixed results. The two studies measuring PS in second language learners included English directional phrasal verb constructions with either Mandarin or Spanish speakers learning English. Neither of these studies found significant PS effects. It is worth noting that the main goal of these studies was not to measure the PS effect but rather the acquisition of phrasal verbs in L2 learners of English. It is therefore possible that they were not ideally set up to measure the PS contrast.
When it comes to the child studies, only two out of four studies found significant effects of PS. While two studies found no PS with 5- to 6-year-old children in a dative production study (
Fazekas 2020;
Fazekas et al. 2020).
Peter et al. (
2015) found significant PS effects with both 3- to 4- and 5- to 6-year-old children. At first glance, these results seem hard to reconcile, especially as all four studies examined PS with English datives using a similar paradigm. However, it is worth noting that while the main target of Peter and colleagues’ study was PS in different age groups, the main goal of the other studies was not to detect the PS effect. Fazekas’s study was an underpowered pilot study, while Fazekas and collegue’s study measured PS only as a partially between-subject variable. Thus, the studies where the main focus was detecting PS in different age groups (
Peter et al. 2015) did find the predicted effects, while those with a different focus that only looked at PS in exploratory analyses (
Fazekas et al. 2020) did not.
Importantly, one of the main goals of Peter and colleagues’ paper was to compare the magnitude of the PS effect in different age groups: 3- to 4-year-olds, 5- to 6-year-olds and adults. This allowed them to assess another important prediction of EBL theories: the PS effect is larger for younger participants so long as they had already acquired knowledge of the verb structure frequencies relevant to the PS effect. EBL theories predict stronger PS (as well as priming) effects in younger age groups because—due to their limited exposure to the language itself—their linguistic representations are less stable and more malleable. Thus, these representations would be expected to shift more in response to the error signal resulting from incorrect predictions, leading to larger priming and learning effects. Peter and colleagues did indeed find that the PS effect was the largest in the youngest participant group included in the study and gradually decreased in magnitude across the two older groups.
While it is promising that participant groups other than adult native speakers are included in some PS studies, it is difficult to draw firm conclusions based on such a limited number of studies, some of which only assessed PS in exploratory analyses. More studies focusing specifically on learners are necessary to obtain a comprehensive picture of how PS works as a measure of the proposed EBL mechanism.
3.3.3. Modality
While most studies in our dataset examined the PS effect in production priming studies, we also found two studies that assessed PS in comprehension.
Fine and Jaeger (
2013) reanalysed eye movement data from
Thothathiri and Snedeker’s (
2008) dative comprehension priming experiment and found significant PS based on the first (but not the second) prime sentence.
Fernandes (
2015) also found significant PS in a moving-window self-paced reading task including Portuguese locatives. Similarly to the previous categories, there are not enough studies that look at PS in comprehension to draw strong conclusions or comparisons when it comes to the modality of the PS effect. However, it is promising that PS in comprehension has already been demonstrated in two studies featuring entirely different methodologies and languages.
3.3.4. Variety in Structures
Another key way in which we can attempt to compare PS studies is through the syntactic structure they feature in their stimuli. Structural priming studies in general tend to favour the dative and active–passive alternations (
Mahowald et al. 2016, and this tendency is also found in PS studies. The majority of studies (17 out of 24) included the dative alternation, but we also found three studies including the English active–passive alternation (
Darmasetiyawan et al. 2022;
Fazekas 2020, chp. 2;
Jaeger and Snider 2008). The remaining four studies contained English directional phrasal verb constructions (
Perdomo 2017) or Portuguese locatives (
Fernandes 2015). Here, we will concentrate on the dative and active–passive studies as our search did not uncover sufficient studies featuring other structures.
The most salient observation in connection with dative and active–passive studies is that while the appearance of PS varies with datives, no active–passive study in the whole dataset reported significant PS (but see
Jaeger and Snider’s (
2008) work, who found significant PS after passive but not active primes). Based on this contrast, it is worth considering whether the active–passive alternation might be a worse candidate for PS than the dative alternation. In a PS paper featuring both datives and passives,
Fazekas (
2020, Chapter 2) argues that while the dative is the perfect candidate alternation to show PS, the active–passive is not. They suggest that a key difference between the two structures is the relative location of the verb (that sets up the surprisal effect in verb-based PS studies) and the structure decision point (where it becomes clear to the listener which alternative structure they are hearing and therefore where surprisal may be expected to happen). In dative sentences, verbs always appear early; thus, they can set up an expectation that is then either confirmed or violated by the subsequent structure, for instance, in the sentence “Lisa gave a ball to Bart.” The DOD-biased verb give sets up an expectation of the DOD structure, which is then violated when participants hear a PD structure. The situation is very different in passive sentences where the verb typically does not precede the structure decision point. For instance, in the sentence “Lisa was scared by Bart”, when participants hear
was it indicates that they are hearing a passive sentence before the active-biased verb, scared follows. It is possible that it is essential for verb-based PS studies to feature the verb first, with the structure revealed second.
Another potential reason why a PS effect is not observed in active–passive studies is the relative surprisingness of the structural alternatives. As
Darmasetiyawan et al. (
2022) note, the passive structure is extremely surprising regardless of the identity of the verb. For instance, it only constitutes around 1% of all verb uses in the British National Corpus (based on the frequencies reported in
Ambridge et al. 2014). This would mean that all verb + passive combinations are inherently extremely surprising, making it harder to detect the small differences in these already high surprisal levels. In contrast, the distribution of DOD and PD datives is much more equal.
Overall, in the current dataset, the only structure that showed PS in more than one study is the dative alternation, while all active–passive studies failed to find significant PS. In addition to replicating the above effects in well-powered studies, it is therefore crucial to explore PS in further structures. A good candidate for this could be the locative structure, in which the verb always precedes the structure decision point in English and both structural alternatives are relatively common. As noted above, PS using locatives has been successfully observed in Portuguese (
Fernandes 2015), lending further credence to the notion that English language studies would represent a useful next step for research in this area.
3.4. Statistical Power
Naturally, to obtain trustworthy results about any phenomenon, it is crucial to assess whether the studies examining it had sufficient statistical power. Our initial intention was to conduct a meta-analysis on the data from the studies in our sample to determine the effect size for PS overall and across different groups and to assess whether the existing studies had sufficient statistical power. Unfortunately, a meta-analysis has proven not to be possible based on the available data. Most papers included in our sample did not report all the metrics (e.g., standard errors, standard deviations or exact p-values) that are necessary to compute standardised effect sizes, and the scope of the current project did not allow for requesting raw data from the authors of the featured publications as an alternative.
To gain some speculative insight into the effect sizes PS studies yield and whether the current studies are sufficiently well powered to detect such a contrast, we collected the average participant and item numbers and effect size estimates in log odds ratio changes from production priming studies that reported such a metric for the interaction between prime structure and level of surprisal. This comparison included 18 studies. The studies and the corresponding estimates are reported on the project’s OSF site. Based on these values, we determined the average PS effect to be 0.6 in difference in log odds ratio. We also computed separate effect sizes for studies including datives (0.84) and two active–passive structures (0.11). The 11 adult dative studies showed an average 0.71 effect size, while the four child dative studies showed a larger effect of 1.14. We have also determined the average participant number to be 89.11 (ranging from 24 to 392) and average item number to be 24.71 (ranging from 16 to 80) in our studies.
This then allows us to compare the participant and item numbers in the studies in our dataset to the sample size recommendations in Mahowald and colleagues’ syntactic priming meta-analyses (
Mahowald et al. 2016). According to Mahowald’s sample size recommendations, the participant and item numbers in our studies would only yield over 90% statistical power to detect an interaction if the interaction coefficient was 1 in difference in log odds ratio in a PS study. This average effect size is only approximated in child dative studies, where the sample sizes were significantly below average (in the four included child studies, the average item number was 17 (overall average 24), while the average participants number was 58.25 (overall average 89)). Naturally, this is a crude attempt to assess statistical power, but the large gap between suggested sample sizes in Mahowald and colleagues’ work and those featured in our paper allows for the preliminary conclusion that the studies in this sample are typically underpowered.
4. Discussion
Despite being a relatively new method, the PS paradigm has already shown huge potential for addressing key questions in psycholinguistic research, especially concerning prediction’s role in language acquisition. However, also due to its relatively recent emergence, there are still many open questions regarding how this method can be used and what the wider pattern of results signifies. In particular, there is a lot left to learn about the specific circumstances the PS effect appears in and the best ways to analyse these results. In turn, these questions limit how far existing results can be interpreted as support for various hypotheses and how this paradigm is suited to address additional questions in the future.
To gain a clear picture of how much we now know about the PS effect, we conducted a systematic review of PS studies and offered an overview of their scope and variety (in terms of languages, participant groups, the modality they examine, the structures they feature and the statistical methods they use). The key conclusion we can draw based on the studies in our review is that the PS effect is not yet well established. The majority of studies in our sample do not report significant PS effects and based on our preliminary calculations studies typically did not have sufficient statistical power to reliably detect the PS interaction. Furthermore, PS effects also do not appear consistently in subgroups of studies (e.g., studies with children or including datives), although there are certain categories of studies that report PS more often than others. This leads to the inevitable conclusion that more research is needed in order to definitively establish the existence and scope of the PS effect.
We also examined diversity in our dataset in terms of stimuli language, age and language background of the participants and whether the study targeted production and/or comprehension. However, across most factors examined, we did not find much variation in our data: most papers include English sentences, adult native English participants and/or assess comprehension to production priming. There are some exceptions to this pattern: for instance, two studies looking at different languages (Dutch and Portuguese:
Bernolet and Hartsuiker 2010;
Fernandes 2015), two studies looking at comprehension to comprehension priming (
Fernandes 2015;
Fine and Jaeger 2013) and a small number of studies targeting L2 learners (
Kaan and Chun 2018;
Perdomo 2017) and children
Fazekas et al. 2020;
Peter et al. 2015). However, in most categories, there was not enough variety to make substantive within-group comparisons.
There were two categories for which we found more variation: age group and featured syntactic structures. When it comes to syntactic structures, PS seems to be almost impossible to detect with active–passive structures but features somewhat more reliably in studies targeting datives. However, as many dative studies are exploratory and/or underpowered, more comprehensive dative studies are still needed to solidify findings regarding this effect.
When considering adult versus child participants, PS is not detected consistently across either group, but the effect sizes are larger with children compared to adult studies. This difference is also supported by Peter et al.’s (2015) work comparing PS in three different age groups within one study and which found that PS effects decrease with age. Given the key expectation of error-based theories that children’s linguistic states are more malleable, and therefore more susceptible to change via surprisal, this result is suggestive but not in itself definitive, especially given the relatively low number of child studies available.
Crucially, this dataset also suggests that the appearance of a PS effect cannot be directly equated with linguistic predictions in a given study. For instance, in our dataset, there is no reliable PS effect found in studies with English active–passive sentences, even though studies using other experimental paradigms suggest that adult native English speakers make linguistic predictions in such sentences (see, e.g.,
Heilbron et al. 2022). This in turn indicates that we cannot be confident that PS always appears when participants are making predictions (and creating error signals) in specific studies. This is something that needs to be considered when evaluating both existing evidence and the future of studies utilising PS-based paradigms, as discussed in further depth below.
Next, we will summarise our recommendations for future research using the PS paradigm. It is worth emphasising that these studies would also broadly benefit from practices associated with open and replicable science, such as pre-registration, attempts to replicate previous results and open data, materials and code (see, e.g.,
Crüwell et al. 2018;
Nelson et al. 2018;
Kathawalla et al. 2021). Furthermore, especially as many studies in our sample seem to be underpowered, utilising practices that prevent inconclusive results due to insufficient statistical power is especially important. In addition to carrying out accurate power calculations and using more accurate surprisal estimates for the sentences involved, we also recommend considering Bayesian analyses methods, potentially combined with pre-specified stopping rules (see
Dienes 2014,
2016;
Bürkner 2017). A key advantage of these approaches is that (unlike frequentist methods) they can determine when a non-significant result provides support for the null hypothesis as opposed to when it indicates data insensitivity. Furthermore, when using Bayesian approaches, pre-specified stopping rules can be set both for and against the null hypothesis. These approaches can ensure sufficient statistical power with the minimal participant numbers needed, which is especially useful when working with harder-to-recruit populations such as children. Next, we will turn to suggestions more specific to PS studies.
First, it is useful to differentiate between two kinds of studies featuring the PS paradigm. The first category of studies aims to better understand the PS effect itself, including questions such as under which circumstances we should expect PS to occur if the participants in the study are engaging in linguistic prediction. The second kind of study aims to use PS as a tool to examine a theoretically important question, such as whether a specific group of participants engage in predictive learning (as detected by PS). A study can be informative for both categories, but the intention when designing the study needs to be clear, not just to the eventual audience for the research but also in terms of shaping how exactly the study seeks to utilise the paradigm. It is worth noting that these two research strands have significant synergy, demonstrating that the connection between PS and error-based learning enhances the significance of studies targeting PS in new contexts. Conversely, demonstrating that PS does operate across languages and structures strengthens the claim that it reflects a broader predictive learning mechanism in line with EBL theories.
One obvious future direction for studies targeting the scope of PS is to expand the syntactic structures and languages the effect can be detected in. In terms of languages, if the PS effect is really as universal as claimed, it has to show in a wide variety of languages and structures. As far as we are aware, PS has only been targeted in three languages (English, Dutch and Portuguese) so far. Thus, the possibilities in terms of languages are limitless. In terms of syntactic structures, there remains scope even within English language studies to target structures, such as locatives, that are more rarely tested but might be expected to work experimentally.
Furthermore, in order to confirm existing results—namely, that PS can appear with dative structures in English speakers—it is also important to overcome several persistent methodological problems, such as low sample sizes and potentially inaccurate surprisal measurements. This could be carried out via large-scale studies that determine sample sizes based on accurate power calculations and use more accurate surprisal estimates for the sentences involved, considering the relevant study design and the specific sentences featured in the study (see
Section 3.2). One such effort by Fazekas, Blything and Ambridge is already underway and uses frequencies generated via large language models on the exact sentences featured in the study to compute more precise surprisal estimates.
Another inherent limitation of the current PS literature stems from the lack of on-line measurements. While the PS paradigm can directly address potential changes in language production depending on the predictability of the input, behavioural observation methods do not give us any detailed insight into what the processing differences are between surprising and predictable sentences that lead to increased repetition or learning. Future work combining the PS method with on-line measures such as EEG or eye-tracking could help us map the location and nature of the processing differences guiding these results. Neurological measures would be particularly desirable here as they provide precise temporal (and some spatial) information on sentence processing (see
Fazekas 2020, Chapter 4).
In addition, as PS effects can be computed based on any structural priming study, there is useful scope for a meta-analysis drawing on a large pool of existing data. In principle, such an analysis could be carried out on a collection of any raw structural priming data that includes the sentences used in the study. Even if not yet included in the materials, surprisal estimates can be computed, such as by using norming or language model data to then assess the magnitude of the priming depending on the level of surprisal of the prime sentence. This kind of reanalysis approach has already been used in individual PS studies (e.g.,
Jaeger and Snider 2008;
Fine and Jaeger 2013) and could be extended to a larger-scale meta-analysis as well.
Another potential avenue for future research is using PS as a tool to measure whether error-based learning occurs in specific groups of people (e.g., children of various ages, see
Peter et al. 2015) or in specific circumstances (e.g., in cumulative, delayed contexts such as
Fazekas et al. 2020) These studies can be informative about whether such groups engage in EBL. In this case, we suggest a different approach to the one described above. As mentioned earlier, it is problematic if a variation in the PS paradigm (or indeed any experimental method testing any specific effect) is used with new participant groups or in situations when we cannot yet be relatively confident that the measure is actually capable of reliably detecting the effect of interest, at least in a typical population. Thus, we suggest that—in addition to using well-supported participant numbers and surprisal measurements—studies that plan on measuring EBL via verb-based PS in new populations use syntactic structures where the verb consistently precedes the structure and the level of surprisal is balanced between structures. For instance, the English dative (or a similar structure in other languages) is a good candidate for new PS studies as it is the structure that currently has the most consistently supportive evidence of PS and one that also fits the above criteria.
Furthermore, when testing PS with new participant groups, it helps the interpretation of the results if a group of typical adults (who are generally easier to recruit) are also tested. If PS reliably appears in the typical but not the new group, the difference is likely to come from the differences between the participant groups rather than the underlying approach, allowing for stronger conclusions that the new group likely does not engage in predictive learning in this context. In contrast, if neither group shows PS, it is more likely that the set-up did not allow for detecting PS in the first place.