3.1. The Undetachability of Some Concepts of Particulars from One Specific Property Concept
The first case that I would like to consider is the following one: imagine that there is a creature C who is incapable of thinking about some kind of particulars without thinking of them
as being F. Provided that
a,
b and
c are the members of the class of particulars in question, each time C deploys her concept of one or another of these particulars, she will not be able to avoid representing them as possessing the property
F. Thus, each time C deploys a concept such as a,
b or
c, she will inexorably embed it in a content like:
a is F,
b is F or
c is F. Clearly, such a constraint in C’s representational capacities will put a substantive limitation on her abilities to recombine and redeploy concepts. Basically, she will not be capable of thinking about any content which involves representing
a,
b or
c, as having properties different from
F (like, for example,
a is G,
b is H, etc.) at least as long as she does not represent them
as being F at the same time.
9 Interestingly, this does not preclude C from detaching her concept
F from the contents
a is F,
b is F and c is F and redeploying it in new contexts, attributing it to any other particular entities and forming new thought contents such as
d is F or
e is F.It is important to notice that, despite the fact that C cannot detach concept
a from concept
F, when C thinks
a is F, she is not entertaining an entirely unstructured thought which admits no decomposition into smaller representational units, each with its distinctive and stable representational function. Rather, she seems to be entertaining a thought that has some kind of structure. That is, a thought with a content composed by (at least some) smaller, re-deployable units, with stable representational functions. Basically, this is so for two reasons. Firstly, because it is possible to identify at least one constituent conceptual unit–property concept
F—that can be detached from this whole content and redeployed in other contents, making always the same stable semantic contribution.
10 However, it is also true that C will not be capable of thinking about
a without ascribing property
F to it. In this sense, this is not either a wholly structured content, entirely composed by conceptual units that can be freely detached and fully-recombined.
If these ideas are correct, it seems that what we have here are contents that occupy some sort of previously unexplored middle-ground between holistic unstructured contents and fully-structured ones. These are, if we want to give them a name, “semi-structured” contents, composed by some smaller parts that can be freely decomposed and re-deployed, and other parts that remain irrevocably embedded in the larger contents that they constitute. As it will become clear later on, the same is true, mutatis mutandis, for contents constituted by the other kinds of undetachable concepts to be examined below.
Now, what kind of behavior should be expected from a creature when she is deploying these sorts of undetachable concepts of particulars? In addition, do we have any evidence suggesting that there are, indeed, creatures that entertain contents composed by such undetachable concepts?
Regarding the first question, one thing that should be expected from creatures that, when thinking about particulars a, b or c, can only think of them as being F, is a very specific kind of cognitive or representational rigidity. Since these creatures cannot help thinking, for example, of a as F, one may expect that they will not be capable of changing their way of characterizing a, attributing to it different properties from F–while at the same time refraining from thinking about it as an F—even if they should rationally do so, in light of their other beliefs or available evidence. In other words: these kinds of contents should be irresponsive to disconfirming evidence. Furthermore, since these creatures cannot entertain contents in which a is combined with G, or H (but not F), one may expect them to be also incapable of having any other kind of psychological states with such contents. They will not only be incapable of believing that a is G. They will be neither capable of imagining, conjecturing, doubting that a is G, etc., (and, of course, the same applies to b and c).
This cognitive rigidity will likely have, as one of its consequences, a specific kind of behavioral rigidity. Let us assume that believing that a is F typically guides C’s behaviors in some specific ways, and that, if C deploys concept a at all, then she is compelled to combine it with property concept F. In such a case, we may expect that, each time C conceptualizes particular a as a, the same content–i.e., a is F—will be making the same contribution to influence her behavior. Of course, this does not mean that C will necessarily act in the exact same way each time she thinks the content a is F. Her behavior may still change as a result of her other mental states, of her moods, situation, etc. Nevertheless, her responses to the particular entity a will still be much more rigid than those of another creature C*, capable of representing a in other ways, different from being F. An example may help to clarify this point: imagine that whenever C represents a, she must inexorably represent it as a menace. Clearly, her behavior towards a may still suffer many variations, depending on her other beliefs, desires, fears, etc. Thus, if she believes that a is a menace but she also believes that one should try to avoid menaces as long as possible, she will presumably behave very differently than how she would act if she believed that one should face menaces as soon as possible. Nevertheless, her behavioral dispositions will still be less flexible and varied than those of a creature C* that is capable of representing a as being harmless, useful, desirable (and not representing a as a menace at the same time).
It seems quite clear that this kind of cognitive and behavioral rigidity will have its costs. For example, creatures suffering from it will retain irrational beliefs about some particulars having certain properties, even when evidence should lead them to think otherwise. Besides, they will find it difficult (or even impossible) to adapt to those situations in which the particulars in question have lost the property that they rigidly attribute to them, since they will be incapable of representing such a fact. In addition, they may not be capable of responding adequately in certain situations, as a result of their incapacity to conjecture counterfactual scenarios in which any of these particulars loses the aforementioned property, etc.
Nevertheless, it may still be of adaptive value, for some species, to have a rigid disposition to always represent certain particulars as having some specific property, especially when they live in environments in which it is frequent for these particulars to have the property in question, and when registering such a fact is relevant for their survival. Thus, some animals might, for example, tend to rigidly represent different individual predators as dangerous, no matter which contexts they find them in, or they may always perceive food as desirable, etc. This would allow them to respond in a fast and usually adequate way to the presence of those entities, without wasting valuable time and cognitive resources on representing them as having other properties that may be less relevant, highly unlikely, absurd, etc. Additionally, it may free them from the complex task of having to determine on which properties of a particular to focus on in a given context, which properties this particular actually has in the present moment, etc.
However, are there animals that actually suffer from this incapacity to detach some concepts of particulars from certain property concepts? It seems to me that, in order to answer this question, it is useful to distinguish between two kinds of evidence that might be offered in favor of this hypothesis.
Firstly, one could have evidence that, for all one knows, there are non-human animals that always represent some particular entities as having some specific property. This would be the case, for example, if all the evidence that we had about a species S were consistent with members of S always treating some particular entities as having property F, and nothing indicated that, on the contrary, in some contexts or situations, members of S do not represent these particulars as being F, but as having other properties. What I would like to suggest is that this would give us some initial, although admittedly rather weak, reasons to conjecture that members of S have the kind of detachability and combinatorial limitations that I have described so far. In fact, such a hypothesis would provide an explanation of the fact that they always represent these particular entities as being F: because it is impossible for them to do something different. If we endorse this line of thinking, we can turn to the behaviors of many non-human species that uniformly respond to certain particulars in the same way in different contexts and treat them as initial evidence suggesting that these animals suffer from the specific kind of conceptual undetachability that I am describing here.
Let us consider just one example of this kind of evidence: California ground squirrels’ abilities to recognize snakes as predators. According to researchers, these squirrels do not require experience with snakes during development in order to recognize their danger. Pups born and reared in the lab without previous contact with snakes distinguish them from novel animate objects. Moreover, they behave in the complex ways adults do towards snakes, that is, flagging their tails, approaching cautiously, investigating in elongated postures, and jumping back [
22]. In brief: their behavior shows that very early on, and without previous learning, they consistently behave towards snakes by treating them as dangerous predators.
This does not mean, of course, that the behavior of squirrels towards snakes cannot change with experience and context. As researchers remark, experience is indeed important in the development of subtler aspects of anti-snake cognition. Squirrels learn to distinguish, for example, changes in the body temperature of a snake as a sign of the amount of their dangerousness (as the body of the snakes heat up, the biochemical processes that support their behavior speed up, and they deliver strikes with greater velocity, less hesitation and greater accuracy) [
22]. They also respond differently to snakes depending on where they discover them. If, for example, the rattlesnake is found near their burrow, squirrels are more confrontational than when they detect it near someone else’s burrow [
23].
Nevertheless, the fact that ground squirrels always react towards snakes, even from their first encounter, in a cautious, inquisitive, and evasive/aggressive way, suggests that they always represent them as predators, or as some kind of menace, rather than, for example, as friends, preys, tools, etc. One could further hypothesize that this is due to the fact that they cannot detach the representation of the particular snakes that they interact with from the predicate “predator” (or some other similar concept) that always comes associated with it. If such were the case, this could be a plausible empirical example of the kind of content that I have just described.
11However, from the fact that some animals always think about some particulars as having certain properties it does not necessarily follow that, whenever they think about these particular, they cannot help representing them in such a way. Yet, the latter was, precisely, the hypothesis to be tested. Then, it still seems that in order to obtain a stronger support for the claim that some animals, such as California ground squirrels, suffer from the kind of conceptual undetachability sketched here, we would need to acquire evidence that these animals are incapable of changing their way of representing snakes, even when confronted with relevant evidence against it. If, for example, we could arrange an experimental scenario in which squirrels were confronted with harmless snakes, they were shown other creatures playing with them, etc., but they still reacted in a fearful way towards these predators, this would give us additional reasons to think that they are incapable of detaching their representation of each particular snake that they encounter from a property concept such as threatening or dangerous.
As far as I know, we lack relevant studies on the capacity or incapacity ground squirrels to stop representing snakes as dangerous in light of relevant evidence. Consequently, we do not have yet strong evidence that whenever these animals face a particular snake they are incapable of detaching their representations of that particular from some specific property concept like: dangerous! Still, I would like to suggest that this is the evidence that we should be looking for if we are interested in basing the conjecture that they are incapable of detaching some of their concepts of particulars from specific property concepts on stronger ground.
There is, still, an additional point to consider. Let us suppose that an animal is, at present, incapable of detaching her concept a from her concept F. Must it be also impossible for her to overcome this limit in order for us to conclude that she suffers from the kind of undetachability that is being discussed here? It seems to me that we do not need to demand so much. Let me roughly explain why.
There are reasons to think that, at least on some occasions, an animal’s rigid disposition to think about some particulars as having a specific property might have been acquired, for example, after a process of associative learning.
12 In such a case, one could go on arguing that the rigid link between the creatures’ concepts may break after another conditioning process. Arguably, this is what happens even in cases of extremely rigid associations, such as phobias, after behaviorist desensitization therapy. Now, let us focus, to take just one toy example, on a hypothetical subject S suffering from a phobia to spiders at a period of time T
1. It seems reasonable to claim, in such a case, that in T
1, S has a rigid tendency to represent spiders as being, say,
extremely dangerous. Furthermore, her disposition may be so strong that she is simply incapable of thinking about spiders without thinking about them as
extremely dangerous, she cannot spontaneously negate that thought, she does not respond to evidence against it, etc. Let us also suppose that, later on, S’s situation changes through a conditioning process that puts an end to her phobia. It still seems to me that if during a given period of time T
1, S was incapable of detaching her representations of spiders from the predicate
extremely dangerous in the way previously described, one may legitimately claim that, despite later changes, during T
1, she suffered from the kind of undetachability and combinatorial limitations described here. Thus, what this case suggests is that the incapacity of a creature to detach some of her concepts from others, and the limits to recombine the concepts following from it, may be only temporary, but still genuine.
Mutatis mutandis, this idea can be extended to the other kinds of undetachability described in
Section 3.2. and
Section 3.3.
Let us now turn to one final objection that I would like to consider. Someone might wonder why I am interpreting these empirical evidence as showing that squirrels’ defensive responses to snakes are actually guided by a mental state with a content composed by two different concepts: a concept of the particular snake in question and a concept of a property like: dangerous or threatening. Why shouldn’t one think, instead, that our squirrels are merely forming a simpler holistic representation of a specific kind of danger instead?
Roughly, there are two reasons in favor of thinking that ground squirrels are forming complex mental contents composed by two different kinds of concepts instead of an unstructured representation of a specific kind of danger. On the one hand, squirrels seem capable of treating other animals—like hawks, dogs, golden eagles, etc., —as dangerous. Since, presumably, their behavior is flexibly guided, in all these situations, by some representation of these different animals’ dangerousness, it does seem plausible (and economic) to conjecture that, in fact, they are attributing the same property concept to these different particulars (instead of having a separate specific representation of the danger generated by snakes). On the other hand, as mentioned above, they are capable of learning new things about snakes and integrating this new information when dealing with them. In a sense, then, they do not seem, either, to be merely detecting the property of a specific kind of danger out there. Rather, they are detecting and tracking a particular entity: an entity that they always represent as dangerous, but which is also something more than a mere kind of danger to them.
3.2. The Undetachability of a Specific Property Concept from Some Concepts of Particulars
What I will examine now is the inverse incapacity from the one presented in
Section 3.1. What happens in this second situation is that a creature C is incapable of putting to use a property concept
F without representing
F as a property of a specific particular such as
a. In this case, each time our creature deploys property concept
F, she must necessarily do it by combining
F with concept
a. Thus, C will not be capable of detaching
F from
a at all and, consequently, she will not be capable of entertaining concepts such as
b is F or
c is F. However, of course, she will still be able to combine her concept
a with other property concepts in all kinds of ways.
Once again, it seems that these are semi-structured contents in which it is possible to identify two basic components–
a and
F—with different semantic functions. Basically, this is so because one (and only one) of these constitutive elements (concept
a) can be freely detached and recombined, while the other (concept
F) remains embedded in the original larger content
a is F. In addition, one may also expect to find here a representational and behavioral rigidity similar to the one described in
Section 3.1. In this case, creature C will not be capable of attributing property
F to any particular different from
a, even when she should do so, given the available evidence. In turn, since each time she deploys concept
F she will do it by entertaining a content such as
a is F, her behavior will always be influenced by such a content, and never by contents such as
b is F,
c is F, etc. Presumably, this should have a restrictive impact on the kind of behaviors that she may manifest.
What about the explanatory credentials of positing this second kind of detachability limitations? It seems to me that, in general, this rigid disposition to combine a given property concept with a specific concept of a particular could be useful when the following conditions are met. Firstly, when there is a reliable correlation between the presence of property F and the presence of particular a as the bearer of F. Secondly, when in order to deal with their environments, it is particularly relevant, for some animals, not only to register the presence of property F, but also to be prepared to deal with the situations in which a specific particular, such as a, is F.
Thus, for example, a certain noise N may indicate many disparate things, in different counterfactual scenarios. Now, it may also be true that, in the environment of creature C, this noise is usually produced by a particular animal e, an enemy of C. In addition, it might be especially relevant for C to get prepared, whenever she detects N, for the possible presence of that specific enemy. In such a situation, having a rigid disposition, when detecting N, to think that e is producing N, might result a valuable tool for C.
This kind of undetachability may help us to explain some empirical evidence on the way in which some animals keep track of specific individuals in their environments. It might be useful, for example, to explain extant evidence of signature vocalizations that allow animals from different species to communicate information about their individual identities to other members of their group. Among these individually distinctive signals, one may include the squeaks of adult timber wolves [
25], the calls of sub-Antarctic fur seal pups [
26], the calls of bank and cliff swallow chicks [
27], etc.
According to researchers, signature vocalizations fulfill a variety of functions. In some animals, they allow the mutual recognition of parents and offspring. To focus on just one example, after giving birth, sea fur seal mothers must go to the sea to feed and to build nutrient reserves for lactation. Once they return to land, they need to reunite with their pups. However, in order to be able to do this, both the mother and the pup must be capable of recognizing each other among their conspecifics. That seems to be the evolutionary reason they both develop their own signature vocalizations [
26,
28].
What I would like to suggest, in addition, is that one way to explain how these signature vocalizations accomplish their function is by claiming that the receptors of such signals have a rigid and automatic tendency to link them to one and only one individual. Consequently, when hearing, for example, the signature vocalization of her mother, the pup cannot avoid entertaining a content such as
mum is calling1.
13 This rigid link between the representation of a specific signature vocalization and a particular individual would explain the effective way in which the former fulfills its singularizing function.
14Of course, a skeptic may legitimately ask, at this point, why should one attribute to these animals a complex content such as mum is calling1, composed by a concept of a particular and a property concept, instead of attributing to them a simpler unstructured representation such as “mum”? In a nutshell, the answer is that we may presume that the pups will also be capable of tracking and recognizing their mothers as the same individuals even when they are not calling them but, instead, behaving in other ways. If this is indeed the case, such a capacity will be manifested in two features of their response to these different situations. On the one hand, they must show (in the familiarity of their behavior towards their mothers, in the way in which they integrate different information acquired in the past about them, etc.), that they recognize or re-identify their mothers in their different encounters with them. On the other hand, they must also show, in the versatility and variances of their responses to these same individuals in these different situations, that they are sensitive to the fact that they have different properties, act in different ways, etc. Now, if pups do have this capacity, it seems that what we need, in order to explain the variances and invariances of their responses to their mothers in all these situations, is to attribute to them different contents in which the same mother is represented as having different properties (like mum is calling, mum is asleep, mum is eating, etc.).
Now, strictly speaking, what this evidence suggests is that, when animals such as seals hear certain sounds, they always associate them with a particular individual, even when they have no perceptual access to that individual at the time. However, once again, this only gives us weak evidence in favor of the existence of a specific conceptual undetachability of certain properties from certain concepts of particulars. One can interpret the empirical evidence as indicating that these animals have a strong tendency to link some representations of properties with specific representations of particulars. However, as happened in
Section 3.1., it can be argued that what we need to have is a different kind of evidence: evidence not only that, for all we know, certain animals always think about some properties as the properties of the same particulars, but also evidence that they are not capable of combining these property concepts with concepts of other individuals, even when they have good reasons–like, for example, being faced with relevant evidence—to form these new combinations. Until we have this further evidence, our conjecture is a very tentative one. Nevertheless, for the reasons given above, it deserves further exploration.
3.3. The Undetachabilty of some Concepts of Particulars from the Determinate Property Concepts Belonging to a Determinable Class
The last kind of undetachability that I am going to present is, clearly, the weaker one. Consequently, it is also the one that imposes less restrictions to the ways in which a creature may combine her concepts. What happens in this more lenient case is that each time a creature C deploys a concept of a particular from a specific group (e.g., a, b and c), she is inexorably compelled to combine it with one or another of the property concepts belonging to a determinate range (F1.... Fn).
It may be of help, in order to clarify what this last kind of undetachability consists in, to introduce a well-known logical distinction between two kinds of property concepts:
determinate and
determinable ones. Roughly, determinable property concepts are higher-level concepts that have other concepts–determinate ones—as their sub-species. To mention a paradigmatic case,
color is a determinable concept, while
blue,
red,
yellow, etc., are the determinate concepts falling under it [
30]. Pure determinate concepts, in turn, are such that no other determinate concept is subsumable under them [
31].
With the determinable/determinate distinction in hand, it is possible to characterize the kind of cases that are being examined as having the following general structure: a creature C has some concepts of particulars (like a, b, c) and, whenever she thinks about any of them, she rigidly tends to combine it with one or another of the different determinate concepts which are subsumed under a certain determinable property concept D. Alternatively, it could be claimed that the determinable concept D fixes the range of determinate concepts that C can combine her concepts of particulars a, b and c with.
Clearly, in this kind of case, C will be capable of representing a particular, such as a, as having one or another of the corresponding determinate concepts that fall under determinable concept D. In this sense, her concept a will be detachable from any specific determinate concept that one may choose. However, it will be not possible for C to detach a from every determinable concept that fall under determinable concept D. Hence, she will not be capable of thinking about a as having any other properties different from the ones that can be subsumed under D (at least without also attributing to a one or another of the determinate concepts falling under D).
Following a similar argumentative line to the one employed in
Section 3.1., it could be argued that it may be of adaptive value, for some species, to count with a rigid disposition to represent some particulars as having one or another of the determinate concepts that fall under a specific determinable one. This may be what happens, for example, in the case of an animal that cannot avoid thinking about particular items of food as
fresh or rotten, about particular preys as
strong or
weak, etc. Such an innate tendency to attribute to certain particulars one or another property concept belonging to a specific determinable range may be of use to ensure that, in normal conditions, they register and focus on the aspects of those particulars that are the most important to enhance their possibilities of reproduction and survival. In other words, such a rigid link between the representation of some particulars and the attribution of one or another property from a limited class to them, will guarantee that these animals provide an answer, in their thoughts, to questions that might be relevant for their survival, like: Is this edible? Is this dangerous? In addition, animals with such tendencies will avoid wasting both time and cognitive resources selecting, among a much wider range of possibilities, which important properties to focus on when dealing with specific particulars, etc.
Let us now turn to the question of whether there are animals who actually suffer from these limitations to detach and recombine their concepts. In a recent paper on baboon’s ways of conceptualizing other individual members of their group, Cheney and Seyfarth [
32] remind us that Old World monkeys live in societies where their possibilities of survival and reproduction depend, to a large extent, on their social abilities. What they suggest is that these kinds of contexts “have favored individuals who can recognize other animals’ social attributes
and treat these properties as inextricable parts of an individual’s identity” (italics are mine) [
32] (p. 57). To illustrate this general idea, they focus on how female baboons recognize two kinds of social properties in other members of their group: their social rank and their kinship. According to them, rank and kinship are “social concepts” or “representational primitives” that these female baboons possess. Knowing the rank and kinship of the individual members of their group is of vital importance for baboons, since it is the best way to predict their behaviors and it is essential to forming the kind of stable and enduring bonds that lead to high reproductive success [
32] (p. 60). Now, what different experiments show is that when a baboon hears another one vocalize, the listener encodes information about the caller’s identity (i.e., about
who is emitting the call), but also about her dominance rank and family membership. Interestingly, they add that this encoding is both immediate and automatic. In fact, according to them:
“…just as we cannot hear a word without thinking about its meaning, a baboon cannot hear a vocalization without thinking about the animal who is calling, what she looks like and her rank and family membership.”
Now, other evidence suggests that this automatic categorization of individuals according to rank and kinship takes place not only when a baboon hears the calls of other baboons, but also when they interact with them in all kinds of ways. In this line, Cheney and Seyfarth make the following general claim:
“Individual recognition, then, is more than just recognition of an individual. It includes the recognition of that individual’s place in society.”
I find Cheney and Seyfarth’s claims about how baboons represent other individual members of their group to be congenial with the idea that these animals have the kinds of semi-structured contents that compel them, whenever they represent other individual members of the group, to think of them as having a determinate position in the social hierarchy and as belonging to a certain family. If this is right, baboons’ thoughts about other baboons will always have to include the attribution of one of several concepts of determinate properties: those related to different positions in the social hierarchy, or to different family memberships.
Baboons’ societies are dynamic, and ranks may change over time (especially in the case of male baboons). Moreover, baboons are, for all we know, experts at tracking those changes. Thus, at least when they are representing the social rank of other individuals, they may need to attribute to them different ranks at different moments in time. Nevertheless, they may well be incapable, as Cheney and Seyfarth claim, of representing these individuals and of identifying them without attributing to them some rank or another. If this were the case, the notion of content sketched here might be just what we need to account for the specific ways in which they track and represent other group members and (some of) their social properties.