Navigating Mediated Spaces: Screens and Connectivity in Ikebukuro Chinatown’s Chinese Diaspora

Abstract

This research explores the profound impact of digital media on the lives of Chinese immigrants in Ikebukuro Chinatown. It illustrates how the Internet and digital platforms have transformed their economic, social, and identity landscapes. Employing qualitative methods such as surveys and interviews, this study underscores the pivotal role of social media in creating expansive networks. These networks facilitate ethnic entrepreneurship and enhance cultural visibility, contributing to the deterritorialization of traditional community confines. This empowerment enables the Chinese diaspora in Ikebukuro to cultivate a rich, interconnected social tapestry that extends beyond geographic limitations. The findings underscore the central role of digital media mediatization processes in redefining immigrant experiences. Additionally, they promote deeper, more dynamic integration within the host society’s multicultural environment. This transformative shift emphasizes the emergence of a more fluid, networked form of community and identity among immigrants. It challenges conventional enclave models and offers new perspectives on diaspora engagement in the digital age.

1. Introduction

In today’s digital age, immigrants arriving in a new country swiftly establish networks to navigate and adapt to the new environment. Social media platforms accessed through smartphones and computers are integral, enabling immigrants to access valuable information and communicate with friends and family both in their homeland and their host country. Online networking fosters the development of diverse computer networks that link individuals, organizations, and knowledge sources (Wellman 2001; Gruzd and Haythornthwaite 2011).

Despite the widespread use of social media among immigrants, the research on immigrant networks has predominantly focused on their role in supporting ethnic entrepreneurship, often neglecting the nuances of network formation and the unique resources generated by different types of networks (Yoo 2016). To fill these research gaps, this study explores how immigrants in a host country utilized the Internet and digital media to establish multiple social networks and access various resources over the past decade. This study focuses on the experiences of Chinese immigrants in Tokyo’s Ikebukuro Chinatown, Japan.

Current Chinese immigrants in Japan have begun to establish various networks of their own, distinct from traditional overseas Chinese associations. Utilizing communication technologies, they have created a novel social space for migration that facilitates movement from China to Japan. These tools also enhance the resilience and presence of their cultural identity within Japanese society (Tajima 2003). Such communication technology has become widespread among the Chinese communities across Japan. Chinatowns, serving as ethnic enclaves, facilitate Chinese immigrants in mobilizing ethnic resources and external support for various ethnic enterprises, thereby aiding their integration into the host country (Zhou 2010).

The social network within Chinatown is vital in the daily lives of new immigrants, providing access to local societal information, employment opportunities, and support from various sources (Sales et al. 2011). In today’s era of the Internet and digital media, Chinese immigrants actively engage with these networks within Chinatown. Additionally, the Chinese industry in China transcends the geographical boundaries of Chinatown by establishing connections with the Chinese and other ethnic groups outside Chinatown through digital platforms, forming a new type of social network. Studying how Chinese immigrants within Chinatown utilize the Internet and digital media reveals the specific forms and functions of these social networks within the host country. Ikebukuro Chinatown, Tokyo, serves as one such location.

The Ikebukuro District, centered on Ikebukuro Station in Toshima Ward, Tokyo, is a prominent subcenter bustling with activity. Its east and west exits are adorned with large departmental stores, restaurants, entertainment districts, skyscrapers, and prestigious private universities. With approximately 2.64 million passengers passing through Ikebukuro Station daily (Toshima Ward Office 2022), it stands as one of Tokyo’s busiest hubs.

Conversely, Toshima Ward is home to a significant foreign population, comprising 8.5% of its residents, with Chinese nationals constituting 49.7% of this demographic. This concentration is reflected in Tokyo as a whole, where 40.5% of foreign residents are Chinese, compared to the national average of 27.8% (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, Statistics Bureau of Japan 2022).

In Ikebukuro, a notable area known as “Ikebukuro Chinatown” thrives. Comprising approximately 200 Chinese restaurants, beauty parlors, real estate agencies, hospitals, and the Japanese campuses of Chinese universities spread around the north and west exits of Ikebukuro Station (Yamashita 2016), this area has been shaped by Chinese immigrants who migrated to Tokyo after the 1980s. These individuals, often overseas Chinese, arrived in Japan either for education or immigration purposes, spurred by China’s reform and open-door policies since 1978 (Tajima 2003; Yamashita 2010; Hamashita 2013).

Unlike traditional Chinatowns, Ikebukuro Chinatown lacks the iconic Chinese archway and features a dispersed arrangement of stores, schools, and hospitals mingling with Japanese-owned establishments. This spatial integration with local businesses is a defining characteristic of Ikebukuro Chinatown.

Ikebukuro Chinatown has emerged as a prevalent term in online platforms and mainstream media in Japan, although it lacks an official designation. In 2008, a collective of Chinese entrepreneurs initiated a campaign to formalize Ikebukuro Chinatown as a designated commercial district to facilitate collaboration among Chinese business owners. However, owing to myriad complex factors, this effort did not succeed.

This study aims to investigate how Chinese immigrant communities in Ikebukuro Chinatown have been transformed by the Internet and digital media, potentially providing insights into the underlying reasons for the unsuccessful campaign to officially recognize Ikebukuro Chinatown. This study considers Ikebukuro Chinatown as part of a social network established by Chinese immigrants in Japanese society. Through an examination of the relationship between Chinese immigrant communities residing and operating within Ikebukuro Chinatown and digital media, this study aims to understand how the development of media technology has influenced the dynamics of Chinatown.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Theoretical Foundation

This study primarily draws on the mediatization theory, which posits that the media reshapes reality rather than merely being a product of it within the domains of society and culture. Through this lens, Chinese immigrants in Japan are considered a prototypical example of a digital diaspora. Below, both mediatization and the concept of digital diaspora are discussed in detail.

2.1.1. Mediatization and Digital Media

The theory of mediatization originated in German and Scandinavian academia nearly two decades ago and has since been thoroughly explored as a tool for understanding phenomena such as mediatized politics and society (Kaun 2011; Kaun and Fast 2014; Ampuja et al. 2014; Ushanova 2015; Hou and Gao 2018; Buralkin and Chernenkaya 2019). The previous research on mediatization theory, along with case studies focusing on the interplay between media, society, and technology, highlights the mechanisms through which the media reshapes culture, society, politics, and the economy (Andersson 2012; Couldry 2012; Kaun and Fast 2014; Couldry and Hepp 2016; Hjarvard 2018). McLuhan proposed that the structure and character of media shape people’s perceptions, social structures, and cultural values, not just through the information they convey. McLuhan emphasized the importance of analyzing media technology itself rather than just focusing on media content. He stressed that understanding the social and cultural impacts of media requires considering how media change our ways of communication and our perceptions of the world around us (McLuhan 1964). McQuail argued that media are institutions for the production and dissemination of knowledge through which people acquire information, images, and ideas. Consequently, the media have become the primary source for most people to understand their common history and current social positioning.

The media determine where individuals are and who they are but also shape the basis for questions about where individuals are headed in the future (McQuail 2005). Based on these foundational theories in the field of media and communication studies, Hjarvard, a representative scholar of mediatization theory, advocated that the media function as a supplier of information and moral orientation instead of social institutions such as families, schools, and churches (Hjarvard 2008). He highlighted the distinction between mediation and mediatization, emphasizing that the prior research in media and communication studies has narrowly focused on the mediation process, which refers to the use of media in communication activities. Conversely, mediatization theory underscores the media’s long-term effects on culture, societal structures, and institutions (Hjarvard 2016). Generally, mediatization refers to the process by which media become increasingly significant within social domains and cultural practices (Lunt and Livingstone 2016). In the gradually forming stage of mediatization research, we can categorize this field into two more specific traditions, the institutional approach and the social-constructivist approach (Hepp 2013).

Stig Hjarvard asserts that the institutional approach is central to mediatization analysis. Mediatization refers to how different social fields or systems, such as politics and religion, adapt to these institutionalized rules, known as “media logic.” Various social institutions interact with media according to media logic (Couldry and Hepp 2013). Conversely, the social-constructivist approach views the mediatization of society and culture as the transformative potential of media tools. This approach helps us construct social and cultural worlds (Krotz 2009; Hepp et al. 2015; Nowak-Teter 2019), treating mediatization as a fundamental characteristic of social life. It closely links the analysis of media and technology with human actors and their perspectives (Hou and Gao 2018).

On the other hand, some social-constructivist scholars of mediatization argue that that mediatization can be conceptualized as a “meta-process” (Krotz 2007), equated with other significant societal transformations such as modernization, individualization, and globalization (Strömbäck and Esser 2009). In mediatization theory, media play a pivotal role in societal transformation, which is defined through four processes. First, extension, which involves the expansion of human communicative abilities, by the evolution of media and communication technologies, thereby overcoming the limitations of time and space. Second, substitution occurs as the media replace aspects of social interaction and societal institutions. Third, amalgamation signifies the blurred lines between activities involving media and those without. Fourth, accommodation highlights how the increasing presence and significance of media prompt societal changes, necessitating organizations and individuals to assess and align, where possible, with media logic (Schulz 2004).

These four processes explain the influence of electronic media and digital technologies on societal transformation. Mediatization is not a new phenomenon. Its early stages encompassed mechanization (printing press) and electrification (radio and television), while today we are in the digitalization phase (Hepp 2020; Nilsson and Ekman 2024). Meyrowitz suggested the emergence and popularization of electronic media, especially radio and television, have allowed various social information and role behaviors to transcend physical space limitations and enter individuals’ private lives (Meyrowitz 1985). Mediatization theory posits that digital technologies influence modern social institutions and practices (Couldry and Hepp 2013; Driessens et al. 2010; Hjarvard 2008). Digital media integrate and amalgamate the storage capacities of print media and the transmission capabilities of electronic media. Thus, the binary alphabet became a turning point in the history of media and society, akin to the invention of language, the creation of alphabets and writing systems, the invention of the printing press, and the advent of electronic media. The long-term process of mediatization, originating from the invention of language, has now reached a new level of complexity (Finnemann 2011). Kaun and Fast pointed out that since the early 2000s, the rapid advances in and enhanced accessibility of Internet technology and mobile devices have significantly deepened the media’s penetration into our lives, heralded by the rise of diverse Internet platforms. This novel context demands the development of sophisticated theories and methodologies to analyze the issues prevalent in the current era. Daily life can be viewed as a specific domain within which cultural processes are formed and endowed with the meaning of individual subjects. Despite the growth in the field of mediatization studies in recent years, some areas within culture and everyday life have been overlooked (Kaun and Fast 2014). Andersson asserted that when studying mediatization, the starting point must be the phenomena themselves and to uncover the transformative concepts of these phenomena, it is crucial to engage in the firsthand contextual observation of the whole. To grasp the taken-for-granted significance of media in everyday life as well as the subtle levels of mediatization, the best approach is to focus on daily life (Andersson 2017).

Therefore, with the advent of new media and its impact on daily life, it is imperative to revise the perspective of mediatization in contemporary research. Many of the features and concepts discussed in previous studies were not born from new media but were products of traditional media (Schulz 2014). How, then, does mediatization in the new media era create unique and diverse characteristics in everyday life? This study aims to visualize the four aforementioned processes of mediatization that occur in contemporary daily life and are significantly influenced by digital and Internet technologies. By focusing on these processes, it attempts to reveal the characteristics of mediatization in the new media era. This research focuses on media utilization and its effects on Chinese immigrant communities in Japan’s Chinatown.

These four processes of mediatization offer a preliminary and general understanding of the mediatization process. While they are significant, they do not fully capture how media specifically participates in cultural and social transformations, nor how they influence human communication. Media-related dynamics are not isolated mechanisms but interactions contextualized by social and cultural backgrounds (Adolf 2017). Therefore, this paper focuses on how mediatization and its dynamics are interrelated with processes such as commercialization and globalization.

Additionally, scholars have noted that China has entered a mediatized society almost simultaneously with the West. In the context of Chinese society, mediatized communication does not replace direct interpersonal interactions; instead, new technologies like WeChat have restored and extended pre-existing relationships (Hou and Gao 2018).

This indicates that the processes of mediatization also manifest in other parts of the world, demonstrating different dynamics and outcomes depending on social and cultural contexts (Gomes 2016). Therefore, this paper, based on the study of Chinese immigrant communities in Japan’s Chinatowns, will detail in the methodology section how the four processes of mediatization will be applied and measured.

2.1.2. Chinese Immigrants in Japan as Digital Diaspora

Migration across national borders to build a new life in another country has recently been discussed in academia through the concept of the “diaspora” (diaspora). The term “diaspora” is derived from the Greek word “diaspeirein”, meaning seed dispersal. The term traditionally refers to the dispersal of Jews outside Israel but is now applied to a variety of mobile populations, not just Jews (Karim 2006). The identity of diasporic communities is far from fixed or pre-given; rather, it is continuously constructed through the materiality of everyday life and the narratives we share both individually and collectively (Brah 1996). In the everyday lives of diasporic communities, media use is positioned as an essential element in adapting to the language and culture of the host society. Media play an important role in maintaining and reconstructing national and cultural identities when a diaspora with a common nation, culture, and ethnicity lives a stable life and adapts to overseas migration destinations and other places (Lee 2016; Lee et al. 2021). In addition, information communicated through communication channels, such as the media and immigrant communities, is necessary for the decision-making process of immigrants. Media are relatively important in the information-gathering stage, while connections among immigrants are important in the persuasion stage (Faist 2000). Thus, what media play a critical role in the construction of diaspora identity and their information-gathering activities? Indeed, major studies on diasporas and media technologies have confirmed that diasporas are always pioneers in the use of cutting-edge media technologies (Karim 20062003; Dahan and Sheffer 2001). In capturing diaspora and cutting-edge media, the concept of digital diaspora emerged as the Internet and digital media technology progressed. The digital diaspora framework emerged in the 1990s and has been actively discussed since the 2000s when the Internet and digital media technologies began to spread.

Many studies on the digital diaspora have focused on the use of Internet technologies by immigrant communities to communicate with other immigrants in their daily lives, maintain their identities, participate in political mobilization, and see the Internet as a solution to the disconnection of space and time between immigrants and their homeland (Hiller and Franz 2004; Bernal 2006; Brinkerhoff 2009; Elias and Lemish 2009; Alonso and Oiarzabal 2010; Georgiou 2010). On the other hand, some studies have also revealed the role of digital media in giving louder voices to oppressed immigrant communities and protecting their identities (Laguerre 2010; Mainsah 2014; Horz 2019; Qiu 2020).

In this study, digital diaspora is defined as the engagement and activities of immigrant groups across borders through digital platforms, with an emphasis on their everyday social interactions. According to various scholars, digital diasporas have the following characteristics. Gajjala (2010) pointed out that digital diasporas occur at the intersections of local/global, national/international, private/public, online/offline, and embodied/disembodied spaces. Brinkerhoff (2009) emphasized that digital diasporas complement geographically based physical diaspora communities by creating or participating in online communities through information technology. Laguerre (2005) viewed digital diasporas as immigrant groups using IT connectivity for various political, economic, social, religious, and communicational purposes. Georgiou (2010) highlighted that digital diasporas engage in self-expression and community building through virtual public spheres. Alonso and Oiarzabal (2010) noted that digital diasporas use online networks to recreate identities, share opportunities, spread culture, and influence policies in both the homeland and host land. Therefore, this study applies the concept of digital diaspora to analyze how the Chinese community in Ikebukuro Chinatown interacts and constructs identities through digital platforms like WeChat, revealing the role and impact of digital technologies in modern immigrant life.

As a continuation of the former perspective, this study considers the relationship between media technology and immigrant communities by supporting the following two perspectives on digitality and everyday aspects of the digital diaspora.

First, diasporic digitality refers to the fact that “digitality” is not separate from “reality”, but should be viewed as a continuity between the online and offline worlds. It allows new connections to be made between diasporas in the same host society through multiple affiliations and intersections provided by cross-media platforms while maintaining a connection to the homeland. This places different emphases on and raises various issues in understanding complementarity. Likewise, these are treated as rational forms of immigrant presence (Ponzanesi 2020). Moreover, the everyday diaspora is not related to national or ethnic ties, but to the establishment of connection points based on conviviality, mutuality, and support within and outside the diaspora. The concept of everyday life does not make the diaspora a tribal or political debate, but a place to belong, a place to be comfortable, and one that is emphasized as a way of placemaking that traverses the paradigms of inward closure and outward internationalization (Candidatu and Ponzanesi 2022; Ponzanesi and Leurs 2022).

By focusing on diasporic digitality and everyday interactions, this study aims to uncover the role and impact of digital technologies in contemporary immigrant life, emphasizing that these influences are rooted in the social connections of daily existence. While this research centers on the Chinese community in Ikebukuro Chinatown, which is based on shared nationality and ethnicity, it employs the perspective of everyday interactions. Although this perspective emphasizes transcending national and ethnic boundaries, it specifically highlights the everyday elements that affect identity and community building. This approach allows the study to explore how media technologies shape immigrant communities and identities within the digital diaspora framework.

2.2. Ikebukuro Chinatown as a New-Style Ethnic Enclave in Japan

To understand the impact of digital media on the formation and transformation of ethnic enclaves, it is crucial to first review the existing research on Ikebukuro Chinatown. This review highlights the gaps in the current scholarship, particularly the lack of focus on how digital technologies influence the identities and interactions within such communities.

Existing research on Ikebukuro Chinatown can be categorized into the following three areas: (1) historical studies of Ikebukuro Chinatown, (2) studies on the Chinese community in Ikebukuro, and (3) research on ethnic businesses.

In category (1), Yamashita (2010) clarified the characteristics of Ikebukuro Chinatown through aspects such as its history of formation, current state, and the background of the new overseas Chinese. Category (2) includes studies by Okuda and Tajima (1995), Taki (2018), and Lyu and Zhu (2022). Okuda and Tajima (1995) attempted to visualize the formation of Asian foreigners’ daily lives in Ikebukuro through social surveys. Taki (2018) argued that the xenophobia towards Ikebukuro Chinatown is influenced by a “colonial gaze” that cannot place the existence of foreign others under Japanese control. Lyu and Zhu (2022) pointed out that the identity of “Chinese” exists only within the private space community of Chinese entrepreneurs in Ikebukuro Chinatown. They argued that Chinese entrepreneurs in Ikebukuro, with high Japanese language skills, manage their businesses in a non-ethnic form, while their social networks also show non-ethnic features. In category (3), Liu et al. (2011) and others (Fukumoto 2017; Takamatsu 2020) found that new overseas Chinese stores in Ikebukuro are concentrated in specific areas due to the industry and characteristics of ethnic businesses.

None of the aforementioned studies have considered the role that the spread of Internet technology and digital media has played in the process of forming and transforming Ikebukuro Chinatown into a new-style ethnic enclave. This study aimed to fill the gaps in previous research by focusing on the use of digital media by the Chinese community in Ikebukuro, Japan.

3. Research Questions

Through anthropological observations, Coates (2017) concluded that Ikebukuro’s Chinatown exhibited a minimal physical presence, with activities related to Chinatown predominantly occurring online, indicating that Ikebukuro’s Chinatown does not adhere to strict co-ethnic identification patterns. The social media networks of the Chinese community in Tokyo span several major central areas of the city, rather than being linked to a single ethnic enclave. Building on this perspective, this study specifically focuses on the social media networks produced by Ikebukuro’s Chinatown influenced significantly by the Internet and digital media within the complex Chinese digital social network that covers all of Tokyo.

This study aims to explore how the Chinese community in Ikebukuro Chinatown has been transformed through digital media use. By addressing this issue, it seeks to gain insights into the broader dynamics of ethnic communities in a multicultural society, their relationship with media technology, and the role of Chinatowns. To achieve these objectives, this study outlines the following specific aims:

• Investigation of the utilization of digital media by the Chinese communities in Ikebukuro Chinatown and exploration of the underlying reasons for their usage.
• Examination of how Ikebukuro Chinatown serves as a space for social networking within the Chinese community, particularly focusing on the role of digital media.

This aspect will be explored using qualitative methods to provide a nuanced understanding of the Internet and digital media usage within the community.

4. Materials and Methods

This qualitative study utilized data from questionnaire surveys and semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted by the author. The subjects were Chinese restaurants, hospitals, schools, delivery services, and beauty salons situated at the north and west exits of Ikebukuro Station. Data collection occurred over four periods: 13 to 18 July 2023; 31 July to 4 August 2023; 11 to 15 November 2023; and 22 to 27 January 2024. The questionnaire survey targeted 56 Chinese stores and restaurants listed on a roster provided by the Tokyo International Communication Association (an NPO, which organizes various events related to Ikebukuro Chinatown) and 25 Chinese restaurants, which were not on the list. A total of 37 questionnaires were collected, yielding a collection rate of 45.7%. The sampling process focused on individuals working in Chinese restaurants and stores within Ikebukuro Chinatown due to the prominence of these businesses, particularly in the food service and retail sectors. Given their occupational roles, these individuals actively utilize digital media to promote their enterprises, engage with customers, and stay informed about industry trends. This frequent and dynamic use of digital platforms makes them particularly suitable for examining the integration and impact of digital media within the community. Additionally, their positions allow them to expand their social networks extensively, both online and offline, enhancing the relevance of their experiences for this study. The following characteristics of the survey participants were provided.

The questionnaire survey participants were characterized across several dimensions, including age, gender, residency near Ikebukuro, nationality, and highest level of educational attainment. Age groups ranged from under 18 to 55 years and above. Participants could identify themselves as male or female, or prefer not to disclose their gender. Residency was differentiated by proximity to Ikebukuro, and nationalities included Chinese and Japanese. The highest educational levels surveyed ranged from high school or below to associate’s, bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees, as well as vocational school qualifications. The survey results revealed that among all respondents, those under 18 years accounted for 0%, 18–24 years for 11%, 25–34 years for 27%, 35–44 years for 43%, 45–54 years for 16%, and 55 years and above for 3%. The gender distribution was 43% male and 54% female, with 3% opting not to disclose their gender. Residents living near Ikebukuro comprised 51%, while 49% did not. Regarding the highest educational attainment, 38% had completed high school or below, 30% were associate’s degree graduates, 22% had a bachelor’s degree, 7% had completed a master’s program, and no doctoral programs or vocational school graduates were available. Finally, Chinese nationals constituted the vast majority (95%), with Japanese at 5%. Though the primary focus was on the Chinese community, this study included participants who, after immigrating, acquired Japanese nationality. These individuals were born and raised in China before choosing to become Japanese citizens. This inclusion reflects the varied legal statuses within the Chinese diaspora in Ikebukuro, offering a comprehensive understanding of their interactions and identity constructions through digital media. This approach ensured the study captured the entire spectrum of the Chinese immigrant experience, irrespective of current nationality.

The interview subjects consisted of members of an NPO who cooperated in the interview sessions as well as individuals who assisted with additional interviews conducted after the questionnaire survey. Among these interviewees, some individuals shared the same gender as the author, hailed from the same hometown, and originated from the same area as the university where the author had completed her undergraduate degree. In other words, apart from the NPO affiliates, a commonality among the interviewees was that they possessed identities closely aligned with that of the author. The author’s cultural background, shared with Chinese participants, likely enhanced rapport and understanding, fostering more open and detailed responses. However, this similarity could also introduce bias, as participants might shape their answers to match perceived expectations. To counter this, efforts were made to ensure a diverse sample and maintain objectivity during interviews. The table below (

Table 1. Details of the interview survey.

No.	Pseudonym	Gender	Age	Educational Background	Main Occupation	Years in Japan
1	A	Female	38	Associate Degree	Restaurant Owner	20
2	B	Male	40	Vocational School	Restaurant Owner	22
3	C	Male	38	Master	Restaurant Owner	15
4	D	Female	41	Master	Restaurant Owner	16
5	E	Male	54	High School	Restaurant Owner	18
6	F	Female	40	University	Restaurant Owner	17
7	G	Female	38	University	Restaurant Owner	20
8	H	Male	61	University	Multiple Restaurant Shareholder, NPO Member	35
9	I	Male	50	University	IT Company Owner, NPO Member	20
10	J	Female	37	Associate Degree	Restaurant Owner	15

) details the participants’ characteristics of the interview subjects. The duration of the interviews typically varied from one to two hours, except for those with Participants A and D, which lasted approximately 30 min each.

However, it is important to avoid overlooking the limitations of these surveys. The first constraint relates to the survey sample. In the surveys conducted in July and August 2023, the author was unable to obtain introductions from those involved in Ikebukuro’s Chinatown and thus surveyed with over 80 Chinese-related stores, similar to street interviews. The majority of entrepreneurs and employees showed reluctance to participate in the survey. Therefore, the number of questionnaires collected was significantly lower than expected. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, the interviewees were individuals with identities close to those of the author, excluding the Chinese community in Ikebukuro, which possesses different identities. Therefore, the representativeness of the participants in both the questionnaire and interview surveys had apparent limitations.

The second limitation pertains to the content of the interviews. Owing to the inability to secure introductions from those involved in Ikebukuro’s Chinatown, many of the entrepreneurs interviewed did not provide information on their use of the Internet and digital media or about the members of their community. These entrepreneurs tended to treat their experience of media utilization as equivalent to advertising strategies and handle it as confidential information related to businesses, similar to their social relations. Consequently, the content of the interviews tended to show a bias towards the daily lives of respondents, away from business matters.

The following section summarizes the survey results based on the contents of the questionnaires and interviews despite the two challenges mentioned above. Subsequently, this section will outline the operationalization of the four mediatization processes defined earlier. In this study, the operationalization of the four processes of mediatization involves a qualitative analysis of the Chinese community in Ikebukuro. Extension was observed through the expansion of communication via digital platforms like WeChat, facilitating connections beyond geographical confines. Substitution was analyzed by examining how online interactions are replacing traditional social engagements. Amalgamation focused on the blending of online and offline activities, while accommodation assessed how the pervasive media presence prompts changes in individual and organizational behavior to align with media practices. The subsequent sections will delve into these processes, offering a comprehensive understanding of mediatization’s impact on the community. Additionally, through the operationalization of the four processes of mediatization, this study will critically analyze the limitations of the concept of mediatization, such as its broadness leading to ambiguity in practical application and its variability across different cultural and social contexts.

5. Findings

This section explores media usage, perceptions of Ikebukuro Chinatown by the Chinese community in Ikebukuro, and the impact of the Internet and digital media on the structure of the Chinese community in Ikebukuro. This section presents a compilation of the results of the questionnaires and interviews conducted with business owners, waiters, chefs, and others operating in Ikebukuro.

5.1. Utilization of Internet and Digital Media by the Ikebukuro Chinese Community

The questionnaire yielded the following results. The most frequently used social and Internet media platforms were WeChat (92%), Weibo (14%), and YouTube (24%). In addition to the aforementioned social and Internet media, commonly used traditional media included Japanese television (38%), newspapers (3%), and magazines (6%). The main purpose of using social and Internet media was to obtain the latest industry news and event information (46%), post content related to their own business (41%), and share personal experiences and insights (32%). Most believe that the use of social and Internet media has a positive impact on business profitability (78%). The most crucial factors for enhancing business profitability through social media and the Internet include posting high-quality and creative original content (43%), increasing visibility and recognition on social media and the Internet (43%), and effective communication and interaction with the target audience (46%). In the past year, 62% of respondents followed or searched for content related to Ikebukuro Chinatown. The platforms most used for following or searching Chinatown-related content were WeChat (51%), Red (Xiaohongshu) (60%), and YouTube (13%). The primary means by which individuals become acquainted with Ikebukuro Chinatown through social and Internet media is through user-generated content such as photos, videos, and travelogues (54%), rather than through community media outputs from NPOs (0%), which often organize large-scale events in Ikebukuro Chinatown. In the past year, 43% of the people shared or discussed content relating to Ikebukuro Chinatown through social media. Shared or discussed content encompasses topics such as the opening of new restaurants, photos of food posted on social media, promotional activities for their establishments, comparisons between their own and other Chinese restaurants, showcasing products from Chinese grocery stores, events hosted by their own or other Chinese restaurants, strategies for attracting customers, and workplace atmosphere. In other words, the Chinese community in Ikebukuro primarily gathers information through online posts. Social media also serves as a platform for discussions on Ikebukuro. These findings align with the concept of digital diaspora, where digital platforms serve as vital tools for community engagement and business development (Brinkerhoff 2009).

Additionally, the interviews revealed the complete picture of community communication, information gathering, and advertising between Chinese restaurants and customers on social and Internet media. First, a tendency was revealed of using Chinese social media when the target customer base is Chinese and Internet media when it is Japanese. Online advertising is perceived as a necessary means of targeting Chinese customers as the main customer base; however, it is perceived as less effective by Japanese customers. The development of Ikebukuro Chinatown is related to the use of Chinese social media, and several interviewees acknowledged that their restaurants have been positively impacted by using social media. For instance, interviewee A testified that Chinese international students use apps like “Red” domestically, and seek similar content on “Red” when they come to Japan. On the other hand, according to interviewee C, to attract Japanese customers, they have created homepages on Japanese promotional websites and used search engines like Google and Yahoo.

Alongside the online advertising on the Internet and social media, methods of creating customer groups on the Chinese social media platform WeChat and organizing store-based events targeting group members exist. WeChat is a social platform with over 1.3 billion users, primarily among the Chinese and global Chinese communities. According to interviewee E, Chinese food and beverage establishments in Ikebukuro Chinatown have greatly promoted their businesses using WeChat’s group function since its release in 2011, a time when it was not yet widely used and there were fewer groups. Initially used to promote business, WeChat has gradually transformed the structure of the Chinese community in Ikebukuro Chinatown.

The heavy reliance on WeChat and other digital platforms exemplifies the concept of mediatization, where media becomes an integral part of various aspects of social life. The data indicate that media usage has become embedded in the community’s business operations and daily interactions. For instance, interviews revealed that business owners use WeChat to connect with Chinese customers and Japanese Internet media to attract Japanese customers. This dual usage pattern highlights the role of media in shaping business strategies and community interactions.

The extensive use of the Internet and digital media by the Ikebukuro Chinese community has not only enhanced business activities but also profoundly influenced the community’s perceptions and identity formation regarding Ikebukuro Chinatown. Next, this article will explore how these media practices have shaped the community’s views of Ikebukuro Chinatown.

5.2. Viewing Ikebukuro Chinatown from the Perspective of the Ikebukuro Chinese Community

This section provides insights into the perceptions of and media exposure to Ikebukuro Chinatown, incorporating findings from questionnaires and interviews. The questionnaire survey revealed the following results. The designation “Ikebukuro Chinatown” elicited varying responses from the respondents, with 41% considering it highly appropriate, 22% somewhat appropriate, 16% not very appropriate, 3% highly inappropriate, and 18% were unsure. Regarding the visibility of Ikebukuro Chinatown on social and Internet media platforms, 35% of the participants deemed the exposure sufficient, 27% found it lacking, and 38% were undecided. The respondents who perceived media exposure as inadequate observed a scarcity of collaborative events among Chinese eateries in Ikebukuro. They recommended proactive marketing efforts to broaden promotional activities and publicity. Regarding the changes observed in Ikebukuro Chinatown before and after the COVID-19 pandemic, 63% of the respondents noticed an increase in Chinese stores and an expansion of Chinatown, 32% saw no change, and 5% observed a decrease in Chinese stores, leading to a reduction in Chinatown’s scale. Regarding future expectations, 70% of the participants anticipated further expansion of Ikebukuro Chinatown, which was mainly attributed to the expected rise in foot traffic post-pandemic, while 30% disagreed, citing market saturation in terms of demand and supply.

Based on the interview results, Chinese restaurant owners in Ikebukuro hold complex attitudes toward the notion of Ikebukuro Chinatown. On the one hand, as an emerging multicultural area, Ikebukuro is perceived by some as having the potential to evolve into a new type of Chinatown, a sentiment evident in the interviews. As interviewee B mentioned, Ikebukuro has been compared to Flushing in New York on the Internet, indicating that in the eyes of some, it has already begun to form a community characterized by Chinese cultural elements. Additionally, the high level of recognition of Ikebukuro among the Chinese people suggests that the area holds significant ownership and influence within the Chinese community.

However, the concept of an Ikebukuro Chinatown has not been widely recognized or accepted, as reflected in the words of interviewee A, who noted that the term “Ikebukuro Chinatown” is not commonly used. Despite the interest in promoting this concept, certain obstacles and challenges are encountered. As indicated by interviewees E and F, Japanese business groups and landowners in the Ikebukuro area are reserved for developing Ikebukuro into Chinatown, possibly because of concerns over its impact on their interests or a conservative stance towards change.

Overall, the concept of Ikebukuro Chinatown remains a subject of skepticism among a significant portion of the Chinese community, constrained by prevailing social dynamics. Nevertheless, prevailing optimism exists that with the conclusion of the pandemic, Ikebukuro Chinatown will witness an expansion and attract a larger aggregation of Chinese individuals.

The varied responses to the designation “Ikebukuro Chinatown” and perceptions of its media visibility underscore the role of mediatization in shaping community identity. The data indicate that media exposure, or the lack thereof, directly influences how the community perceives and engages with the concept of Ikebukuro Chinatown. As mediatization theory suggests, media has become embedded in the social life and business operations of Ikebukuro’s Chinese community.

Additionally, the complex attitudes towards Ikebukuro Chinatown, coupled with its high recognition within the Chinese community, illustrate the dynamics of digital diaspora. Comparisons to Flushing, New York, and the visibility of Ikebukuro on digital platforms demonstrate how digital media fosters a sense of belonging and community identity that transcends geographical boundaries. Despite physical and social constraints, the digital diaspora allows for the formation of a transnational community that maintains cultural connections and influences perceptions of local spaces such as Ikebukuro Chinatown. The optimism within the Ikebukuro Chinese community about the expansion of Chinatown post-pandemic is driven by the digital networks that support and sustain it.

The perceptions formed within the Ikebukuro Chinese community through digital media highlight the significant role of media in community formation and cohesion. Based on this understanding, the next section will explore how digital media practices have transformed the structure and interactions of the Chinese community in Ikebukuro.

5.3. Transformation of the Ikebukuro Chinese Community through the Utilization of Internet and Digital Media

This section examines the evolution of digital media usage by the Chinese community in Ikebukuro and highlights the significant offline communities that have emerged due to these digital practices. By organizing the discussion into distinct periods and focusing on key community developments, this section provides a coherent narrative that aligns with the overarching themes of mediatization and digital diaspora.

5.3.1. Early Digital Communication: From Telephone Cards to QQ

The Chinese community in Ikebukuro has closely followed the evolution of Chinese social media while striving to adapt to Japanese society. Before the rapid spread of the Internet in Japan and China, the Chinese in Ikebukuro relied on purchasing telephone cards for international calls. Public phones were commonly used until 2002 when making international calls via mobile phones became feasible. Interviewees B, E, and I reminisced about the time when phone cards were widely available, allowing for several hours of international calls for just JPY 5000.

In 2005, Tencent QQ, a Chinese social media platform, reached 50 million users and began to spread across Chinese communities worldwide, including in Ikebukuro. During this period, mobile phones were primarily used for calls and text messaging, while news consumption and QQ usage were mainly on computers. Participant E mentioned that families in China faced inconveniences with computer usage, and it was common for both the Chinese in Ikebukuro and their families in China to make QQ video calls at Internet cafés. Personal computers (PCs) and dedicated Internet connections were luxuries, making Internet cafés the primary access points for many.

Before PCs became widespread, Internet cafés were crowded into the Chinese community. After a few years in Japan, interviewee F purchased a desktop computer to stay connected with family in China and browse news online. Interviewee G noted that before the popularity of Chinese social media such as QQ and WeChat in Ikebukuro, the Chinese community constantly interacted with classmates and fellow countrymen. Interviewees B and I attributed this to first-generation immigrants, who found it relatively easy to make friends in the Chinese community. Many Chinese residents in Ikebukuro initially supported themselves through part-time jobs, using computers on weekends to access popular Chinese online forums like “Tianya Community” for information about China.

According to interviewees E and J, news about Japanese society was obtained through free Chinese newspapers and magazines distributed in Ikebukuro. Thus, before the widespread adoption of the Internet, smartphones, and digital media, the primary purpose of using the Internet and computers for the Chinese community working in Ikebukuro was to communicate with families in China and gather information. The Chinese community in Ikebukuro maintained and strengthened the relationships built in China with families, classmates, and fellow countrymen through phone or computer connections to the QQ. For them, offline relationships were primarily with Chinese employees and business owners who met through work in Ikebukuro, gradually balancing and integrating these with the digital world’s networks alongside the physical world’s networks.

5.3.2. The Rise of WeChat and Modern Digital Practices

In the 2010s, the rapid proliferation of smartphones and WeChat, in particular, transformed the environment significantly. These technologies integrate online and offline environments. From this period, the Chinese community in Ikebukuro began to build networks that extended beyond the geographical confines of Ikebukuro, leveraging the various features offered by these platforms across both the online and offline realms.

For instance, the Hometown Association of H Province in China, which originated from many war-displaced Japanese orphans brought up in China, began organizing through the widespread use of WeChat. Until the 2010s, Beijing and Shanghai were the major original Chinese hometown communities represented in Japan. An individual from the H province referred to here as E, initially struggled to find acquaintances from his hometown because of his lack of Japanese language skills. In 2010, E opened his Chinese restaurant in Ikebukuro and established the Hometown Association of H Province in Japan, using his restaurant as a base of operations. He first created a hometown group on QQ and later migrated it to WeChat, using the platform to disseminate information about the association and organize events. Members of this WeChat group also familiarized with each other by exchanging various types of information within the group. E posits:

“I met many friends through the platform of WeChat. It was difficult to gather everyone before we had such a platform. I own a platform for Chinese people to meet each other. I run a restaurant, and Ikebukuro is a gathering place for Chinese people, as well as a central location. Most of the people who come to eat are Chinese, often not knowing each other, and through my restaurant, I’ve met many friends.”

E’s statement underscores his recognition of both WeChat and his Chinese restaurant as platforms for the Chinese network. These platforms enable connections among individuals from H province across Japan, with Ikebukuro serving as a central hub. Thus, the Hometown Association of H Province in Japan has become a digital community that functions as a physical network for Chinese individuals.

5.3.3. Emergence of Offline Communities through Digital Media

WeChat has transcended the boundaries of Ikebukuro Chinatown and reshaped the structure of the Chinese community across Japan. For instance, G, a restaurant owner in Ikebukuro, discovered the “People Nearby” feature on WeChat after giving birth, finding it a “fresh” experience that led to many new friendships with fellow mothers. Through this feature, G connected with individuals such as F and J, who were also mothers seeking companionship. After updating her WeChat profile picture to that of her child, G actively sought out users with similar profile pictures, sending them friend requests. Many of these newfound mother–friends lived within proximity, enabling them to meet in person.

Subsequently, G created a WeChat group specifically for mother friends in Ikebukuro, which had over 100 members at its peak. Moreover, these members added other mother friends living outside Ikebukuro to the same group. This mother–friends group grew, with members actively exchanging information on shopping and parenting. Furthermore, following the pandemic, the spread of online meeting software such as Zoom and Tencent Meeting facilitated the frequent planning of mother-friend activities within the WeChat group. Some members, including G, also organized offline meetings by renting meeting rooms. Currently, G and her mother–friends in Ikebukuro are venturing into business together, showcasing how WeChat has not only fostered social connections but also facilitated entrepreneurial opportunities within the community.

With the spread of digital media, the Chinese community in Ikebukuro Chinatown has formed even more finely segmented and dense networks. These networks are no longer solely defined by business relations or industry classifications; rather, Ikebukuro’s Chinese residents now connect through platforms such as WeChat based on shared gender, residential area, and identity.

6. Discussion

The widespread adoption of the Internet and digital media has deeply transformed immigrants’ social interactions and economic activities. Through online networks facilitated by digital technologies, interpersonal communication has transcended geographic and hierarchical constraints. The emergence of new information technologies drove productivity growth reorganized production processes, altered production relations, and facilitated the globalization of economic activities. Computer networks connected via digital communication have become the backbone of global economic activities and social life. The foundation for the expansion of the global economy through the use of new information and communication technologies is not rooted in markets, corporations, or technologies alone; none of these elements can independently develop a global economy. The key to pioneering a new global economy lies in the role of governments as the primary actors (Castells 2009).

However, in the era of the Internet, individuals operate within independent personal community networks, swiftly transitioning between multiple subnetworks. The Internet and other new communication technologies aid individuals to personalize their communities. This leads to complex and fundamental transformations like communities (Wellman et al. 2003).

With the widespread use of the Internet in China, the Chinese government initiated a national project to promote digital commerce in 2005. This has led to the widespread adoption of various digital commerce approaches, which utilize platforms such as WeChat, Taobao, JD.com, Douyin, and Red (Xiaohongshu). These platforms highlight the innovative strategies employed in China’s e-commerce and digital communication ecosystems. The phenomenon of digital commerce and communication observed in China has also influenced immigrants in Japan, who have brought these innovative approaches to the Japanese market.

Hepp (2012) proposed that media exert a “molding force,” which reshapes various aspects of social life and communication networks, particularly within immigrant communities. The phenomenon of mediatization, as described by Hepp (2012), is driven by the utilization of media in diasporic communities, influencing commercial evolution, community structure, and individualism. The case of Ikebukuro Chinatown exemplifies these aspects of mediatization in modern society.

Moreover, Ikebukuro’s Chinese restaurants strategically use social media for marketing purposes while gathering insights to refine their offerings and attract customers. For instance, interviewee A highlighted that Chinese customers’ choices were significantly influenced by narratives presented on social media platforms. To captivate younger customers, A’s establishment invested in distinctive interior designs, while encouraging customers to share their experiences online, thus serving as an organic promotion. Concurrently, E and G incorporated trendy Chinese dishes identified through social media trends, while targeting Chinese customers interested in mainland culinary trends. These examples suggest that these restaurants go beyond using social media as a mere marketing tool. They engage in a form of “mediatization” as described by Hepp (2012), where media influence and become embedded in all spheres of social life. This is particularly evident in how traditional culinary practices are reinterpreted and marketed to align with digitally mediated tastes and expectations of the Chinese diaspora in Japan. Moreover, the focus on engaging the Chinese diaspora through cultural and culinary trends resonates with Zhou and Cai’s (2002) analysis of diaspora media’s use for cultural continuity. This underscores the complex interplay between digital media and cultural adaptations within diasporic communities.

The survey findings suggest that the proliferation of digital technology has enabled the Chinese community in Ikebukuro’s Chinatown to leverage its concentrated community presence and establish expansive connections within a broader Chinese network, thereby transcending geographical limitations. This observation aligns with Castells’ (2009) notion of a network society, wherein the structural dimension of society is shaped by the dynamics of networked communication. Moreover, the segmentation of the Ikebukuro Chinese community into dense networks based on personal attributes reflects the mediatization process described by Couldry and Hepp (2016). In this context, mediatization extends beyond mere online interactions; it entails a reconfiguration of social structures and communities, indicating a new form of cultural assimilation and identity formation characterized by increased personalization and fragmentation.

The complex attitudes of the Ikebukuro Chinese community toward their Chinatown can be understood through the prisms of mediatization and network society theory. The ambivalence toward the Chinatown designation among a significant fraction of the Ikebukuro Chinese community reflects a broader trend in the mediatization of community structures. Mediatization theory, as advanced by Couldry (2012), posits that media practices become deeply embedded in everyday life, mediating social interactions and identity perceptions.

Specifically, through the case of Ikebukuro, the four processes of mediatization have been adequately visualized. First, extension is evident through the use of digital platforms, particularly WeChat, which has significantly expanded the communication capabilities of community members. The qualitative data analysis reveals that WeChat enables community members to maintain connections with family and friends in different regions and facilitates business communication and collaboration. This not only enhances information flow but also transforms the interaction patterns among community members. Substitution is observed in how digital platforms are gradually replacing traditional social interaction methods. In the interviews, many community members expressed a preference for using WeChat for daily communication and business promotion rather than traditional face-to-face interactions. This substitution phenomenon is particularly pronounced among the younger generation, who are more familiar with and reliant on digital technologies. Amalgamation is demonstrated by the blending of online and offline activities. The case studies in this research show that businesses combine digital platform promotions with in-store activities, such as attracting customers through online advertisements to visit physical stores. Accommodation highlights how the community adapts to the demands and logic of media platforms. Interview data reveal that many businesses and community organizations must continuously learn and adjust their strategies to remain competitive on digital platforms. As discussed, the widespread use of digital media, such as WeChat, has indeed expanded and transformed the networks within the Ikebukuro Chinese community. However, its long-term effects on the power structures and social relations within the community remain unclear. Moreover, the use of WeChat in China (Hou and Gao 2018) may differ from its use in the Chinese community in Japan studied here, necessitating refinement and adjustment in theoretical application. However, the variability in mediatization theory across cultural contexts is often overlooked, and this broadness and ambiguity make the specific operationalization of the mediatization processes challenging.

In the case of Ikebukuro, digital technologies have expanded the community’s social milieu beyond the traditional geographic enclave. This expansion has led to a redefinition of community identity, where the Ikebukuro Chinese increasingly define themselves through their participation in digital networks rather than being solely bound to the physical locale of Chinatown. The preference toward digital social networks aligns with Rainie and Wellman’s (2012) concept of “networked individualism”. This concept captures the shift from tightly knit, geographically confined groups to loosely bounded, individualized networks, where personal communities are sustained through the opportunities provided by digital media. Through these theoretical perspectives, it becomes apparent that the Ikebukuro Chinese community is undergoing a transition toward a mediatized identity. In this new paradigm, Chinatown ceases to be merely a physical space; instead, it becomes a node within a broader, digitally connected diasporic network.

7. Conclusions

This study elucidates the transformative impact of the Internet and media technology on the commercial endeavors and community dynamics of immigrants. It highlights that advancements in media technology enhance global economic interconnectedness and growth, while significantly influencing community structures and the identity formation of immigrants. The findings reveal that Ikebukuro Chinatown transcends traditional geographical demarcations and emerges as a space crafted through mediation. It epitomizes the nuanced evolution of the diaspora in the digital age, challenging and redefining conventional perceptions of locality. The Ikebukuro Chinese diaspora is depicted as actively forging mediatized networks for both commercial and social engagement and participating in a dynamic process of networked identity construction. This phenomenon has led to the creation of intricate links spanning across Japan. It is also propelled by the capabilities of digital networks, thereby offering a distinctive lens to examine diaspora and ethnic enclaves in the context of digital transformation.

Additionally, this research sheds light on the complexities underlying the dynamics within the Ikebukuro Chinese community. Yamashita (2021) suggested that communication discrepancies between the Chinese and Japanese communities in Ikebukuro might have contributed to the challenges faced in formalizing Ikebukuro Chinatown. Building on Yamashita’s premise, Lyu and Zhu (2022, 2023) further explored the divergence in business practices within the Chinese community, signifying a departure from traditional ethnic methodologies. Expanding on these perspectives, this study proposes that the processes of mediatization and the rise of individualism within the community may have impeded the formation of a unified perception of identity and recognition of Ikebukuro Chinatown.

Nevertheless, the generalizability of this study’s findings to all immigrant communities in Japan may be limited owing to the inherent constraints, notably the sample size and geographical scope. Therefore, future research should aim to include a more expansive sample size and investigate similar phenomena across varied cultural contexts. Additionally, it should examine the implications of media technological evolution on the socioeconomic assimilation of diverse immigrant cohorts within host societies.