Governance of alcohol production in the United States has roots that date back to the repeal of Prohibition in 1934. In the previous decades, regulation evolved so that alcohol producers were subject to multiple forms of oversight at the local, state, and federal levels. This separate, yet simultaneous regulation from multiple entities translated to substantial regulatory burden for alcohol producers, including breweries. Depending on the state, there may be as many as 12 alcohol-specific regulatory procedures (all with associated wait times and costs) that brewers must complete prior to bringing their product to market: moreover, all of these procedures represent obligations beyond that which is expected of any new business owner (i.e., zoning ordinances, incorporation rules, etc.) [
4]. Consequently, it is critical to acknowledge that the labeling process and associated formula approval process represent just one of many regulatory hurdles experienced by brewers. Despite these challenges, the craft brewing industry has experienced significant growth in recent history: From 2008 to 2019, the number of operating craft breweries increased from approximately 1570 to over 8500 [
5]. In the past decade, annual industry growth rates have been as high as 18% (in 2013 and 2014) but have recently slipped to more conservative values. In 2019, the growth rate was just under 4% [
6,
7,
8]. The Brewers Association (a trade organization that represents the US craft brewing industry) defines a brewery as “craft” if it meets the following three criteria: (1) the brewery must be “small,” with production of six million barrels of beer or less annually, (2) the brewery must be independent, with no more than 25% ownership by a non-craft beverage alcohol industry member, and (3) the brewery must have a valid TTB Brewer’s Notice and produce beer [
9].
Craft Breweries as Small Businesses
The National Small Business Association (NSBA) is an advocacy organization representing the interests of small businesses in the United States. The NSBA currently has 65,000 members “in every state and every industry” [
14]. In 2017, the NSBA released the results of their “Small Business Regulations Survey,” which indicated that governmental regulation of small businesses is associated with significant burden for small business owners in the form of expense, time, and legislative complexity [
15]. Another study by Kaya (2020), using the United States Small Business Friendliness Survey, pointed out that more regulations, administrative burden, and government intervention led to less entrepreneurial activity in the United States [
16].
Regulatory burden is defined as “the costs imposed on businesses by the regulatory framework” [
17]. The items that comprise regulatory burden include compliance costs, as well as administrative and paperwork costs and disincentives associated with regulations. Regulatory burden is associated with frustration of the overall business performance of the regulated entity [
17]. Research with craft brewers indicated that the regulations surrounding product formulas and labels were burdensome. Brewers indicated the burden may take multiple forms, including lost sales revenue from delayed product launches, time spent reviewing regulations, time spent in correspondence with TTB officials regarding submissions, and expense for consulting or legal assistance, among others [
2].
At its most extreme, regulatory burden can be characterized as “regulatory overload,” which occurs when the volume and complexity of regulations is such that it reduces compliance, innovation, and increases uncertainty [
17]. Previous research with craft brewers indicated that the nature of the labeling and formula approval processes may encumber creativity: “We make some really creative beers, but because of the formula submittal process, it keeps us from sending that stuff outside our own walls” [
2].
Additionally, regulatory overload may ultimately reduce safety because regulated entities are overwhelmed with an unclear and/or complex regulatory regime, which hinders their ability to appropriately comply [
17]. This is evidenced in previous research where some brewers associated with smaller breweries may make operational decisions that allow them to “fly under the regulatory radar,” which is counter to TTB’s mission of protecting consumers [
2].
Fairman and Yapp (2005) assert that regulatory compliance can be analyzed using an economic perspective, in which it is expected that firms will conform to a regulation if the costs associated with “getting caught” exceed the benefit(s) of noncompliance. In their research involving small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) (specifically, food trade bodies) and regulatory authorities, they found that the compliance process is decidedly reactive with businesses responding to outside intervention rather than proactively initiating compliance activities [
18]. Research with brewers indicates that label and formula approvals for craft beer are characterized in part by back-and-forth communication between submitters and regulatory officials [
2]. Communication of this nature may indicate that brewers circumvent the information cost associated with error-free submissions, instead relying on the process and feedback from officials to correct their submissions. However, this interchange increases approval times and can frustrate productivity of a brewery. Furthermore, this drastically increases the workload for TTB reviewers [
3].
A 2017 audit of the TTB’s label and formula approval processes indicated that there existed an opportunity to improve the efficiency of labeling and formula approvals, particularly through modification of their resubmission policy. The results of the audit indicated that resubmitted applications for labels drastically increased the TTB workload. Data from 2014 indicated that resubmissions represented approximately 31% of the submitted Certificate of Labeling Approval (COLA) applications: 207,000 total applications were processed, of which 142,000 were initial applications [
3]. The TTB’s response to the analysis of their resubmission policy was that increased processing times were due to industry misunderstanding. Thus, they (the TTB) were not interested in modifying the resubmission policy [
3].
According to the NSBA regulations survey, the average small-business owner spends approximately USD 12,000 per year on items stemming from regulation. Among the 1000 business owners surveyed in the NSBA’s research, approximately half of participants indicated that they spend USD 5000 annually in direct regulatory expenses, and an additional USD 5000 in indirect regulatory expenses [
15]. In their survey, direct costs included employee pay adjustments, daily work routine changes, attorney fees, and workplace upgrades. Indirect costs included time taken away from other business tasks to understand regulations, and time taken to meet with specialists [
15]. Likewise, research conducted by the United States Chamber of Commerce suggests that the economic cost of federal regulations annually is USD 1.9 trillion, with costs for smaller businesses (those with 50 employees or fewer) estimated to be 20% higher than the mean for all firms [
19]. Regarding time, 25% of small business owners report spending more than 10 h per month on federal regulatory compliance, and 14% report spending more than 20 h per month [
15].
Bickerdyke and Lattimore (1997) defined compliance costs as those associated with requirements imposed on firms by governmental regulations or taxes [
17]. Bradford (2004) asserts that many regulations are associated with economies of scale in compliance; specifically, that an inverse relationship exists between firm size and the compliance costs [
20]. Consequently, compliance costs for small business may be extensive relative to those of their large corporate counterparts, in part because the fixed costs of compliance land on a smaller income base [
17].
Craft brewers’ report extensive use of operational resources in securing federal regulatory label and formula approvals. For some breweries, the use of outside legal assistance is used to expedite the process, while others devote significant staff time to preparing submissions and corresponding with the TTB following initial submissions to clarify or correct errors. Additionally, craft brewers have indicated that the cumbersome nature of labeling and formula regulations may result in lost sales revenue and a limited ability to expand their product offering [
2]. This phenomenon is not strange when considering the historically strained relationship between beverage alcohol producers and regulatory entities in the United States. For example, regulation of whiskey labeling had undesirable consequences for certain producers in the 1940s and beyond: labeling regulations set forth by the Federal Alcohol Administration (FAA) ultimately limited the diversification of whiskey products (particularly American “light whiskey”) and encouraged consumer deception. Although the FAA was tasked with the prevention of dishonest labeling, as well as the promotion of competition among whiskey producers, discriminatory labeling regulations were arguably prohibitive to production of American “light whiskey” [
21].
Regulatory burden may also manifest as information burden, which refers to difficulties associated with comprehending and applying regulations. Bradford (2004) asserts that burden of this nature is perhaps “the most overlooked cost of government regulation.” Information burden can include the tasks associated with (1) staying current with new or revised regulations, (2) interpreting regulations to determine their application, and (3) verifying the steps necessary for compliance [
20]. Previous research with craft brewers indicates that assimilating existing regulations, as well as staying abreast of new regulations has proven difficult in their operations. For some brewers, information burden has materialized as inefficient label and/or formula approvals [
2]. This supports Bradford’s (2004) assertion that small businesses are at a disadvantage in monitoring and interpreting regulations [
20].
The nature of regulations may partially comprise information burden. Small business owners indicated that complexity of rules, volume of rules, interpretational difficulty, and the contradictory nature of some rules represented significant burden [
15]. Research with craft brewers indicates that the volume and ambiguous nature of TTB rulings related to labeling and formula approval have been difficult, especially in their communication with TTB officials. Regarding labeling approvals, craft brewers partially attributed confusion to inconsistencies in policy interpretation among TTB reviewers. Brewers may receive approval for one label but receive pushback on a subsequent label for a product claim or product name that had previously been approved [
2]. Furthermore, brewers reported receiving inconsistent feedback per label in the back-and-forth communication with the TTB regarding applications, due in part to different reviewers. Additionally, use of language specific to craft beer styles (i.e., “Saison”, “Irish ale”) has proven to be a point of contention between craft brewers and TTB officials [
2].
“Regulatory capture” is an economic idea that individuals working within a governmental agency become in fact agents for the very industries they are tasked with regulating [
22]. They see the regulations from the perspective of the companies they are supposed to be regulating and eventually, either from self-interest or by the public good, find it best to work with and support the needs of these actors. Regulatory capture has been abused in various industries such as railroads, utilities, and financial services, however, it does not always have to be corrosive. Kay (2010) suggests that regulators need information to fulfill their job effectively, therefore they work with the companies they are regulating. In doing, they see these managers as honest and committed individuals with no ill regard or hostility to the common good [
23].
Smaller businesses typically employ fewer personnel, which may translate to less specialization in job duties. The results of the NSBA regulations survey indicate that small business owners are the “number one regulatory expert” in most instances and shoulder the majority of regulatory obligations in their firms [
15]. Similarly, proper navigation of the labeling and formula approval process is just one of many responsibilities a craft brewer must consider while operating their business. Consequently, improved instruction of regulations amongst brewers may improve the quality of their formula and label submissions, thereby decreasing the time investment required by regulatory officials.
In order to improve the efficiency and clarity of the label and formula approval processes among craft brewers, it is necessary to better understand brewery characteristics that impact outcomes associated with regulatory submissions. To date, the brewer experience with regulations that specifically govern the labeling and formula approval processes is largely unstudied. Consequently, this research aims to inform industry and academia on the present state of the brewer regulatory experience as they navigate COLA and formula submissions.