1. Introduction
Urbanization has been increasing steadily over the past decades. According to the World Bank, the world’s urban population increased from 33.7% of the total population to 56.6% during the 1960–2020 period. In the United States, the number of people living in cities increased from 70% to 82.7% during the same period. By 2050, 68% of the world’s population is expected to live in urban areas [
1]. Although urban centers cover a relatively small area, urbanization constitutes one of the most significant changes of land surface properties. Urbanization significantly impacts the environment in many ways, including a substantial decrease in evapotranspiration and local atmospheric moisture content due to the reduction of vegetative cover; environmental pollution and degradation of air quality caused by industrial and domestic activities; a heavy contribution to the carbon footprint; modification of soil moisture distribution and groundwater availability caused by the expansion of impervious surfaces and subsequent changes in runoff patterns; changes in surface energy partitioning, heat distribution, and wind flow patterns caused by the lay-out of urban structures; and changes in rainfall patterns over urban areas [
2,
3,
4,
5,
6,
7,
8,
9,
10].
One of the most notable effects of urbanization is the emergence of urban heat islands (UHI). In the urbanization process, natural landscapes such as various types of vegetation are replaced with hard, dry, and impervious materials with more heat-absorbing and heat-emitting capacity (e.g., parking lots, buildings/roofs, roads, sidewalks). As a result, urban areas constitute heat islands, since they are much warmer than surrounding rural areas. Both daytime and nighttime temperatures are higher in urban areas, with differences of up to 4 °C during the day, and 2 °C at night [
8]; in urban areas of the United States, the heat island effect causes daytime temperatures to be approximately 0.5–4 °C warmer than temperatures in surrounding regions, while nighttime temperatures are about 2–5 °F higher [
11]. Other factors contribute to UHIs: human activities generate substantial amounts of heat (anthropogenic heat release) from running engines, air conditioning systems, industrial units, and various other domestic sources [
8,
12,
13,
14,
15,
16]. Recent studies have shown that the drop in human activities during the COVID-19 lockdown has resulted in a significant reduction in UHI intensity [
17,
18,
19,
20,
21,
22]. Urban geometry, street design, size and shape of buildings can modify wind flow, reduce natural ventilation, and influence the way urban heat is released [
23,
24,
25,
26,
27,
28,
29,
30]. Land cover types constitute another important factor: UHI intensity partly depends on the amount of greenery and the ability of urban surfaces to reflect radiation [
31,
32,
33,
34]. Prevailing climate conditions also play an important role in the intensity of UHIs. Depending on the type of climate and geographical settings of urban areas, various levels of UHI intensity have been found [
8,
35,
36,
37,
38,
39,
40,
41]; heatwaves occurring at a regional scale often amplify UHIs [
42,
43,
44,
45,
46,
47,
48].
UHIs can have a significant impact on both the environment and people’s livelihoods. Urban overheating increases energy demand and causes a higher consumption of electricity, which results in increased emission of greenhouse gases from power plants and pollutants such as particulate matter and ground level ozone, which is highly toxic [
49,
50,
51,
52,
53,
54]. UHIs also result in impaired water quality: warm and polluted stormwater runoff from urban impervious materials can cause substantial increase in nearby water bodies’ temperature and harm aquatic life [
55,
56,
57,
58].
Urban heat constitutes a major source of health risk for city dwellers. Exposure to heat is associated with a range of adverse health outcomes including dehydration, heat stroke, heat exhaustion, heat cramps, and the exacerbation of comorbid conditions such as various cardiovascular, cardiopulmonary, and cerebrovascular diseases, diabetes, mental and behavioral disorders, and diseases of the digestive system [
14,
59,
60,
61,
62,
63]. The amplification of UHI during periods of heat wave events exacerbates adverse health impacts: surges in demands for emergency and healthcare services (e.g., ambulance calls, hospitalization), increased morbidity, and heat-related deaths [
46,
64,
65,
66,
67]. This situation is aggravated by the fact that intense urban heat causes increase in concentrations of harmful pollutants, including various types of particulate matter, greenhouse gases (increased demand of electricity generated by fossil fuel power plants), and ground-level ozone (smog), which is strongly related to cardiovascular and respiratory diseases and urban heat-related deaths [
49,
50,
68,
69].
UHI adverse impacts affect urban populations differently, and the associated risk is unevenly distributed. Many studies have shown that demographic and socioeconomic factors, which vary considerably between neighborhoods in urban areas, influence the risk of exposure and the capacity to cope with UHI impacts [
52,
70,
71,
72,
73,
74,
75]. Older people are among those most likely to be affected by UHI adverse effects and to experience disproportionate risks of mortality related to extreme heat [
11,
45,
72,
76,
77,
78,
79,
80]. Higher UHI intensity generally occurs over inner cities, where poorer populations tend to be concentrated, leading to disproportionate adverse impacts [
70,
81,
82,
83,
84]. Such areas are heavily populated and have low vegetation cover; hence, they are much more exposed to urban overheating, in contrast with more recent and affluent neighborhoods located in suburban areas [
33,
72]. Low-income residents are often unable to access public support systems needed to mitigate UHI adverse effects. In general, they live in the poorest urban zones with low thermal quality houses often lacking air conditioning [
82,
84,
85,
86]. Low-income households equipped with air conditioning are found to consume more cooling energy than average due to higher urban heat exposure and poor thermal performance [
52,
87,
88,
89,
90,
91,
92]. Other factors further exacerbate the differential vulnerability to urban heat. Low income is often associated with a low level of human capital (low level of education, limited knowledge and expertise in the face of natural hazards), which limits the ability of such populations to (i) effectively communicate, (ii) have a sound understanding of adaptive measures, and (iii) appropriately respond to warnings [
83,
93,
94,
95]. The lack of strong social support further contributes to the differential vulnerability to urban heat; studies have found that socially isolated people are the most vulnerable [
70,
94,
95,
96,
97,
98,
99].
Although UHI impacts affect urban areas regardless of their size [
100,
101], most of the studies have focused on major individual cities. As a result, there exists a notable re-search gap regarding various aspects of UHI in mid-sized and small-sized cities [
11,
14,
75]. Moreover, the case of each city is unique, given the varying regional geographic settings, microclimates, heterogeneity and diversity of local urban populations, and the relevance of the socioeconomic drivers of vulnerability to urban heat at a local scale [
8,
11,
17,
75,
100]. Therefore, although UHIs generally exhibit fairly uniform physical features across urban areas, their impacts may vary significantly, since each city may experience specific types of interaction between environmental and socioeconomic variables, face specific challenges, and require policies that are shaped based on the local context [
11,
100]. In this study, we examined vulnerability to urban heat for four cities in Alabama: two of the largest cities in the state, namely Birmingham and Montgomery, and two smaller cities which form a conurbation: Auburn and Opelika. Surrounding suburban neighborhoods were included in the analysis. We first extracted the land surface temperature (LST) for each of the cities using Landsat satellite images. Unlike many studies that relied on satellite images capturing surface temperature for a single day to calculate LST, our approach involved utilizing a collection of satellite images spanning several years for each city. We then developed a UHI vulnerability index at block group level by aggregating environmental and socioeconomic variables into three determinants: exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity. The resulting scores were mapped using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) tools. Lastly, we decomposed the resulting index to create for each specific urban area a detailed profile that can serve as the basis for designing policies that consider the local context and effectively address specific challenges.
4. Discussion and Conclusions
The world is experiencing a sustained wave of urban growth associated with increased levels of socioeconomic disparities and environmental hazards, not the least of which is urban heat. Although it is difficult to find consistent baselines due to (i) the differences in methods used to quantify urban heat and assess the vulnerability of urban populations, and (ii) the specific characteristics of each city (environmental, structural, and demographic patterns), a substantial majority of studies concur that poorest urban neighborhoods face higher exposure to heat and have less capacity to cope with it compared to wealthier areas. Vulnerable populations such as the elderly, young children, those with pre-existing medical conditions, and populations of lower socioeconomic conditions are the most affected. For example, Chakraborty et al. [
14] used NASA’s Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) data to (i) calculate UHI intensity as the area-averaged differential in LST between urban neighborhoods and their corresponding rural reference, and (ii) combine it with NDBI, NDVI, and albedo and merge the resulting data with urban neighborhood-scale income and population data. Their analysis showed that in 72% of cases across twenty-five cities, neighborhoods with lower socioeconomic status encounter higher heat exposure, in accordance with the distribution of income within cities. De La Barrera et al. [
135] combined LST obtained from Landsat 15, NDVI, and normalized difference of built-up index (NDBI) with socioeconomic data at a census track level in Santiago (Chile). They found that temperatures in low-income neighborhoods were 2.5 °C to 3.3 °C higher than those in high-income districts. Jenerette et al. [
136] combined satellite-derived surface temperature and vegetation data from an early summer day with US Census and topographic data. Their research demonstrated that in Phoenix, for every USD 10,000 increase in the annual median household income of a neighborhood, there was an associated decrease of 0.28 °C in summer surface temperature. Voelkel et al. [
137] collected urban temperature data for the City of Portland (Oregon) using a vehicle traverse collection method (cars with a mounted temperature sensor and global positioning system), then used ArcGIS Zonal Statistics to compute the average temperature at census block group level. The resulting data were combined with socioeconomic data including income, race, education, English speaking ability, and the presence of affordable housing. They found that groups with limited adaptive capacity, including those in poverty and non-white populations, were at higher risk for heat exposure. Dialesandro et al. [
73] investigated thermal inequities by retrieving LST from Landsat 8 data for twenty southwestern U.S. urban regions and using spatial regression models to analyze the variation of urban heat according to income and race at the census block group level. They found that, on average, the poorest 10% of urban neighborhoods were 2.2 °C to 3.7 °C hotter than the wealthiest 10%. Such results are consistent with our findings. Like Dialesandro et al. [
73], we calculated LST from Landsat 8 images and conducted a vulnerability assessment at block group level. After classifying block groups based on ESRI’s Wealth Index and computing the average LST for each block group using the ArcGIS Zonal Statistics tool, we compared the top 10% wealthiest and poorest block groups and found that (i) for Auburn-Opelika, LST was 3.4 °C higher in the poorest block groups. The differences were 3.6 °C for Birmingham and 2.1 °C for Montgomery.
In addition to the previously mentioned examples, various approaches have been employed to evaluate vulnerability to urban heat. Most of these studies have observed noticeable inequalities in exposure to urban heat. However, heat distribution patterns vary between cities and within each urban area due to several factors, including local climate conditions, urban configuration and size, urban canopy density, the presence of water bodies, and the extent of impervious areas. Additionally, the demographic and socioeconomic makeup of cities can vary considerably. As a result, vulnerability to urban heat depends on a complex interplay of physical, social, and economic factors. To develop effective strategies to mitigate the impacts of urban heat on people’s health and well-being, it is crucial to conduct vulnerability assessments at individual city and granular scales. In this study, we utilized a collection of Landsat 8 satellite images to derive LST and created a UHI vulnerability index for three cities in Alabama at a block group level. This level of analysis is much more refined than the typical scales usually employed in comparable studies.
Distinct disparities in the spatial distribution of urban heat vulnerability are already evident among the three cities. Spatial patterns suggest that the distribution of vulnerability scores is significantly influenced by urban configuration. The city of Birmingham displays a noticeable difference between the densely packed buildings and pavements in its central area and the suburbs which consist of a combination of residences and green cover. The central part of the city forms a compact cluster of highly vulnerable block groups (high exposure to urban heat associated with high sensitivity and low adaptive capacity). Compared to Birmingham, the combination of impermeable surfaces and urban greenery in Montgomery is more notable. The distribution of high vulnerability index scores exhibits heterogeneity, with a prominent cluster of block groups concentrated in the west-central region of the city, alongside smaller dispersed clusters found throughout the western and central areas. As a result, the magnitude of the urban heat vulnerability scores can vary greatly over short distances. In Auburn-Opelika, the distribution of scores for all sub-indices displays a marked spatial variability. High scores of exposure do not always concur with high sensitivity. Thus, interpreting the impacts of urban heat on populations merely by examining the distribution of scores on maps is not a straightforward task.
Considering the variations observed across different cities, a deconstruction of the vulnerability index becomes even more valuable. Analysis of the correlation between the vulnerability index and its constituting indicators shows that there were both consistent and varying indicators associated with the heat vulnerability index across the cities of Birmingham, Montgomery, and Auburn-Opelika. Variables which consistently showed a strong relationship with the vulnerability index across all three cities included impervious, LST, no vehicle, minority, and wealth. On the other hand, some indicators demonstrated weak and non-significant correlations with the vulnerability index across all cities: linguistic, youth, and seniors are prominent examples. In terms of the variation among cities, certain variables displayed varying levels of correlation with the vulnerability index in different cities. For example, the variable vehicles exhibited a strong relationship with the vulnerability index in Auburn-Opelika and Montgomery but showed a weak correlation with the index in Birmingham. Similarly, the variable isolation was significantly correlated with the vulnerability index in Birmingham but did not display a significant relationship with the index in Auburn-Opelika and Montgomery.
Further, the cluster analysis and associated spider charts consist of a more detailed and localized analysis which aimed at identifying block groups with high and low urban heat vulnerability and decomposing the index to analyze the contribution of each indicator. Such an analysis enables a more pointed examination of the contributing factors specific to each city, ultimately leading to tailored policy recommendations for addressing urban heat vulnerability at local scale. Like the correlation analysis, the cluster analysis found consistent patterns across all cities regarding the indicators contributing to high urban heat vulnerability, as well as variations in the importance of certain indicators between cities. Consistent across all cities, highly vulnerable areas were characterized by high sensitivity, which was mainly explained by indicators such as minority, isolation, impervious surfaces, and no social security. These indicators consistently contributed to the high sensitivity in block groups across all cities. Additionally, low adaptive capacity was consistently associated with weak scores in wealth and urban canopy. Interestingly, across all cities, the recreational indicator exhibited the strongest adaptive capacity score in highly vulnerable block groups. This suggests that access to recreational spaces might not be a major contributing factor to urban heat vulnerability in those specific locations. Therefore, policymakers may not need to prioritize increasing the number of recreational areas in those areas, as they might already have sufficient access to such spaces. Minority was the strongest contributor to the sensitivity subindex in Birmingham and Montgomery, but its contribution was modest in Auburn-Opelika. Similarly, old houses had higher scores and contributed more significantly to sensitivity in Birmingham and Montgomery compared to Auburn-Opelika. In contrast, no social security prominently contributed to sensitivity in Auburn-Opelika but scored much lower in Birmingham and Montgomery. In summary, despite the existence of consistent indicators that contribute to high urban heat vulnerability across all cities, variations in the importance of certain indicators between cities suggest that policymakers should consider city-specific factors when developing targeted interventions to address urban heat vulnerability. These findings can guide policymakers in prioritizing resources and implementing tailored strategies to mitigate the specific vulnerabilities observed in each city. For example, the results of our analysis indicate that minority populations and old houses emerge as more significant factors contributing to urban heat vulnerability in larger urban areas such as Montgomery and Birmingham. However, these factors do not appear to have the same level of prominence in smaller cities such as Auburn-Opelika.
Overall, the development of the Urban Heat Index for three different cities based on the aggregation of subindices, along with the subsequent deconstructions, yielded significant knowledge. Information obtained from the cluster analysis and associated spider charts can be further scaled down to a block group level to detect strengths and weaknesses of each unit, identify indicators that are relevant or less important, and develop block group profiles that will guide decision makers. However, it is important to consider the potential limitations associated with such an approach. The choice of underlying indicators and the statistical methods used to normalize the data, assign weights, and aggregate the results involve making certain assumptions, simplifications, and subjective judgements. Some of the statistical limitations are well documented, and there is no perfect solution for building a composite index [
133,
138,
139]. Moreover, it is necessary to consider the dynamics of vulnerability. Various factors may cause vulnerability to change over time, including urban development and other land use changes, environmental changes, demographic shifts, socioeconomic dynamics, and long-lasting or compounding disasters [
140,
141,
142]. In addition, with the increasing implementation of adaptation and resilience-building measures by urban planners, the capacity to handle heat stress is enhanced, leading to a reduction in vulnerability in targeted areas.
This study emphasizes the importance of conducting more comprehensive and location-specific research, which plays a critical role in the development of efficient mitigation strategies. It should be noted that the study’s findings may not be readily applicable to other cities or regions due to the unique characteristics exhibited by each city or neighborhood. These distinctive attributes stem from a variety of factors, including demographics, environmental conditions, infrastructure, urban configuration, and socioeconomic conditions [
143]. Therefore, such studies provide a granular understanding of urban heat vulnerability through the identification of localized hotspots which allows the determination of targeted and priority interventions that address the specific vulnerabilities. They also allow a better identification of local governance structures and facilitate community engagement and participation, since local populations will accept to implement strategies that are based on local knowledge and aim at addressing community needs.
The statistical approach used to construct our vulnerability index incorporates established procedures commonly utilized in the development of widely recognized indices, such as the Product Market Regulation Index [
144], the Internal Market Index [
145], the Business Climate Indicator [
146], the Environmental Sustainability Index [
147,
148], the General Indicator of Science and Technology [
149], and the Socioeconomic Status Index [
150]. Various studies have conducted uncertainty and sensitivity analyses and other validation tests on these indices, as documented in numerous works [
133,
138,
151,
152]. To enhance the quality of this study, future efforts should involve two key aspects. Firstly, an uncertainty analysis and/or sensitivity analysis should be incorporated to further evaluate the robustness of the composite index. Secondly, a comprehensive review of the indicators can be conducted by engaging stakeholders and communities, including the insights of subject matter experts, and considering the removal of less significant indicators while introducing new relevant ones. By regularly updating and refining the outputs of this study, decision makers will be empowered to take data-driven actions based on the underlying factors influencing the composite index and subindices. Integrating this tool within the broader framework of urban management will enable the development of tailored strategies for each block group, facilitate targeted resource allocation, and assist local communities in building resilience to urban heat challenges.