Gender Inequality in Spain’s Official Music Charts: Neither Representation nor Success for Female Artists (2008–2020)

Abstract

This study seeks to investigate gender inequality in the Spanish’s official music charts from 2008 to 2020, using a quantitative methodology. The dataset comprises 1300 entries sourced from Promusicae’s official charts, evenly divided between albums and singles. Firstly, this analysis evaluates the frequency of artist representation; secondly, it assesses the success achieved by gender; and finally, it examines disparities in featured collaborations. The findings indicate that male artists appear almost three times more frequently than their female counterparts on both charts, achieve a higher amount of points, and dominate the role of featuring collaborations. Notably, Spanish female artists are predominantly absent from the top positions in the singles chart. Moreover, there is an absence of female bands in the top 50. The observed outcomes align with previous research concerning gender inequality in the United States and the United Kingdom, highlighting a persistent structural gender inequality within Spain’s music industry throughout the reviewed period, which systematically undermines the creativity of female artists.

1. Introduction

This research is driven by the recognition that the music industry, like many other cultural sectors, is constrained by a patriarchal framework that limits women’s participation, creativity, and representation. This systemic imbalance perpetuates gender inequality in both the production and consumption of music. Specifically, this study examines how gender inequality affects female Spanish artists by analysing official music charts in Spain. Popular music culture has consistently shown structural gender inequalities across countries and musical genres. Research by Wells (1986, 2001), Lafrance et al. (2011) and Watson (2019) highlights these disparities in the Billboard music charts. Building on this previous work, this article examines gender representation and success in Spain’s official music charts from 2008 to 2020, addressing the ongoing challenges of gender inequality in the music industry.

Music charts have long been a key promotional tool in the music industry, central to representing artists’ popularity. Their significance lies in two main functions. Firstly, charts provide a platform for record labels and specialised media to promote their artists and establish their success within a capitalist framework that shapes the music industry. Secondly, charts act as cultural devices that produce references and construct narratives that connect with fan communities’ identities, belonging, and values. In this way, charts not only signify commercial success but also play a symbolic role in shaping musical preferences and cultural consumption. In this context, the underrepresentation of female artists in music charts introduces a gender bias that influences audiences’ music production and consumption.

This research aims to investigate the frequency of artists’ representation and to assess the success of gender, as this dimension reflects the gender dynamics present within the music industry, particularly as evidenced by music charts. Additionally, the analysis will encompass collaborative feature partnerships. This is because one of the most notable trends emerging in the early 21st century has been the rise of the featuring phenomenon (Ordanini et al., 2018). Thus, this research incorporates an exploratory analysis of gender inequality within the featuring phenomenon. While not a new practice, features have become a prominent marketing strategy in which pop stars invite other celebrities to collaborate on their songs to broaden their audience reach. In Billboard charts, male artists dominate these collaborations, whereas female collaborations or all-women features remain significantly less common (Sánchez-Olmos et al., 2022).

Regarding the state of the art in popular music and gender inequalities, scholars such as McRobbie (1991) and McClary (1991) pioneered the development of research analysing popular music from a feminist perspective, Citron (1993) underscored the pervasive dominance of a male musical canon, while Whiteley (2000) foregrounded the legitimacy of female creative expression in popular music. Green (1997) and Bayton (1998) interrogated the systemic relegation of women to roles as vocal performers, framing the voice as a “natural” gift, while systematically excluding them from instrumental performance and band formation—thus reinforcing structural barriers to their creative agency. Since the early 21st century, this gendered framework has deepened, particularly in the past two decades, expanding to explore issues of identity, sexuality, and subjectivity (Lee, 2018; Hawkins, 2017), the ageing and marginalisation of female artists (Gardner & Jennings, 2019), and entrenched inequalities in the music industry (Strong & Raine, 2019; Wolfe, 2019), among other critical scholars. Men dominate recording studios in popular music, consequently controlling women’s voices (Wolfe, 2019).

This results in a twofold inequality for women in the music industry: they are significantly underrepresented on the charts, and the few female artists who reach the top typically occupy the vocalist role. Historically, this role has been attributed to women by the male canon (Citron, 1993) because it has been deemed “natural.” It is often undervalued when compared to composing and producing, which are viewed as forms of authorship and creativity rather than innate talents (Green, 1997). The findings confirm the structural inequality embedded in the music industry, where men remain in control of music production and distribution processes—a situation noted by Bayton (1998) in the late 90s and echoed by Wolfe (2019) two decades later.

These disparities significantly impact women’s involvement in rock bands, as they face limited access to instruments, venues, and opportunities in the music industry (Bayton, 1998). Clawson (1999b) similarly examined the overrepresentation of women as bass players in rock bands. Their participation can open up new opportunities in a predominantly male-dominated space. However, such involvement may reinforce gendered divisions and perpetuate gender inequalities. The gendered organisation of adolescent social life is crucial to understanding how rock bands operate as symbolic masculine structures that restrict women’s access. When women manage to participate, they are often relegated to less appealing spaces for men, reinforcing structural inequalities within rock bands (Clawson, 1999a).

Parallel to the qualitative research previously discussed, quantitative studies have examined the Billboard Hot 100 charts in the United States since the 1980s. Scholars such as Wells (1986, 2001), Lafrance et al. (2011), and Watson (2019) have demonstrated that gender inequality has been a persistent feature of the U.S. music industry from 1955 to 2016. During the initial period analysed, up to the 1980s, female artists’ frequency and success in the Billboard Hot 100 was at most 20% (Wells, 1986). Although female representation increased in the late 1990s, male artists dominated the charts (Wells, 2001). Between 1997 and 2007, male artists held approximately 70% of the chart positions; however, women achieved higher placements in the top ranks despite being underrepresented (Lafrance et al., 2011).

The Annenberg Inclusion Initiative, led by Dr. Stacy L. Smith at the University of Southern California, is one of the most consolidated projects in the U.S. in the analysis of inequality in cultural industries. Her focus includes the representation of gender and ethnicity in film, television, and music. A key report (Smith et al., 2023) has been updated yearly since 2012 to analyse gender inequality on the Billboard Hot 100 charts and at the Grammy Awards. The results indicate that 76.6% of the artists are men, and only 22.3% are women. In authorship, women represent 12.7%, and in music production, only 2.8%. These figures highlight male dominance in popular music and control over the voice of female artists in the recording studio (Wolfe, 2019). In addition, women nominated for the Grammys account for 13.6% of the nominations. Men control creative and artistic practices and manage record labels and concert promotion companies, both independent companies and multinationals (Smith et al., 2021).

Similarly, Song Data’s research, led by Jada Watson, has produced numerous reports and quantitative works on persistent gender inequality and the lack of inclusion in musical genres such as country (Watson, 2019). The researcher has also demonstrated the predominance of male artists in commercial radio in the US and Canada, reinforcing gender inequality and systemic racism, which, according to the authors, influence audience tastes (Michelle & Watson, 2022; Watson, 2020, 2021). In other words, for female authors, charts not only reflect the musical tastes of a majority but also shape the musical preferences of the audience based on a gender gap.

In the UK, Vick Bain’s research has been crucial in accounting for gender inequality and inclusion in the UK. Bain (2019) showed that only 14% of female composers and less than 20% of female artists are women, evidencing a significant gap and misogyny that requires action, including on copyright issues (Bain & Potočnik, 2024). Inequality is also evident at music festivals, where women are underrepresented, with a gap of 20% to 30%, which widens when analysing headliners (Bain, 2019; BBC, 2022; Jones, 2023; Vaginos, 2016). This gender inequality has historically favoured men in almost all roles in the industry, except in areas of communication and marketing, where women traditionally predominate because they have been considered service positions from the 1970s to the present day (Bayton, 1998; Frith & McRobbie, 1978; Escribano et al., 2022).

The analysis of the interplay between popular music and gender gained prominence in Spain at the beginning of the 21st century and experienced significant growth from the 2010s onward, both in Spain (Viñuela, 2003; Viñuela & Viñuela, 2008; Ramos, 2010) and in Latin America (Liska, 2014). Feminist musicologists have addressed various topics, including intersectional studies and monographs on identity, subjectivity, sexuality, working conditions, new masculinities, and queerness (Arenillas, 2020; Liska & Martínez, 2022). Additionally, their work has highlighted the conditions of inequality and invisibility women face in the music industry (Bronsoms & Guerra, 2022).

Charts and rankings seek to reveal the social and cultural elements that shaped the hierarchy of taste found in the Spanish aesthetic canon (Val et al., 2014). In contrast to the United States, quantitative research is limited in Spain. An example is López García’s (2022) study on the Los 40 radio chart, which found that male artists occupy the top position (74% male vs. 36% female), with no female bands present, and the involvement of women in the industry remains restricted mainly to vocal roles.

Additionally, Escribano et al. (2022) employed a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach, partnering with the Association of Women in Music (MIM) to investigate the broader labour landscape of Spain’s music industry, extending beyond just artistic roles. The findings reveal that women in this sector contend with significant barriers, such as a formidable glass ceiling, job instability, and balancing work with family responsibilities. In the last decade, there has been a considerable increase in associations fighting for gender equality in the music industry. This sisterhood movement has brought women together in creating reports, training, and events to improve working conditions in the music industry and eliminate the physical and symbolic violence they suffer (Jiménez-López et al., 2023). The MIM association, founded in 2016, is the most consolidated, has the government’s support, and has published several studies denouncing inequality in all music industry sectors (MIM, 2020, 2022). Regarding live music, Spain and Latin America lack representation of women on stage and as headliners in popular music festivals and symphony orchestras (MYM, 2019; Pastor, 2022; Ruidosa, 2018).

Ultimately, this quantitative method has played a crucial role in the latest studies related to gender inequality in the film industry (Cuenca Suárez, 2022), TV shows (Hidalgo-Marí & Sánchez-Olmos, 2024).

2. Materials and Methods

This article examines gender inequality in the Spanish music industry’s singles and album charts, following the methodology of Lafrance et al. (2011). To evaluate the presence of gender inequality in the charts, three specific objectives are proposed:

EO1. Calculate the frequency of gender representation in the albums and singles charts.

EO2. Compare the success levels achieved by each gender in these charts.

EO3. Analyse gender inequality in featuring positions in the singles chart.

The first objective seeks to determine whether there is a higher frequency of male or female artists on the charts. The second objective analyses the success of artists by gender, as determined by their ranking on the charts. For instance, although there might be fewer female artists than male artists on these charts, suggesting an imbalance in representation, female artists could still achieve greater success in reaching the top positions. The top 50 songs from each year between 2008 and 2020 were analysed to assess success. According to Lafrance et al. (2011), the highest-ranked song received 50 points (1st place), the second 49 points, the third earned 48 points, and this scoring system continued down to one point for the 50th-ranked song. This approach enables the addition and comparison of points earned by both male and female artists, assessing their success based on each artist’s ranking position, alongside their average success and average rank in the list. Many studies focus on gender frequency (Bain, 2019; Smith et al., 2023), but Lafrance et al. (2011) also examined success. When women are underrepresented yet attain higher positions on lists, their influence and importance rise considerably. Ultimately, the research includes a qualitative examination of top-selling artists in both albums and singles.

The data originates from Promusicae’s official website, which provides weekly and yearly charts for albums, singles, and additional music-related content categories. This dataset features the top 50 from 2008 to 2020, comprising 1300 recording units with an equal split between albums (650) and singles (650) (Figure 1). Promusicae represents Spanish record labels affiliated with the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI) and is responsible for publishing these official charts. The selection criteria focus on albums and singles as the traditional formats in the music industry. An album is viewed as a complete work, whereas a single may serve as either an independent release or promotional content for the album.

The approach of this research is quantitative, built on research by Lafrance et al. (2011) and Wells (1986), which examined gender disparity in the Billboard Hot 100 charts, considering both single sales and radio play. Since 2012, Billboard has adopted a mixed methodology, integrating radio data, physical and digital sales, and streaming metrics (Billboard, 2012). In Spain, the Promusicae charts, compiled by GFK, offer comparable insights by gathering data from 90% of retail outlets for physical sales, digital downloads from authorised stores, and audio streaming from leading platforms. Charts depicting streaming data provide a clearer perspective on music consumption, reflecting current trends and listener habits in the digital era.

In contrast to the Billboard Hot 100, Promusicae rankings exclude radio data from their album and single charts. This is because Promusicae has been releasing official charts that incorporate radio airplay in Spain since 2012. However, these charts do not include sales and streaming data, making them less comparable to Billboard. Los 40, from the Prisa media group, is Spain’s most significant radio chart. This chart is based on data from Promusicae and international sources, such as Billboard and the BBC, creating a blend of information from Spanish and global markets. As the Los 40 chart includes international data, it has been excluded from this study to maintain a specific focus on album and single sales and consumption exclusively within the Spanish music market.

The analysis period started in 2008 when Promusicae published its first top 50 singles chart, which was later expanded to a top 100 format in 2015. Since Promusicae has published the singles chart since 2008, this year marks the beginning of the analysis period, ending in 2020. This period offers comprehensive data, enabling a thorough investigation of gender inequality in future studies at the 2030 horizon. Since the initial years featured a top 50 while later years included a top 100, the decision was made to concentrate on the top 50 across the entire analysis period to maintain consistent sampling for both charts. However, Lafrance et al. (2011) studied the Hot 100, which consists of 100 songs released yearly. After confirming that the analysis of the top 40 accurately represented the top 100, they focused on the top 40 to simplify data management.

Both charts were downloaded in Excel format from the Promusicae website. All albums and singles are coded to feature the following variables: artist, title, year of chart appearance, gender (soloist or band), position on the chart, and success achieved. The gender of the featured position is also coded in the single chart.

This research has its limitations. First, the use of binary gender coding fails to capture the diversity of sexual identities (de Boise, 2019). Furthermore, several methods for categorising mixed bands were identified based on the roles of men and women (including composers, singers, or instrumentalists). However, to facilitate discussion, we chose the categories proposed by Lafrance et al. (2011). Consequently, the final coding includes five distinct categories: male artists, male bands (entirely composed of men), female artists, female bands (consisting solely of women), and male–female groups (mixed duos, trios, or bands featuring both women and men).

3. Results

3.1. Frequency by Gender

In the album chart, male soloists (309 albums or 47.5%) significantly outnumbered female soloists (131 albums or 22%). This disparity is more evident in bands: male bands account for 22% (142 albums), while female bands only represent 1% (6 albums). The gender disparity is such that male bands outnumber female soloists, even exceeding the representation of female soloists. Furthermore, the category of mixed groups comprises 9.5%, amounting to 62 group albums.

Gender inequality is intensified by combining the categories of male artists and male bands. Within this merger, male artists represent 69.5% of Promusicae’s overall album count, whereas female artists constitute a mere 21%. In the singles chart (see Figure 2, right), male artists hold a 58% share (379 singles), indicating a 10.5% increase from the album chart. In contrast, male bands experienced a 7% decrease, while mixed groups decline notably from 9.5% in the album charts to just 3% in the singles charts. The representation of female solo artists increases by 4% compared to the album charts, reaching 24% (154 singles), but they are still far from equal representation. The most significant gap is seen with female bands, which disappear in the singles chart.

The album chart shows a higher concentration of artists compared to the singles chart. Among the 650 albums examined, 67 artists (10.3%) appear only once, predominantly male (65.6%). This suggests that 80.6% of the artists in the album chart have achieved at least two records in the top sales rankings. During this period, the most successful artists in Spain demonstrated a strong and enduring musical career. In contrast, the singles chart records 375 artists (57.6%) with only one hit. Consequently, the singles chart shows a higher rotation of artists than the album chart. Regarding inequality, of those 375 unique artists, 288 are men (76.6%), and 74 are women (19.7%), which indicates male dominance and the challenges that artists face in entering the top singles.

To simplify the analysis of inequality results, the following examination categorises the data into three groups: male artists, female artists, and male–female (mixed ensembles), as referenced by Lafrance et al. (2011).

Gender and Number of Hits per Year in the Top 50

Male artists average 34.6 albums yearly in top charts, while female artists average 10.5. This shows men’s albums exceed women’s by over threefold. The most significant gap occurred from 2010 to 2017, when male artists ranked between 35 and 40 albums yearly, allowing for minimal opportunities for female soloists. The peak year for male dominance was 2014 (see Figure 3). During that year, the top three positions in the ranking of the 50 best artists were occupied by the soloists Pablo Alborán, David Bisbal, and El Barrio. Notably, the chart included only five female soloists: Malú, María Parrado, Vanesa Martín, Luz, and India Martínez. This year, 2014, marked a turning point for the music industry’s digital transformation, as revenue from digital sources matched that from physical channels for the first time (IFPI, 2023). However, the shift towards digitalisation coincided with the worst outcomes for female representation, especially from 2010 to 2017, in the Spanish music industry.

In 2008 (13 albums), 2009 (14 albums), 2018 (18 albums), and 2019 (15 albums), female artists achieved their highest results. Notably, 2018 marked the peak for female artists in Spain, with 18 of the top 50 albums by women. During both 2018 and 2019, the top 50 featured artists such as Rosalía, Vanesa Martín, Rozalén, Malú, and Pastora Soler, alongside well-known figures like Luz Casal and Niña Pastori. The increase in women’s representation in both lists in 2018 can be attributed to a new wave of female artists from the talent show Operación Triunfo. The classic talent show, which debuted in 2001 and aired on a public channel, drew record audiences upon returning in 2017 and 2018 (Miguelez, 2018).

Regarding the singles chart, male artists averaged 36 hits annually, three times more than female artists, who had 12 (Figure 4). The lowest male dominance occurred in 2009, with men occupying the top three positions (Carlos Baute, Guru Josh Project, and Pitbull), while Amy Macdonald (6th), Shakira (7th), and Beyoncé (9th) represented women in the top 10. Inequality sharply increased in 2012, with almost total male dominance from 2015 to 2020. During these years, male artists consistently placed forty-four to forty-five songs in the top rankings annually, while female artists had only four songs in 2015 and five in 2016 and 2017.

In 2018, female artists significantly influenced the singles chart, despite having 18 fewer entries than their male counterparts. A notable highlight was “Lo Malo” (What is Bad) by Ana Guerra and Aitana, both of whom gained prominence from the talent show Operación Triunfo. The empowering lyrics of “Lo Malo” resonated with women throughout Spain, leading to its adoption as a feminist anthem during the significant demonstrations of that year (Lázaro, 2018). Furthermore, pivotal tracks such as “Sin pijama” by Becky G and “Malamente” by Rosalía further amplified the visibility of female artists within the music industry scene.

Beginning in 2018, a new period emerged, characterised by a rise in gender inequality. This culminated in 2020, the year marked by the COVID-19 pandemic, which postponed releases from artists such as Lady Gaga and Alicia Keys (Official Charts, 2020).

3.2. Success of the Top 50 Albums and Singles by Gender

By following the suggested method for evaluating album and song success—assigning 50 points to the number 1 spot and 1 point to the number 50 spot in descending order—a comparison was made between the success of male and female artists on the charts. The total potential score for the entire analysed period is 16,575 points. The findings suggest that male artists not only prevail in the frequency of representation but also succeed in positioning their albums and singles at the forefront. In album charts, male artists score 12,013 points, accounting for 72.5% of the total possible points. This figure is more than three times the points accumulated by female artists, who earn 3169 points (19%). Meanwhile, mixed-gender groups add 1393 points, representing 8.4% of the total.

In terms of singles chart success (see Figure 5), male artists score 12,195 points (73.5%), while female artists reach 3963 points (24%), a 2-percentage-point increase from the album chart. This rise in solo female artists coincides with a decline in mixed groups, dropping from 8.4% to 2.5% (417) points).

3.2.1. Success by Years in Albums and Singles

Examining gender disparity through the success achieved over the years in the album chart (see

Table 1. Successful albums and singles per year and points.

Top 50 Album Success: Points (P) and Albums (A)							Top 50 Dingles Hit: Points (P) and Singles (S)
	Male		Female		Male + Famale		Male		Female		Male + Female
Year	P	A	P	A	P	A	P	S	P	S	P	S
2020	1032	39	235	9	8	2	1031	40	244	10	0	0
2019	800	29	325	15	150	6	1119	43	156	7	0	0
2018	722	26	369	18	184	6	831	34	444	16	0	0
2017	978	37	206	8	91	5	1121	44	127	5	27	1
2016	881	34	317	11	77	5	1124	45	151	10	0	0
2015	1040	39	209	8	26	3	1174	46	101	4	0	0
2014	1063	40	95	5	117	5	1004	39	238	10	33	1
2013	945	39	168	7	162	4	985	34	282	14	8	2
2012	928	37	270	10	77	3	910	34	365	16	0	0
2011	937	35	237	11	101	4	707	29	559	20	9	1
2010	1072	39	150	7	53	4	784	31	446	17	45	2
2009	852	29	307	15	116	4	676	27	417	17	182	6
2008	763	28	281	13	231	9	729	28	433	16	113	6
Total	12,013	451	3169	137	1393	60	12,195	474	3963	162	417	19

Note: The maximum amount of points per year is 1275. Source: own elaboration.

) shows results that align with the frequency data. From 2010 to 2017, men consistently occupied the top positions in the ranking. However, 2018 stands out as the best year for female artists in terms of success. The year 2016 is particularly noteworthy, as only 11 albums by female artists achieved 317 points (refer to Table 1, left column), mainly due to the success of Adele, Malú, Vanesa Martín, and Sweet California, whose albums reached the top of the rankings list.

From 2012 to 2022, except for 2018, men consistently led the singles chart, averaging around 1000 points out of a potential 1275 yearly. Women’s highest performance occurred in 2011 (refer to Table 1, right), yet they trailed men by 148 points. Notably, successful artists like Adele, Malú, and Shakira significantly enhanced women’s success on the singles chart list.

3.2.2. Average Success Points and Chart Position by Gender

Table 2. Average success scores and ranking scores by gender.

Average Success Points				Average Reached in the Ranking
	Male	Female	Male + Female	Male	Female	Male + Female
Top Albums	26.6	23.3	23	24.4	27.6	28
Single Top	25.7	25.2	22	25.3	25.7	29

Source: own elaboration.

shows the average success points in the top 50 list. Female artists’ performance on the album chart is 3.3 points lower than their male counterparts. However, the average rankings for male and female artists in the singles list are nearly equal, indicating that women achieve comparable success to men in the singles chart despite having fewer top singles. This suggests that women rank higher in the singles chart than in the album chart.

The results are also evidenced in the average ranking position. Specifically, male artists achieve an average of 3.3 points higher in the album ranking, which suggests that they not only succeed in placing a more significant number of albums at the top but also, on average, position these albums higher than their female counterparts. However, in the category of top singles, the average score for female artists is only 0.5 points lower than that of males. Consequently, it is observed that artists in the top singles attain an average ranking position comparable to that of male artists, despite having fewer songs at the top.

3.3. Bestselling Artists in the Top 50 Albums and Singles

This section analyses the most successful artists by looking at those with the highest chart hits and accumulated points. Figure 6 compares solo artists by gender, intentionally excluding male bands like Estopa, with results like female soloists such as Malú. Given that male bands vastly outnumber female soloists, and no female bands are represented, the analysis targets only solo artists to assess the prominence of women in the music industry performers.

The most successful artists in the top albums are predominantly Spanish (see Figure 6): Alejandro Sanz, Pablo Alborán, and Melendi, followed by David Bisbal, El Barrio, and Manuel Carrasco. Alejandro Sanz is particularly notable in this group, having sold over 25 million records and earned 24 Latin Grammys and 4 Grammys throughout his three-decade career. During the analysed period, Melendi, Alejandro Sanz, David Bisbal, and Manuel Carrasco have also combined their music careers with roles as coaches on popular talent shows like La Voz (The Voice) and La Voz Kids (The Voice Kids). Additionally, David Bisbal and Manuel Carrasco were not only coaches on La Voz and La Voz Kids but also gained recognition from the first and second editions of the talent show Operación Triunfo, which took place in 2001 and 2002.

The data show that the twenty-first century’s second decade is notable in Spain’s music industry, due to Pablo Alborán’s remarkable success (see Figure 6). His average success points and chart position of 5.3 demonstrate that his albums have consistently reached the upper positions of the charts. This artist rose to prominence in 2010, a time of music digitisation, by uploading his songs to YouTube, which gained quick virality. From 2011 to 2017, Pablo Alborán dominated the album charts, achieving the number one position four times (in 2011, 2012, 2014, and 2017) and securing the number two position twice (in 2012 and 2015). Furthermore, he made a substantial media impact in Spain by publicly disclosing his homosexuality in 2020 via his Instagram profile, aiming to combat homophobia and promote the freedom of sexual identity (González, 2020).

The top female artists are Vanesa Martín and Malú, with 11 and 10 albums in the top 50, respectively. Vanesa Martín is one of the key Spanish composers. She has written songs for artists like India Martínez and Pastora Soler. Her peak sales coincide with her coaching role on La Voz, La Voz Kids and The Masked Singer. Moreover, Malú’s ten albums positioned her among the top 10 from 2013 to 2016, with a notable sales increase from 2012 to 2018, which aligns with her coaching roles on La Voz and La Voz Kids. Despite having five fewer albums than Alejandro Sanz, Malú exhibits comparable average success and chart positions relative to those of Alejandro Sanz.

The results indicate that Spain may not be a favourable country for female bands, as only Dover and Sweet California are represented in the top 50 during the analysed period. Female bands exhibit the least success, with only a single album by Dover reaching a peak of 46 in 2005. On the other hand, Sweet California secured six albums on the list between 2015 and 2018, successfully entering the top 10 in 2016. Sweet California, which shares a musical style with Little Mix and Fifth Harmony, consists of two white women and one woman of colour. They have publicly acknowledged experiencing gender discrimination within the music industry (Sweet California, 2021). In 2015, Sweet California was honoured as the best artist in Spain at the MTV Europe Music Awards.

In the mixed category, 2008 achieved the most notable results, thanks to formations such as La Oreja de Van Gogh, Chambao, La Quinta Estación, Camela, and Amaral. Female artists prominently serve as vocalists within these male and female ensembles.

Figure 7 illustrates the artists with at least six hits featured in the top 50 singles. Pablo Alborán holds the foremost position in terms of singles; however, he demonstrates superior overall success in the album chart. The presence of female artists is notably significant within the top 50, with Shakira, Rihanna, Lady Gaga, and Adele occupying the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 8th positions, respectively. While female solo artists have increased their representation by 2% compared to the album chart, they fall significantly short of parity with their male counterparts in the singles chart.

In contrast, the success of four well-known female artists is striking: Shakira, Rihanna, Lady Gaga, and Adele (see Figure 6). While women account for only 24% of top singles hits, these four artists each achieved between six and ten songs in the top 50 during the analysed timeframe. This shows that these female artists often secure leading positions when they are present. Shakira (27.7) and Lady Gaga (31.5) both exceed the average success rate for male artists, which is 25.7 (refer to Table 2). It is important to note that there is a lack of representation of Spanish artists who have achieved six hits on the top charts within the Spanish music industry.

3.4. Features (ft.) and Gender

Table 3. Top 50 singles hits with features by gender.

	%	Male Artists	Female Artist
Singles with 1 Feature	43%	74%	26%
Singles with 2 Features	10%	82%	18%
Singles with 3 Features	3%	84%	16%
Singles with 4 Features	1%	100%	0%

Source: own elaboration.

indicates that nearly half of the 650 songs in the top 50 singles have features (ft.). (43%), with 74% being male and 26% female artists (Table 3). Meanwhile, the proportion of songs with multiple features declines, as only a small percentage (under 10%) includes two features, while the disparity in guest artist genders rises (refer to Table 3). Gender inequality is a key aspect of the featuring phenomenon.

Rihanna and Belinda lead female artists with five features each, followed by Nicki Minaj and Shakira with four, and Christina Aguilera with three. Among Spanish soloists, Aitana stands out with three features, while Malú and Mala Rodríguez have two hits. Male soloists exhibit a notable predominance in featured performances, with J. Balvin leading the count with 16 collaborative appearances. Additionally, he has released 17 singles as a solo or primary artist, culminating with 33 singles within the analysed framework period. Bad Bunny features prominently with eight songs, followed by Marc Anthony with seven, Pitbull with six, and David Bisbal with four.

The predominant pattern within the featuring phenomenon is characterised by male artists inviting male counterparts to collaborate on their songs. Female vocalists typically play the guest vocalist role, contributing to tracks produced by well-known figures such as Calvin Harris, David Guetta, Juan Magán, and Pitbull. Instances of female soloists inviting other women for collaboration are notably rare, occurring on merely six occasions. Nonetheless, significant examples, including “Sin Pijama” by Becky G and Natti Natasha, “Telephone” by Lady Gaga and Beyoncé, and “Can’t Remember to Forget You” by Shakira and Rihanna, exemplify collaboration that embodies empowerment and sisterhood in the music industry.

4. Discussion and Conclusions

Music charts serve as a reflection of gender inequality within the music industry. These charts, which signify musical success, represent more than a mere quantitative assessment of sales and artists’ achievements; they also reveal the persistent gender disparities in the music industry (Strong & Raine, 2019). This paper concludes that the ongoing gender disparity in Spain’s music industry not only results in a significant loss of female talent and creativity but also reinforces systemic biases in listening practices (Watson, 2020, 2021). This underrepresentation denies emerging female artists crucial role models, consequently reinforcing prevailing inequalities and stifling the development of female soloist artists and bands. The charts depicting albums and singles in Spain illustrate persistent gender inequality from 2008 to 2020. Overall, the representation and success of women remain below 30%, a figure considerably distant from achieving equity. Therefore, this analysis reveals that the charts transcend mere reflections of popular taste; they function as symbolic instruments that uphold power structures and perpetuate gender inequalities within the music industry. This concern arises from consumer subjectivity and a patriarchal framework deeply rooted in the music industry; a trend evident since the 1980s in the Billboard charts (Wells, 1986). The achievements of female artists, including Rosalía, Aitana, Malú, Vanesa Martín, and Rozalén in Spain, as well as the international fame of female artists like Shakira and Adele, have not been enough to change gender inequality in the music charts. Quantitative studies offer empirical data regarding inequality, and this research has demonstrated that female artists are underrepresented and face more significant challenges in attaining high positions on the charts, particularly the album chart. This situation results in a deficiency of visibility for the diversity of female talent in the Spanish music industry.

This inequality is noteworthy, as male artists achieve nearly three times the frequency and success metrics of female artists across both charts. Furthermore, men in Spain experience sharper rises and softer drops than their female counterparts (Lafrance et al., 2011). Despite the underrepresentation, female artists such as Malú and Shakira closely approach male artists’ average success and chart position regarding albums and singles. Nonetheless, this level of success does not significantly reduce the overall disparity impacting other female artists. These findings align with earlier quantitative studies on gender inequality in Spain (López García, 2022) and across other music industries globally, including the USA (Lafrance et al., 2011; Smith et al., 2023; Watson, 2019; Wells, 1986), the United Kingdom (Bain, 2019), and broadcasting in both the U.S. and Canada (Watson, 2020, 2021).

Spanish artists significantly influence the album charts, featuring notable figures such as Melendi, Alejandro Sanz, and Pablo Alborán. However, in the singles charts, only Pablo Alborán occupies a top position, establishing himself as the leading artist in the Spanish music industry during the second decade of the 21st century. Among female artists, Vanesa Martín and Malú rank as the top-selling female artists in the album charts for this period. Conversely, the success of female artists in the singles charts is predominantly characterised by international figures, including Shakira, Lady Gaga, Rihanna, and Adele, who surpass the average success of some male counterparts despite their underrepresentation; a phenomenon that was also observed in Billboard (Lafrance et al., 2011). The limited number of Spanish women achieving more than six hits during the analysed period underscores the challenges faced by national record labels in promoting female artists, reflecting their reliance on the international music market. Notably, the opportunities presented by digitalisation and advancements within the music industry in Spain, particularly in sales, have not yielded significant benefits for Spanish female artists. This trend deserves reconsideration in this decade, particularly given the recent albums and singles from artists like Rosalía and the rise in contestants from talent shows and events like Benidorm Fest. These platforms have propelled female Spanish artists such as Chanel, Vico, and Nebulosa to the forefront of the music charts.

It is concluded that the Spanish music industry is influenced significantly by television. Talent shows, such as Operación Triunfo, have served as essential platforms for identifying emerging talent in both the United States (Lafrance et al., 2011) and Spain. These programmes have facilitated the entry of previously unknown artists, including Aitana, Ana Guerra, Lola Índigo, and Amaia, onto the charts. The positive figures recorded in 2018 coincide with the re-release of Operación Triunfo. Furthermore, mass audience programmes such as The Voice can be associated with the success of artists who serve as coaches. This research emphasises the traditional interdependence between the music industry and television in Spain, which functions as a promotional platform for initiating or continuing musical careers due to the artists’ access to massive audiences. Nevertheless, artists like Pablo Alborán and El Barrio have achieved remarkable sales and success without relying on television exposure.

Spain does not constitute a favourable environment for female bands. In the realm of musical identity creation, women have historically been relegated to the capacity of vocalists. At the same time, the male canon (Citron, 1993) has shaped and constrained their involvement as instrumentalists or composers. Female bands continue to represent an anomaly within the commercially successful music industry (Bayton, 1998; López García, 2022), a trend that is similarly reflected in the Spanish context. Only two girl bands (Dover and Sweet California) have achieved notable positions on the album charts. In Spain, rock bands are also regarded as symbolic representations of masculine structures (Clawson, 1999a, 1999b). The limited presence of female role models in this domain restricts the opportunities for future generations to perceive the formation of female bands as a viable alternative in the music industry. Even the presence of mixed-gender groups, such as Amaral or Camela, is minimal and fails to address this trend significantly. This observation does not suggest that female bands are absent in Spain; instead, they represent a minority, and those that do exist rarely attain chart success that mirrors mainstream preferences, which are inherently biased.

Regarding features, this formula is prevalent in Spain, aligning with international trends (Ordanini et al., 2018); yet, it still reflects the same gender inequality. Nearly half of the top 50 singles feature a guest artist, predominantly male. Colombian artist J. Balvin holds the record for the most collaborations in Spain’s singles charts. Like the Billboard chart (Sánchez-Olmos et al., 2022), the prevailing trend consists of male artists collaborating with other males, with rare female features. The scarcity of female bands is significant; however, exceptions such as Becky G and Natti Natasha, Lady Gaga and Beyoncé, and Shakira and Rihanna emerge as pivotal role models who possess the potential to inspire future female artists to collaborate in promoting the notion of sisterhood.

This work’s methodological approach has a limitation. Although the research highlights difficulties in accurately categorising musical formations beyond soloists, the classification into three groups (male artists, female artists, male bands, female bands, and mixed groups of male and female artists) simplifies data processing. Nevertheless, it needs to consider the intricacies of various configurations within the music industry, including duos, trios, and mixed bands with differing vocal and instrumental roles, as exemplified by mixed ensembles such as Amaral. While this study provides a quantitative viewpoint, it is imperative to augment the analysis with a qualitative perspective encompassing the diversity of musical formations. This enhancement would yield a more nuanced interpretation of the data, particularly in acknowledging the contributions of women who play instruments traditionally associated with masculinity, such as the guitar and drums. Female vocals continue to be under male dominance in the recording studio (Wolfe, 2019).

The future research directions of this study are varied, showing that this article serves as a foundation for assessing gender inequality in Spain’s music industry. A retrospective analysis from the 1980s will facilitate comparisons with the works of Wells (2001) and Lafrance et al. (2011), while also incorporating radio charts, as noted by Watson (2020, 2021). Conversely, similar to the project conducted by Smith et al. (2023), an annual data update will enable the real-time monitoring of gender inequality through Spanish charts, illustrating changes and emerging trends in the representation of women within these visualisations. Moreover, as proposed by Smith et al. (2023), it would be appropriate in the future to incorporate the evaluation of inequality in the roles of female songwriters and producers in the recording studio. In these domains, a more significant gender gap has historically been identified. Investigating these areas would yield a more profound understanding of gender inequality across various roles within the Spanish music industry.