Cognitive Map of Perceptions of Social Networks as a Means of Justice in Sexual Offenses

Abstract

The decision to share deeply personal experiences of sexual violence publicly is complex and multifaceted. This study provides valuable insights into this phenomenon. Interviews conducted with fifteen victims of sexual assault in Israel provide insights into the decision-making pathways of victims. The existing literature on sexual victims of sexual assault in Israel offers insights into their decision-making pathways but often lacks integration between theoretical concepts and practical outcomes. This article contributes to this field by proposing a detailed cognitive map that illuminates the specific decisions made by victims in choosing where to disclose their assault. The cognitive map presented in this study provides a comprehensive view of victims’ decision-making pathways. This study is part of a larger research project that involves interviewing communication consultants and analyzing posts from the social network platform Instagram to better understand the perceptions and behaviors of sexual assault victims. The interviews brought up four main themes: the existence of communicative justice and its importance as an arena for achieving justice; social media is critical for achieving justice, sometimes even more than the institutional arena; procedural justice is more important than outcome justice; voice is a leading principle in procedural justice principles.

1. Introduction

Feminists leverage hashtags to bring attention to the issue of sexual assault. Using hashtags has effectively established a secure platform for sharing experiences, offering mutual support, and circumventing censorship. Users have devised innovative strategies to bypass blocks and censorship through hashtags, including encrypted or modified hashtags. This approach has facilitated the dissemination of information and raised awareness about the issue of sexual assault, even in societies where censorship is widespread (Kermani and Hooman 2024). The increasing recognition of the epidemic of sexual violence, particularly against women, parallels the advancement of women’s status in society. The social movement “#MeToo”, which was started in 2006 as a protest against sexual abuse, especially against Black women, gained significant momentum in October 2017 when actress Alyssa Milano encouraged victims of sexual violence to share their stories online. Once the hashtag #MeToo became famous in 2017, the campaign attracted considerable attention and also became well-known (Mendes et al. 2018).

Alyssa Milano’s social media post revived the #MeToo campaign, making it a worldwide phenomenon that attracted considerable attention and resulted in legislative and political activities. (Castle et al. 2020; Evans 2018). The #MeToo movement has had a significant impact, turning it into a global movement that attracted significant attention and led to legislative and political actions. The #MeToo movement has significantly impacted more than 85 countries. Its long-term effects have varied from country to country, but its influence has been profound worldwide. The movement led to substantial legal and policy reforms in the United States and Sweden. In places like China, it sparked more open conversations despite cultural resistance. #MeToo not only reshaped public discourse about sexual violence but also created lasting cultural shifts. (Stubbs-Richardson et al. 2023). The #MeToo movement brought about a change in public opinion by emphasizing the accountability of perpetrators and reinforcing the recognition of sexual assault as a widespread problem that requires coordinated efforts for prevention and mitigation (Airey 2018).

In the aftermath of the #MeToo movement and other activities that emphasize the frequency of sexual harassment and violations, more victims are choosing to use institutionalized and online mass media as a coping mechanism (Lowenstein-Barkai 2020), alongside alternative coping methods such as seeking justice through the law enforcement system or refraining from reporting altogether. This study introduces a cognitive map to understand how victims navigate these movements and decide to disclose their experiences.

2. The Phenomenon of Sexual Violence

The World Health Organization (WHO 2002) defines sexual violence as any attempted or actual sexual activity, verbal or physical, that is carried out with force or violence without the victim’s express agreement or against their will. It also includes circumstances in which agreement is obtained by coercion, threats, or the use of force, for example, where minors, people with disabilities, or other vulnerable populations are involved.

Moreover, denying individuals the right to use birth control, preventing access to sexually transmitted disease prevention, and forcing abortions are also considered forms of sexual violence (Borumandnia et al. 2020).

Harassment refers to a lack of mutual consent between the parties (Idås et al. 2020). Under the broad category of sexual violence, sexual harassment is characterized by verbal acts like threats, sexual innuendos, and sexually suggestive jokes. It can be defined as unwanted sexual attention that is interpreted as offensive, goes beyond the recipient’s capacity for coping, or poses a risk to their safety (Fitzgerald et al. 1997).

A broad spectrum of harassment charges is covered by Israeli law, including instances of degrading treatment based on someone’s gender or sexual orientation and extortion via threats of sexual acts. The legal framework also addresses sexual harassment cases in the digital space, as outlined in the Sexual Harassment Prevention Law of 1998.

According to data from the Centers for Assistance to Victims of Sexual Assault (Association of Rape Crisis Centers in Israel [ARCCI], 2018), out of around 51,000 applications to aid centers for victims of sexual violence, approximately 89% involved women. This number increases to around 93% among women aged 18 and above.

According to estimates by the (Ministry of Public Security 2014), one in three women will experience sexual assault in their lifetime, affecting approximately 84,000 women each year. This results in an average of 230 sexual assaults occurring daily in Israel. The National Violence Index, published by the (Ministry of Public Security 2014), indicates that the rate of sexual violence offenses in Israel is 10% higher than the average rate in OECD member countries.

In a study conducted by Dr. Abigail Mor in 2009 (Mor 2009), it was found that 33% of Israeli women and girls aged 16 to 28 had experienced physical sexual assault in their lifetime. Approximately 21%, of girls or women in Israel have been raped.

As per the 2014 National Violence Index published by the Ministry of Public Security, the incidence of sexual violence offenses in Israel is 10% greater than the average of OECD member countries.

The World Health Organization’s report shows that one in three women is expected to experience sexual violence in her lifetime (WHO 2021). Consistent data from various sources suggests that approximately 35.6% of women worldwide have encountered sexual violence (Borumandnia et al. 2020). According to studies by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2011) and the World Health Organization (2002), between 20% and 25% of women will experience rape or attempted rape during their lifetime. These figures indicate that the prevalence of rape in Israel is comparable to the global average.

3. Victims’ Coping Mechanism Through Formal and Informal Channels of Justice

In their journey toward recovery and resilience, victims of crime seek a sense of justice as part of their coping process. Feminist criminologists have outlined four key elements of justice needs for victims: 1. Participation: The formal justice system should accommodate the specific needs of the victim’s case. 2. Voice: Victims should have the opportunity to express their experiences in their own words. 3. Verification: The victim’s narrative should be validated and acknowledged by others. 4. Justice/Recognition: There should be an acknowledgment that the perpetrator’s actions were wrong, and they should be held accountable, either through condemnation or the admission of guilt (Clark 2015).

However, formal avenues of justice often struggle to fulfill victims’ genuine sense of justice, frequently providing limited support. For example, issues frequently arise within police procedures, including the suppression of victims’ voices. Constrained resources faced by many police investigators have led to biased perceptual classifications, where a ‘good’ victim is one perceived as capable of enduring the legal process. Investigators prioritize victims deemed likely to perform well in court, allocating their resources accordingly (Morabito et al. 2019). Such victim categorization renders the criminal justice system inaccessible to specific individuals, leaving their ‘justice needs’ unmet within this framework (Fileborn 2017). Long (2021) suggests that according to The Ideal Victim Theory, victims must meet specific criteria to be taken seriously and receive police services. This can lead to skepticism, unconscious biases, and a lack of serious consideration.

Police investigators may view someone as a ‘real’ victim only if they fit a specific mold: they are perceived as weak or vulnerable, they are engaged in a respectable activity when the crime occurs, they are in a place where they have every right to be, and a big, evil stranger attacks them (Christie 1986).

The classification of the ideal victim is also influenced by racism, making Black women the antithesis of the ideal rape victim due to centuries of racist and sexist ideology aimed at protecting white supremacy (Wooten 2017).

The classification of an “Ideal Victim” unintentionally leaves out entire populations of victims. This is especially concerning when we look at Further data from ARCCI (2018), which indicates that only about 8% of sexual assaults are committed by strangers.

Law enforcement’s exclusion of victims is also evident in their acceptance of the myth that women often lie about being raped. Despite evidence showing that the percentage of false reports for rape is similar to that of other crimes (around 5%), this myth affects how rape cases are perceived, leading to doubt about the occurrence of the crime and the support women receive during the legal process. Feminist legal scholar Catherine McKinnon has observed that in the context of campus sexual assault cases over the years, it typically required the testimony of three or four women who had reported being violated by a specific man before they would even begin to be believed (Stabile et al. 2019).

Another significant challenge within the legal system arises from the disparity between the victims’ needs and desires and the demands imposed by the formal legal process (Herman 2005). Victims must tell their experiences according to the limitations of the criminal justice system (Clark 2015). The court’s investigative procedures often subject victims to additional distress due to inflexible rules and bureaucratic protocols, causing some to abandon the pursuit of justice (Powell 2015).

A significant factor that adds to this challenge is how criminal law addresses cases of sexual abuse (Madden and Alt 2021). Often, judges prioritize the harm caused rather than considering the impact on the victims, which can lead to the victims experiencing renewed trauma throughout the legal process. The victim continues to relive the experience of the rape, even after a guilty verdict has been reached. This makes it difficult for victims to seek justice through formal legal channels. A study investigating justice for victims of sexual violence found a disconnect between the public opinion that justice is only attainable through the criminal process and the victims’ views of justice, which may not always match the criminal justice system’s definition of justice (Brooks-Hay 2020).

When faced with obtaining justice through official channels, many victims seek help through informal methods (Fanslow and Robinson 2010). A study of sexual violence victims found that over 75% of them sought support by confiding in others about their experiences, turning to informal sources of assistance. This highlights the importance of non-formal support channels in providing valuable and lasting help (Goodman et al. 2005). An additional way for victims to find a supportive environment is through informal consultation processes (O’Neill 2018). Although informal support may not always meet victims’ needs (Fanslow and Robinson 2010), it has benefits such as reducing levels of depression and anxiety, boosting self-esteem, and creating a greater sense of safety and well-being (Aubert and Flecha 2021).

Interviews with victims and survivors of sexual harassment have shown that support services, whether within or outside aid centers, are crucial in their recovery process. Experts provide essential services such as consultation, advocacy, education, guidance, and support, and they play a central role in the victim’s journey. These professionals offer emotional and practical support at various stages, regardless of whether the victim chooses to pursue criminal justice options (Hester and Lilley 2018).

Many victims turn to social media for healing (Dworkin et al. 2016; Fisher et al. 2003). Victims of sexual violence use platforms like Twitter to seek personalized social support or to influence policy. Online communication allows them to receive support and share their experiences while controlling their presentation (Fileborn 2014). Victims often share their stories online due to a lack of trust in formal support providers or search for help from sources with limited access (Bogen et al. 2021). Online exposure elicits various responses, both supportive and opposing, impacting victims’ help-seeking and behaviors (Dworkin et al. 2016).

Given these dynamics, it is essential to examine the support provided to victims by informal networks to ensure they can offer appropriate assistance (Aubert and Flecha 2021). This, in turn, contributes to the healing process.

In this context, the quest for justice by victims of sexual violence can be seen as an ongoing and evolving process without a single “ideal” form of justice. Justice needs are unique to each individual and can vary, but they are generally fulfilled when victims have a platform to voice their experiences and find someone who will listen to and believe them. Online spaces can be crucial in victims’ coping and recovery (Fileborn 2017).

Exploring and advancing non-traditional justice methods has become increasingly important, as the formal justice system may not always be able or willing to meet specific justice needs (Clark 2015). Achieving justice through online platforms is emerging as an innovative informal justice approach (Daly 2015).

4. The Manifestation of Sexual Violence in Social Networks

The #MeToo movement was a pioneering effort that allowed individuals to openly and anonymously share their experiences of sexual violence on social media. The posts under this hashtag, which went viral in 2006, created a platform for impacted individuals, mainly women, to be heard and supported (Alaggia and Wang 2020).

Tweets with the #MeToo hashtag on Twitter received positive emotional support responses, which encouraged more victims of sexual violence to share their stories for the first time and receive support in the digital sphere (Schneider and Carpenter 2020). Consequently, #MeToo evolved into a significant movement advocating for women’s equality, liberation, and freedom from sexual violence, with a clear goal of creating political action to effect meaningful change.

Hashtags on social networks like #MeToo, #YesAllWomen, and #NotOkay have effectively reframed the crisis of violence against women, increasing awareness of the widespread nature of the phenomenon and bolstering the trend of online reports within the network (Gallagher et al. 2019). They have also increased the potential for understanding the complexity of gender inequality prevalent in Western society, which significantly resonates within social networks.

For example, Kelly Oxford’s #NotOkay hashtag on Twitter provided a platform for women to share posts addressing inequality and incidents of sexual violence they had encountered (Jenkins and Mazer 2018). Another example can be found in hashtags like #BeenRapedNeverReported and #GrowingUpGirl, which drew attention to sexism and sexual harassment on the streets. The posts documented daily experiences of harassment, highlighting resistance against rape culture by exposing silenced experiences and making them visible. Through the sharing of stories related to rape culture, many women connected to a broad online feminist community, fostering solidarity, and engaging in feminist activism (Bogen et al. 2021; Keller et al. 2018).

Jenkins and Mazer (2018) stated that rape and sexual assault are the crimes with the lowest reporting rates among women. They believe that women’s fear of the potential consequences of reporting the attacker is the main reason for the low reporting rates, often leading to silence. Social media platforms have played a significant role in changing these rates, serving as a powerful tool for empowering women to speak up and share their experiences.

Social media platforms have become influential forces that empower and motivate women to share their stories and raise their voices. The widespread sharing on these platforms has demonstrated the strength of the belief, “I am not alone”, helping women to overcome the fear associated with their attackers. This sharing is a testament to the influential role of social movements that enable the freedom to speak the truth online collectively.

Social media has proven to be effective in combating rape culture by providing a platform for education and critical engagement on sexual violence against women (Bogen et al. 2021; Sills et al. 2016). Gundersen and Zaleski (2021) suggest that when women share their trauma stories, they can influence how sexual violence is perceived. Their goal seems to be twofold: to reduce the occurrence of sexual violence and to bring attention to the issue in order to inspire cultural change. When victims of sexual violence share their stories, they can help raise awareness, educate others, and speak up for other victims who feel unable to do so (Gundersen and Zaleski 2021).

Victims might engage with their attacker on social media platforms, such as Facebook. They may offer incentives to persuade the attacker to openly confess to the incident in a post, promising that no legal action will be taken. This opens up new possibilities for delivering justice. This unconventional quest for justice challenges social and legal norms and opens up new opportunities to deliver justice. For people who do not trust the criminal processes or have access to them, an “Internet trial” could offer a way to obtain justice (Sills et al. 2016). Given the legal system’s failure to understand and acknowledge the suffering of sexual assault victims, many seek informal justice through social networks (Wood et al. 2019). Online justice empowers victims to respond to injustice by exposing assault and advocating for legal system reform to ensure more effective penalties (Marganski and Melander 2021).

An Israeli study found that social networks, especially Facebook, have become a part of social movements. (Roth-Cohen 2022). The study shows that feminist Facebook groups empower women by giving them a voice and driving change through their posts, comments, and “likes”. Additionally, Israeli victims of sexual violence have used social media as a platform to raise awareness about the issue, which is often ignored in public discussions due to gender-based discrimination and the prioritization of more immediate concerns like national security (Gueta et al. 2020). Victims of sexual violence in Israel are sharing their stories on social media to restore social order and amplify their voices in the public sphere. Despite the physical distance between the victims and those responding on social media, victims in Israel see these platforms as spaces for online justice and sometimes as a way to seek revenge against the offenders (Lowenstein-Barkai 2020).

Victims have found social media to be a tool that helps them address their emotional needs, regain control, and emerge stronger, inspiring others in the process. They use it to find recovery motivation and transform a traumatic event into an opportunity for personal growth (Dancig-Rosenberg et al. 2023).

Many victims are frustrated with the institutional justice system, feeling that it fails to address even basic needs. In contrast, they believe platforms like Facebook can fulfill most of their justice needs. As a result, there are important lessons that the institutional justice system needs to learn in order to change its procedures and improve access for victims (Dancig-Rosenberg and Peleg 2023).

While there are advantages to being on social networks, there are also inherent disadvantages, mainly the loss of control over exposure and audience. Sills and others (Sills et al. 2016) argue that when a woman shares her experience of sexual abuse, she may face accusations from the offender’s relatives. As a result, despite the potential for seeking justice through social media, its effectiveness may be fragile, as victims encounter blame and shaming related to female sexuality and sexism. Some victims hesitate to confront their attackers, fearing retaliation and potential legal action for speaking out (Gueta et al. 2020). Many lawyers representing the attackers conduct online research on the victims (Powell 2015), striving to gather online evidence to undermine the credibility of individuals in criminal and civil proceedings (Gjika and Marganski 2020). They misuse online content that does not align with the mindset of a rape victim (Powell 2015).

The accusation can lead to a backlash against the victim. The beginning of Johnny Depp and Amber Heard’s trial has sparked online reactions that mirror societal biases against women who speak out about sexual assault. Despite the impact of the #MeToo movement on public discourse, women who come forward still experience hostility (Jabbar and Al-Aadili 2022).

A common negative aspect shared by both the court system and social media is the potential to impact emotional pain and shape post-injury trauma. Engaging with the court within the criminal procedure often elicits negative feelings. Social networks, at times, can induce a sense of loss of control and rejection (Dancig-Rosenberg and Peleg 2023). The negative emotions and frustration experienced by victims in various procedures underscore the significance of how the process is conducted.

5. Theoretical Foundations: Aligning with Procedural Justice Principles

The academic literature indicates that people tend to feel they receive justice gage when they perceive the process to be fair. The fairness of the process is called procedural justice (Thibaut et al. 1973). Procedural justice factors include having a voice in the process, being treated with respect and dignity, and perceiving decision-makers as neutral and trustworthy; this component emphasizes the need for the victims to believe that authorities try to do the best for them and understand the rationale behind decisions. These elements contribute to people’s perceptions of fairness in the legal processes, ultimately influencing their acceptance of outcomes and compliance with authority (Tyler 1988, 1990). Respect is defined as interpersonal treatment that avoids denigration or humiliation. Neutrality is characterized by decision-making based on rules, free from personal opinions and biases, with transparency and openness about the decision-making process. Trustworthiness emphasizes the need for authorities to be honest and transparent in their communications and actions. Voice involves listening and allowing victims to explain their situation and position before making decisions (Lind and Tyler 1988; Tyler 1990). The principle of expressing one’s voice holds significant importance for victims, as it facilitates healing and fosters hope to counter the rape culture (Gundersen and Zaleski 2021).

Voice refers to both the act of speaking, the authority to speak, and whether a woman’s voice is perceived as credible and legitimate. In matters involving sexual violence, societal power structures, particularly in legal and public spheres, work to silence women and undermine their authority to speak (Butler 1997). Women’s moral reasoning and perspectives have historically been excluded from dominant frameworks of psychological and ethical decision-making (Gilligan 1982). Crime victims’ willingness to cooperate with the police depends on how the procedure is conducted. They consider both the processes and outcomes of legal procedures equally significant. In some situations, administering the procedure may be even more important than the legal outcome. “Procedural justice” focuses on the process rather than the legal result of the case. Moreover, adherence to procedural justice principles has been identified as a catalyst for elevating trust in law enforcement and crime reporting (Murphy and Barkworth 2014).

The extent of victims’ cooperation with the police often hinges on the degree of respect afforded to them throughout the procedural process (Greeson et al. 2016). Studies unraveling the significance of procedural justice, particularly in cases of sexual violence, reveal its therapeutic importance for victims. Intriguingly, this holds even when the outcome of the prosecutor’s decision is not in favor of the victims (Wemmers 2008). Consequently, it is critical to stress the vital role of procedural fairness within the context of law enforcement authorities’ investigations into sexual offenses. (Hohl et al. 2022).

However, while much of the literature focuses on institutional processes, a growing body of work explores the role of communicative justice within online platforms (Dancig-Rosenberg and Peleg 2023). This framework allows us to compare two distinct justice systems, institutional (formal) and communicative (informal), by analyzing how procedural justice principles apply across these domains. Considering how procedural justice principles interact with informal justice systems such as social media is crucial. This informal justice mechanism challenges the traditional institutional view of justice by providing victims with a platform where their voices are given priority. By integrating these perspectives, we can see how formal procedural justice often falls short, compelling victims to seek alternative digital channels for validation and healing.

6. Understanding the Cognitive Map

A cognitive map is a mental representation that helps individuals organize and interpret information. It is widely used in psychology, geography, and organizational studies to illustrate how people perceive, process, and recall spatial or conceptual information. Cognitive maps also serve as tools to map out decision processes and have been applied to social sciences to visualize how people organize their thoughts and experiences. In the context of decision-making, cognitive maps serve as tools to map out the decision processes of individuals or groups, revealing underlying patterns and preferences. Cognitive maps allow individuals to create mental images of their environment, helping them navigate complex situations (Tolman 1948). Cognitive mapping is also used in political science, representing individuals’ beliefs and their influence on decision-making processes (Axelrod 2015). Recently, cognitive mapping has been applied to social sciences, where it helps visualize how people, including victims of trauma, organize their thoughts and experiences, aiding researchers in understanding their justice-seeking processes (Eden 2004).

7. Methodology

This study involved conducting semi-structured in-depth interviews, which the ethics committee approved. Through thematic content analysis, a cognitive map was developed to examine the perceptions of sexual assault victims regarding social media justice, process vs. outcome, and critical procedural principles. To that end, 15 victims of various sex crimes ranging from harassment to rape were interviewed. All participants provided informed consent and were informed that they could choose not to answer any questions or stop the interview at any time. Participants did not receive any compensation for their involvement.

The in-depth interviews allow us to explore participants’ experiences, thoughts, and feelings. Unlike structured interviews, in-depth interviews are typically semi-structured, allowing the interviewer to remain flexible and delve deeper into topics that emerge during the conversation. This method is proper when exploring complex or sensitive subjects. In-depth interviews allow one to understand the participant’s perspective. The interviewer can ask questions to clarify and expand on specific points (Rubin and Rubin 2011). In the context of trauma or sensitive issues, in-depth interviews offer a safe space for participants to share their (Boyce and Neale 2006).

Recruiting participants presented challenges as some were from closed, ultra-Orthodox communities, while others were residing in battered women’s shelters, both of which are traditionally difficult places to access populations. Some participants were recruited through a sexual assault victim assistance center, which posted notices on its bulletin board. Additionally, one participant posted in a closed Facebook group for victims of sexual assault, leading to snowball sampling. Although the women in the group did not know each other personally, they contacted the researcher directly. This combination of purposive and snowball sampling allowed for diverse participants nationwide.

In the context of this study, it was essential to establish a shared understanding of justice, particularly as it relates to the experiences of survivors of sexual violence. Justice is commonly defined as actions or judgments conducted according to fairness, truth, reason, or moral integrity principles. When presenting questions to the participants, they were provided with the dictionary definition of justice and were asked to respond with this definition in mind. However, beyond the formal definition, it was crucial to explore how these women personally perceive justice. For some, justice might encompass legal recognition and accountability; for others, it could involve emotional validation or the ability to voice their experiences publicly. By understanding their interpretations of justice, we gain deeper insight into how procedural justice or communicative justice, primarily through social media, can fulfill their needs.

8. Study Population

The study population comprised 15 adult female victims of various sexual crimes, ranging from harassment to rape and incest. Participants were over 18 years old, Jewish, and residing in Israel. Moreover, they came from different Jewish communities and had a range of religious observances. This was done to gain a comprehensive understanding of perspectives, including from the closed and hard-to-access ultra-Orthodox community, where discussing topics like sexual violence is often taboo.

9. Data Collection and Analysis

Semi-structured interviews were conducted to examine victims’ perceptions of justice and how they decide where to seek redress. Participants were asked about their views on pursuing cases through social media and the formal justice system. Questions addressed their considerations in choosing between these avenues, whether social media can deliver justice, and the relative importance of procedural vs. outcome. Social media justice and their perspectives on crucial procedural justice principles were also explored.

Interview transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis to inductively critical themes related to the research questions. This rigorous qualitative approach provided in-depth insights into sexual violence victims’ cognitive maps of perceptions of justice and motivations in disclosure and critically analyzed themes related to the research questions.

The interviews were conducted in person. The researcher conducted all interviews, ensuring consistency in approach and rapport-building with the participants. Most interviews took place in the participants’ homes, except for one interview, which, at the participant’s request, was conducted at her workplace office. In both cases, only the participant and the researcher were present during the interviews. They lasted an average of 40 min to one hour and were transcribed verbatim.

Thematic analysis was used to systematically code and analyze the transcripts to uncover critical themes representing sexual violence victims’ perceptions and thought processes. This inductive approach allowed for an in-depth examination of the qualitative data to map the decision-making framework concerning seeking justice.

Conducting intensive face-to-face interviews, meticulous transcription, and rigorous thematic analysis ensured a comprehensive understanding of participants’ perspectives that emerged from the data. After the interviews were conducted, they were transcribed, and a thematic analysis was performed. Three independent researchers reviewed the identified themes, and the final themes were approved by a fourth researcher, who synthesized all the feedback. This multi-stage review ensured the reliability of the findings.

This qualitative methodology provided rich and nuanced insights into the study phenomena.

10. Findings

The cognitive map is a vital tool for understanding the various paths that victims of sexual violence might choose in their pursuit of justice. This cognitive map illustrates the decision-making process using cognitive junctions that represent the choice between media and institutional channels, with further choices between process versus outcome and the four elements of procedural justice. The map enables comprehension of why victims prefer the social media process, where they feel their voices are heard. Unlike the legal system, where they often feel unheard or disrespected, they are treated respectfully. The map also highlights the difficulties and limitations imposed by the legal system on victims and demonstrates why many choose the social media route as an alternative to achieving justice. Additionally, the map reflects the increased appreciation for the supportive procedure provided by social media, which profoundly influences victims’ decisions and involvement in their rights advocacy and psychological recovery.

Figure 1 shows the stages of the cognitive map:

• Victims contemplate where to report/disclose the attacks.
• They weigh the importance of achieving a favorable outcome vs. having a supportive process.
• They consider which procedural justice principles, such as voice, respect, neutrality, and trustworthiness, are most meaningful to them.
• The findings reveal that victims prefer social media channels over institutions. They value the process offered by media, especially prioritizing the ability to voice their story.

The Cognitive map was created through interviews with victims of sexual violence, providing a structured way to understand their decision-making processes regarding justice. The interviewees were Jewish women, aged 20–60, from various regions across Israel, with varying levels of religious observance. Some were ultra-Orthodox, while others were secular. The women had experienced a wide range of violence, from workplace harassment and the distribution of sexual videos to rape, trafficking, and incest. Through this sampling method, it was possible to gain a broad range of insights.

11. The Existence of “Communicative Justice”

This theme will address the existence of communicative justice, which was found to be parallel to the traditional institutional justice system. In most interviews, when the victims were asked whether communicative justice exists, they answered affirmatively. The interviewees separated communicative justice from institutional justice. In other words, social media constitutes an additional arena for achieving justice alongside or as an alternative to legal proceedings.

For interviewee number 1, who was raped as a minor, the communicative process serves as a parallel arena for justice alongside the legal process:

“Yes, I did that too. I did that, too. I went out with a crime reporter”.

Interviewee number 13, whose sexual videos were leaked onto the Internet, also believes that social media has the power to achieve justice:

“Yes. Totally. Social media has power. Especially if you are famous and the story is sensational, then it is to your advantage, and my story was sensational”.

Some interviewees emphasized their lack of trust in the institutional system, which does not constitute a means for achieving justice for them from the outset. Interviewee number 8, who was raped as a minor by police officers, said:

“They just raped me in the police car. So, justice to turn to them? To them? No way. The establishment, I am sorry to say I do not believe in it anymore, you know, I do not believe in that concept at all”.

12. Social Media Has Great Importance as an Arena for Achieving Justice, Sometimes Even More than the Institutional Arena

This theme refers to the ability of victims of sexual attacks to achieve justice through social media in a way that surpasses their ability to achieve justice through institutional means.

Most interviewees argued that the media and social media, as an arena for achieving justice, more comprehensively meet their various justice needs than institutional channels.

Interviewee number 3, whom a family member attacked, said,

“The media has more power than the courts that do justice”.

Interviewee number 12, who was raped as a minor, believes that social media was the most effective for her:

“Of the three, I think social media was the most effective for me. I do not feel like I got justice. I do not think I will get justice, but I got recognition. Moreover, I did get exposure, which was a way for me to process the process”.

Interviewee number 11, whom a family member attacked while a minor, stated:

“I think social media leads to more justice than the establishment”.

Some interviewees believed that without social media and institutional media, justice could not be achieved through the institutional system.

“They shelved my case file. They shelved my case file. Do you know what I did to get them to remove it from the archives? Moreover, what luck that it was computerized. They shelved the physical file, the material, they shelved it. We searched for it until I brought in the media, and it told them you cannot shelve such a case file”.

(Interviewee 1)

Interviewee number 4, who appeared to feature in sexual videos that were spread on social media, believes that without social media, she would not have received any treatment from the institutional system:

“Look, I can tell you one thing. After I contacted the police and did not get any response, I turned to social media, and then they invited me on TV. When they invited me on TV, the police found me and gave me an answer very quickly”.

Some interviewees emphasized the difficulty in navigating the institutional process. According to interviewee number 10, whom an acquaintance raped, the cost of the institutional process outweighed the sense of justice achieved, despite receiving empathy from the judge:

“Unfortunately. I think from my personal experience, I was caused more harm, injury, and trauma, more than justice was done, or however you want to call it”.

13. Procedural Justice Is More Important than Outcome Justice

In this theme, we will refer to the importance of procedural justice for victims of sexual assault. Most interviewees responded that the process is more important than the outcome.

“The process is much more important, the psychological support during this time is much more important”.

(Interviewee 2)

“I guess, ultimately, it is important to you that the people with you really care and are with you, and even if they did everything to achieve justice and failed”.

(Interviewee 8)

“I think the process is more important because so many people break down. I can tell you that the path to this desired justice can ultimately cause a person to become a broken vessel, so shattered that justice is no longer meaningful. The outcome is irrelevant because the person is shattered into pieces”.

(Interviewee 11)

Some interviewees argued that the process is more significant than the outcome because the process is part of their healing, and an outcome involving punishing the perpetrator is not attractive to them.

Interviewee 7, who her father raped as a minor, said:

“I think, as someone who was raped, the process. Ultimately, it was not essential to me whether my father went to jail; I am saying that”.

Interviewee 5, who was sexually assaulted as a minor by a family member, also agreed that the process is more meaningful than the outcome:

“Maybe the process is more important. Because the outcome is… let us blame the guilty party; it is about finding someone to blame. Moreover, it is not interesting at all to look for someone to blame”.

14. Voice as a Leading Principle in Procedural Justice Principles

This theme deals with the ranking of procedural justice principles. Procedural justice comprises four principles: voice, respect, trustworthiness, and neutrality. When the interviewees were asked to rank these principles in order of importance, of the four procedural justice principles most ranked the principle of “voice” first or second. The interviewees argued that it was most vital for them to have their voices heard and to bring the truth to light, as well as the therapeutic aspect of voicing their experiences.

“Voice is the first, unequivocally, because you have been silent for years; that is the most important thing”.

(Interviewee 12)

“Very. Very. Very. It even helps with healing; on a level, you have no idea how much it helped when they listened to me when someone just told me, “I believe you.” Wow, that is it. I have reached my destination”.

(Interviewee 1)

15. Discussion and Conclusions

For many years, victims of sexual violence sought justice through the institutional justice system. However, it often failed to meet their needs due to reliance on the discretion of judges and law enforcement officers (Keller et al. 2018). The rise of the #MeToo movement shifted the demand for justice into the public sphere, where social media became an alternative arena for victims seeking justice (Alaggia and Wang 2020). This research examined how victims navigate between institutional and communicative justice systems, emphasizing procedural justice over outcome justice, as illuminated by their decision-making processes.

The first theme explored the relationship between communicative justice (social media) and institutional justice. Victims often encounter challenges within the formal justice system, leading them to seek alternative platforms like social media to express their needs and achieve justice (Powell 2015; Sills et al. 2016). This research found that most interviewees favored communicative justice, believing it operates autonomously and often provides a more empowering process than institutional channels. This finding aligns with Dancig-Rosenberg, who emphasizes the need for victims to seek justice through media and social platforms due to their distrust of institutional systems (Dancig-Rosenberg and Peleg 2023).

Social media also transcends institutional boundaries as an arena for justice by allowing victims to control the narrative and gain peer validation. However, the use of social media is not without challenges, including online backlash. Victims may face online backlash, particularly from offenders’ families, and risk losing control over how their stories are shared, leading to potential legal repercussions, such as being sued for slander (Powell 2015; Sills et al. 2016). This reflects the duality of social media as both a platform for justice and a potential source of harm.

The second theme addressed victims’ preferences for procedural justice over outcome justice. Echoing the work of Murphy and Barkworth (2014), victims emphasized that procedural justice, such as being treated with respect and having a voice in the process, was crucial to their healing. The ability of social media to amplify the victim’s voice was particularly significant, with many interviewees noting that it provided a cathartic and therapeutic experience, even if formal justice was not achieved. This finding is consistent with Wemmers (2008), who found that victims value procedural fairness regardless of the outcome.

The third theme explored the importance of the four principles of procedural justice: voice, respect, neutrality, and trust. Most of our participants ranked the voice principle as the most important, in line with Fileborn (2017), who found that the ability to voice one’s story is critical to victim satisfaction. Despite the importance of the voice, many victims choose not to report their experiences. Recent findings highlight the complexity of victims’ experiences with reporting and seeking justice (Caron and Mitchell 2022; Eisenberg et al. 2021). The control of reporting in social media, giving victims a platform to share their experiences, was seen as vital in fulfilling their justice needs, sometimes more effectively than institutional processes.

This research suggests that social media offers victims a parallel justice system that often meets their emotional and procedural needs better than the formal justice system. By emphasizing the voice principle, social media facilitates a form of procedural justice that is particularly healing for victims. However, it also carries risks, such as online backlash and the absence of formal legal enforcement. The evolving role of social media in providing justice underscores the need for future research to explore how informal and institutional systems can complement each other to serve victims better.

16. Limitations of the Research and Suggestions for Future Research

In most research in Israel until now, social media has not been studied as an autonomous arena of justice. The current research examined the social media arena as an arena for achieving justice for victims of sexual attacks in Israel.

Due to the importance of social media for achieving justice, instead of seeing these two systems, social media and institutional processes, as opposing forces, it is suggested that they are interconnected. Integrating the principles of communicative justice into formal justice processes, such as giving victims more voice throughout legal proceedings, could be beneficial. By combining the strengths of both systems, the justice system can more effectively address the complex needs of sexual violence victims. Further research is needed into how hybrid justice models can bridge the gap between institutional and communicative platforms.

This research has several limitations related to the data collection method and content analysis. It was based on data collected through interviews, a reactive collection method in which the interview may become a social arena in which the interviewer influences the interviewee’s responses. Additionally, the researchers extracted themes and performed content analysis, and they may be subjectively biased according to the content they chose to address during the analysis of the responses. Therefore, it is suggested that future research use an additional research tool.

Victims’ decisions are complex and influenced by culture, race, gender, geographic location, character, and more. In this study, we do not claim to produce a cognitive map that encompasses all the considerations of the victims. Instead, we aim to create a simple map that explicitly references the objective considerations related to social media and legal procedures. For future research, we suggest including other factors influencing victims’ decisions.

This research may lay the groundwork for future studies that will examine additional aspects, such as examining the subject from an institutional perspective (police, prosecution). Another follow-up study could examine different countries worldwide from a cultural or social perspective and assess the difference in their perceptions of social media as an alternative to the institutional arena of justice.