Major amendments were made to the Quebec Youth Protection Act (YPA) in 2007. The main goal of the reform was to improve the stability of children in care by reducing the number of times they were moved from one substitute home to another. While the stability of placements and permanency planning have always been part of the YPA, a systematic and reliable examination of these dimensions and their evolution has never been done for the whole province. Obviously, in some cases, a move from one home to another may improve a child’s welfare [
1], especially if it results in a setting that is a better fit. Yet, attachment theory—which suggests that it is essential for children to foster the development of stable emotional bonds—has had an unequivocal influence on the introduction of maximum stays in care in various CPS systems. For a long time, authors pointed out that major, as major psychological damage can be caused by repeated relational disruptions, particularly at an early age [
2,
3]. The principles set out in the new provisions of the YPA reaffirmed that every decision made by child protective services (CPS) must seek to keep children in the family environment and return them to their homes as soon as possible if they have to be removed. The Act also states that “(i) f, in the interest of the child, returning the child to the family is impossible, the decision must aim at ensuring continuity of care, stable relationships and stable living conditions corresponding to the child’s needs and age on a permanent basis” (s. 4). A number of provisions were introduced to promote permanency, including a requirement for systematic consideration of kinship care and maximum lengths of stays in care by age, after which the court must make a ruling to provide permanent living conditions. The maximum stays are set at 12 months if the child is under 2 years of age, 18 months if the child is from 2 to 5 years of age, and 24 months if the child is 6 years of age or over. In addition, under the new provisions in section 156.2 of the YPA, the Minister of Health and Social Services must periodically table a report in the National Assembly measuring the impact of the Act on various aspects of the placement trajectory. Pursuant to this section, two evaluative studies have been conducted since the reform. The first one looked at the changes that took place in the first few years following the reform [
4,
5,
6]. Those findings were consistent with the goal of the new YPA. They revealed that out-of-home care is less frequent, the instability of placements observed over a two-year period declined slightly, and that kinship care is increasingly common. The present study is the second assessment done since the reform. It has two aims. The first is to determine whether the changes observed in the first study have been maintained over a longer observation period of three to four years. The second, and more important, is to paint a preliminary picture of the types of permanency attained by children in care and the cumulative length of stay in substitute care before permanency is attained. This study’s novel contribution is an overview of the placement trajectory, from the first spell in out-of-home care until the latest exit to permanency, covering all the successive service spells occurring within the observation period. It proposes a broad definition of placement and a number of stability indicators based on CPS administrative data. In the context of this study, we consider that instability occurs as soon as a child is moved from one substitute care setting to another. Although permanency usually refers to a living arrangement that is legally permanent for the child, such as reunification, adoption or guardianship, additional options are examined in the current study and described below. Also, many dimensions have been included in the concept of placement trajectory in order to encompass the main events that punctuate the child’s comings and goings through different living environments: placement, type of substitute care setting, stability of placement, cumulative length of stay in care, type of permanency achieved, and it’s sustainability.
1.1. Placement, Kinship Care and Stability
The study of a Quebec clinical population by Esposito and colleagues found that 23% of children investigated by CPS were placed in out-of-home care [
7,
8]. When only the children who received protection measures are considered, the percentage of placements is necessarily higher. Indeed, official CPS statistics report that 52% of children under CPS supervision were placed in care as of 31 March 2015 [
9]. Not only is this figure is a cross-sectional measurement, it also excludes emergency and temporary placements. The definition of placement used in the evaluation of impact of the YPA is broader and counts any removal of a child from the home, for any length of time, regardless of whether the removal is planned or done on an emergency basis, and regardless of whether it is temporary or permanent [
4,
5]. Hélie et al. (2011) reported that before the reform, 63% of children receiving protective services were placed in out-of-home care within two years of intake into the CPS system. The proportion went down to 59% for children taken into the system right after the reform [
5]. Few countries with comparable child protection system publish official and reliable statistics on placement use, however American and Australian reports provide points of comparison. In 2015, 23% of American children investigated by child protective services were taken into care after the investigation [
10]. In Australia, 89% of all children under CPS supervision as of 30 June 2016, were placed in substitute care [
11]. While official statistics from other countries may be helpful to contextualize placement use in the province of Quebec, the observed differences between countries are difficult to interpret. Legislation, definitions, clinical practices, resources allowed to child welfare and characteristics of the population are all factors that may explain, at least partly, these discrepancies.
Kinship care is currently, in Quebec and elsewhere, a trend partly attributable to the greater stability such placements represent [
12,
13,
14,
15,
16,
17,
18,
19,
20]. Aside from stability, social, economic and political factors have stimulated the growing interest in kinship care: policies that emphasize keeping families together and approaches that focus on their strengths; overloaded official foster care systems; the need to preserve the cultural heritage, identity, and sense of belonging of children in care and; political philosophies that aim to lower the cost of public services [
21]. In 2015, 30% of children in care in the U.S. were placed with kin [
22]. In Australia, that same year, 49% of children in care were placed with kin [
11]. The first evaluative study of the YPA found that not only is kinship care frequently used, but that its use is increasing. Using a comparable point in time measure, official statistics indicate that as of 31 March 2015, 20% of out-of-home children were placed in kinship care [
9]. With a longitudinal measure, Hélie et al. (2011) found that before the reform, 25% of children entering care were placed with kin during the two following years, and afterwards, 33% [
4,
5].
Out-of-home care, although sometimes necessary, affects children and their families in many ways. Being taken into care changes children’s daily lives and transforms their relationships with friends and family. The transition may be stressful because it requires adjustments in a number of areas: changing schools [
23], losing friends, fitting into a new household, getting used to a new neighborhood [
24,
25,
26], and every subsequent move exacerbates this impact because it means another disruption. It is therefore not surprising that substitute care’s usefulness as a protective measure is sometimes called into question because it exposes children removed from their homes to instability, which may make them more vulnerable. Although not new, the concern for the stability of children in care has grown with the knowledge of the adverse effects that moves from one placement to another has on placed children [
20]. Research indicates that children who have been moved around have more behavioral and emotional problems [
27,
28,
29], academic problems [
30], and have more trouble forging emotional bonds with parental figures [
20,
31,
32]. It has also been found that being moved increases the risk of subsequent moves and reunification breakdown [
32,
33].
Despite this recognition, various studies have found far from negligible placement-change rates among children in care. Esposito et al. (2014) have reported on moves over an observation period of up to 9 years, for a clinical population of 29,040 Quebec children in care for the first time. They found that 31% of children were not moved at all during the observation period, 25% were moved just once, 16% were moved twice, and 28% were moved three or more times [
8]. In England, one author found slightly higher rates, despite her shorter observation period of 3.5 years: 19% of children in care stayed in the same place, 22% were moved once, and 59% were moved two or more times [
34]. Authors who have studied placement stability generally just count the number of moves within the same placement spell. But a child may be moved to a known substitute home or to new surroundings. For instance, a child may be moved back and forth several times between two different substitute homes. Furthermore, a child under CPS supervision may experience a number of placement spells within one or more service spells. Our study uses more exhaustive stability indicators. All the moves in all the placement spells within the observation window were included in a first stability indicator. Then a second indicator describing the number of different substitute homes the child was placed in during the observation period was calculated. Our first study, with a two year observation period, found that before the reform, 40% of children stayed in the same care setting and that after the reform, the proportion went up to 44% [
5]. That study also revealed that in both study cohorts, the number of different substitute homes the child stayed in (an average of 2.06 in the Post cohort) was lower than the number of moves (an average of 2.23 in the Post cohort), which means that each new move was not necessarily to a substitute home unknown to the child; hence the importance of considering a number of stability indicators. In comparison, with an 18-month follow-up, one study found an average number of placements of 4.4 [
35].
Generally speaking, whether in terms of placement, kinship care or stability, the results of Hélie et al.’s first evaluative study seem encouraging, even with the use of exhaustive indicators [
4]. They suggest an improvement in the situation since the reform, at least in the first 2 years that children are under the supervision of child protective services. Now it remains to be determined whether the trend continues beyond the 26 months of that study’s observation period and for cohorts of children who entered the CPS system longer after the reform.
1.2. Cumulative Length of Stay, Type of Permanency, and Sustainability
In the literature, the duration of foster care is generally considered separately, depending on the type of exit to permanency. Most often, it is studied in relation to three types of permanency: family reunification, adoption and guardianship. It is hard to find clear trends in the literature with respect to the cumulative length of stay for each type of permanency, partly due to the considerably varying observation periods, which range from 12 months [
36] to more than 9 years [
37,
38]. Concretely, the method used in most studies consists of identifying a cohort of children who begin a placement during a given time frame, often one or two fiscal years. The use of such entry cohorts, as opposed to exit cohorts and cross-sectional designs, is strongly recommended in child welfare outcomes research [
39,
40], especially when the objective is to track changes over time [
41,
42]. As stated by D’Andrade and colleagues (2008), “Exit cohorts are likely to be biased in important ways, since they exclude all youth who do not leave care. As a result, indicators derived from exit cohorts will tend to misrepresent the proportion of cases achieving permanency outcomes within the time frames” [
39] (p. 146). The children’s placement trajectory is then observed to determine which of them are reunited with their families, adopted, or placed in guardianship, and to record how many days they were in care before their first exit to permanency. Of course, the longer a cohort’s observation period, the longer the median length of stay in substitute care are likely to be, because the calculation will include long-term placements. So with respect to reunification, studies that have observation periods shorter than two years report median stays of 30 to 366 days [
39,
40,
41,
42]. In those with longer observation periods (5 to 10 years), median stays in foster care prior to reunification varied from 175 to 415 days [
37,
38,
43]. Stays in care before adoption were much longer, ranging from 737 days for a 30-month observation to 1678 days for a 10-year observation [
36,
38,
43,
44]. The cumulative length of stay in care is rarely documented in studies on guardianship. One study with a 30 to 42-month follow-up found that half of children who exited to guardianship were in out-of-home care for a total of more than 474 days [
43] while in another study with a 5-year follow-up the median duration of stay was 704 days [
45]. In the case of adoption and guardianship, the eligibility criteria and legal proceedings involved mean that there is a long preparatory period, which takes place in parallel with the protection process. It is largely for this reason that the cumulative length of stay in care before exiting to adoption is generally longer than the cumulative stay prior to reunification.
The concept of permanency described in these studies is nonetheless relative, because only the first exit to permanency is considered. It is quite possible that the first permanency goal attained may not be sustained over time and that the child must be placed once more. Take the case of a child returned home, but who must be removed again, only to have another reunification attempted. In this regard, re-entry studies demonstrated that these back and forth between family and foster home are not rare. Re-entry in care within 12 months following reunification varies between 8% and 16% [
44,
46,
47]. With longer follow-ups of 7 to 10 years, the probability of re-entry varies between 20% and 37% [
38,
48,
49]. In addition, all these events may either take place in the same service spell or be spread out over several. To get an accurate long-term idea of how much time is spent in care, the full history of services received by the child must be considered. It should also be kept in mind that permanency is relative, hence the need to count the number of unsuccessful attempts to attain permanency. A simple count of the total number of days spent in out-of-home care cannot reflect this complexity.