The survey of 201 participants from the United States demonstrates that greater daily exposure to trees is associated with better health outcomes. Specifically, higher neighborhood concentrations of tree canopy were related to better physical health and overall health. Compared to people who live with less tree canopy nearby, those who live in neighborhoods with more tree cover reported a greater capacity to have things under control, better physical health, and better overall health. Understory vegetation, however, was negatively associated with mental health. People who live in, or work in, areas with higher densities of understory vegetation reported lower levels of mental health and less capacity to cope with stress. Still, we found that greater exposure to understory vegetation around a person’s home was associated with better physical health.
In addition, we found that people who took greener routes to their daily destinations reported they had a greater capacity to have things under control than individuals who took routes with less vegetation. Compared to the time people spent indoors, the time spent commuting was relatively limited, but even so, the density of vegetation along travel routes was significantly and positively associated with reports that people had things under control. In the paragraphs that follow, we consider the contributions of these findings, their implications, and the questions they raise for future research.
6.1. Contributions
In this study, we explored the relationship between daily exposure to nature and people’s health outcomes. In North American today, the majority of people spend most of their time indoors, either at work or at home (American Time Use Survey Summary, 2019). Therefore, we calculated the vegetation densities within different buffer distances (400 m, 800 m, and 1600 m) around people’s homes and three of their daily destinations (e.g., work places, athletic facilities, coffee shops). Previous studies have primarily focused on the concentration of nature within specific buffer zones [
4,
14], but few studies have explored the extent to which time spent in these locations (in hours or years) is related to health outcomes. A number of scholars have suggested that the temporal dimension should be included in our measure of exposure to nature [
7,
52,
58]. In this study, we found that the amount of time spent in places did play a role in the relationship between vegetation density and some health outcomes. Still, our findings come from a cross-sectional study. The results can only show the combined effects of time and vegetation density. Further research with longitudinal data is needed to strengthen our understanding of the extent to which time in a place interacts with the density of vegetation in that place.
One thing to note here is that the independent variable we created to represent exposure to nature around places of interest combines both vegetation density and time, which means that the larger the value is, the greater the density or the longer the time. The longer people live in a neighborhood or stay in a particular place, the stronger the associations between physical settings and health outcomes. For individuals who lived similar lengths of time at their address, the greener the neighborhood, the better the health outcomes. For individuals who lived in neighborhoods with similar levels of tree canopy, the longer they live there, the better they reported their health to be. Our findings demonstrate that time has an impact on the relationship between vegetation density and health outcomes. It is interesting to note that when we included people’s exposure to nature as a variable in multiple regressions without also including time as a factor, the regressions did not predict health outcomes. The interaction between nature density and time is an important finding from this work.
Our study supports previous research showing that higher densities of trees is associated with human health [
9,
13,
19,
32], but the findings that understory vegetation has a small but significant negative association with health is new and important. The discrepancy between trees and understory vegetation suggests that people may perceive these types of nature differently. Some of the mechanisms underlying the relationship between exposure to trees and health are well established. Exposure to trees provides opportunities for people to relax and take a break from demanding tasks, which eventually contribute to both stress reduction and attention restoration. We have less understanding, however, of the health benefits of understory vegetation. Previous studies suggest that people do not perceive understory vegetation as a resource that promotes health [
59]. A recent study found that local residents were unwilling to pay a small fee to support the maintenance of understory green infrastructure—this was especially the case when residents did not realize the potential benefits of such plantings [
60]. Preference studies also suggest many people do not like landscapes they classify as messy. Some understory vegetation can appear messy [
61,
62]. Even though landscape architects and designers promote understory plantings as critical components of sustainable landscapes, lay people sometimes object to these plantings because of the possibility they pose to attract pests and litter [
60].
In this study, we found negative relationships between the amount of understory vegetation and stress, both at home and at daily destinations. Greater concentration of understory vegetation around home was associated with poorer stress status and worse mental health. We obtained similar results from the understory vegetation density at daily destinations, which were negatively associated with the capacity to have things under control, overall stress, and mental health. On the contrary, however, we found the relationships between exposure to understory vegetation around home was positively related to physical health. This finding suggests that we need a finer classification of understory vegetation. These inconsistent results suggest we need a better understanding of the extent to which understory vegetation (e.g., species selections, planting design, levels of maintenance) impacts a variety of measures of health and wellbeing. According to the NLCD Legend for Land Cover Class Descriptions, understory vegetation includes categories such as scrubland, grassland, sedge and pastureland. Given the rather coarse 30 m by 30 m resolution of the NLCD data, we do not have fine-grained details about the characteristics of the understory vegetation in this study other than to know that to be classified as understory vegetation, there was no tree canopy present in the 30 m by 30 m square. Finer grained details that allow us to make richer measures of understory vegetation are necessary if we are to better understand of the relationship between understory vegetation and health outcomes.
Furthermore, it is possible that our classification of the tree category included some understory vegetation. In this study, we did not examine the impacts of possible combinations of trees and understory vegetation on health. Previous research has found that the combination of trees and understory vegetation may reduce the risk of poor birth outcomes for human infants [
41]. The findings regarding understory vegetation in this paper are consistent with a study of birth outcomes in that researchers suggest it may be best to combine understory vegetation (e.g., grass) with trees. In most cases, in public and private settings, combining these two planting types can happen. In rare instances, the combination of trees and understory vegetation may not be possible (e.g., on some rooftop gardens it may not be possible to plant trees). Designers and landscape managers need to understand that large swaths of understory vegetation that lack trees might have negative consequences for health and wellbeing.
Finally, we measured greenness along commuting routes using Google Street images. The time our participants spent along these routes was small compared to the time people stayed at home or at work. Thus, one might imagine that the density of vegetation along the routes has little impact on measures of health. The findings, however, show that the greener the routes, the more likely people were to report that they had things under control. The Weighted Green Index, which measured both the density of vegetation and the time spent exposed to that vegetation while on commuting routes, provides a closer look at the vegetation density available at eye-level. This measure is an alternative to typical measures of nature exposure in that it includes time of exposure. The Weighted Green Index reflects the vegetation density dynamic in nature exposure when people travel on their daily routes. Using the street view images allowed us to differentiate the most accessible nature from that which is available on maps but could not be seen on the streets when people were travelling along their routes.
We have employed vegetation densities in buffers around participants’ homes and daily destination, as well as along commuting routes at eye-level. It is important to consider the correlation among these variables. The places for buffers and daily routes are different, so we did not examine the correlation between green index and trees/understory around homes and at destinations. However, the calculation of tree canopy and understory vegetation used data in the same places, so we also examined their correlation. Results show that tree canopy density and understory vegetation in the same buffer are not significantly correlated.
6.2. Implications
We found that higher levels of tree canopy concentrations in people’s neighborhoods and at their daily destinations was associated with individuals reporting that they had things under control, experience less stress, and that they had better physical, mental, and overall health. At this point, it is not surprising that trees can promote health [
63]. The more important issue concerns where trees are most needed. This is especially important for marginalized or disadvantaged individuals who have few resources to escape to more natural settings. People with greater amounts to money and time are more likely to have access to natural landscapes other than trees on their street. Compared to other investments designed to promote public health, planting trees in neighborhoods that have few trees may have both relatively lower costs and perhaps higher impact. After installing green infrastructure in Philadelphia, for instance, researchers found consistent and statistically significant reductions in narcotics possession near treatment sites [
64]. In many cities, vacant land is a significant economic problem that impacts residents’ health and safety [
65]. Researchers found that nature-based interventions, such as turning vacant lots into small green spaces, can improve health and safety for residents of urban environments [
66]. Greening initiatives can also bring economic benefits via the addition of construction and maintenance jobs in local communities and neighborhoods, but more research on the return-on-investment is needed [
66].
Our finding that the amount of time spent in landscapes is a predictor of health outcomes suggests we should encourage people to seek out green neighborhoods, schools, and workplaces. It also suggests that we should plant more trees in places that have little vegetation. City administrators and designers should take advantage of tree canopy as a way to promote public health and alleviate inequality.
Our final implication concerns understory vegetation. We hope the findings here do not discourage designers from including understory plants in the places they create. Instead of avoiding understory plantings, landscape architects should be sure to combine them with trees.
6.3. Future Research
In this study, participants were required to identify the top three destinations they typically go to on a daily basis and were asked to identify the landmarks along the way to help us locate their routes. Some of these commutes were several miles and it is possible that, at times, individuals varied the routes they took to these destinations. Even though we have asked people for the transport mode for each route, people may also have occasionally changed the mode used. These inconsistencies prevent us from developing a more accurate commuting map. In the future, researchers might use apps or GPS devices to create finer-grained measures of the routes people take to gain a better understanding of people’s exposure to nature. Speed and transportation methods should also be considered.
Even though the beneficial impacts of tree canopy on health is well established, future research can explore other neighborhood aspects to extend our knowledge. There are emerging hints that biodiversity may have a positive relationship to human health. Future research may explore levels of diversity associated with various levels of tree canopy density and the effects on human health.
The temporal dimension also needs further research. Longitudinal data needs to be collected regarding the extent to which the nature-time exposure interaction impacts health. For those who have lived at their current address for less than three years, researchers should investigate their exposure to nature at their previous addresses.
We need to understand more about the relationship between understory vegetation and human health outcomes. This is critical because trends in landscape architecture and urban design increasingly employ tree and understory plantings. The inconsistent findings described above beg for future research that employs a finer grain classification of understory vegetation. We need to better understand the extent to which understory vegetation (e.g., species selections, planting design) impacts health and wellbeing. Given the 30 m by 30 m resolution of our data, we do not have fine-grained details about the characteristics of the understory vegetation in this study other than to know that it did not include tree canopy. In order to better understand the relationships between understory vegetation and health outcomes, we need to measure more details about the understory vegetation types, the extent of messiness, and the plant diversity. These variables should be measured in future studies.
In a study of urban green infrastructure, messy-looking bioretentions were less preferred by lay people than by designers [
15]. We know from previous research that messiness in plantings is a strong and negative predictor of the extent to which people like or prefer planting designs. Future research might explore the extent to which messiness in plantings impact human health outcomes. To the extent that species diversity in understory plantings impacts perceptions of messiness, it seems useful to explore the relationship between the diversity of understory vegetation and human health outcomes.
The findings of understory vegetation provide empirical evidence for an overlooked category of nature. These results suggest that higher concentrations of lower level vegetation are associated with negative health outcomes. However, understory vegetation is a very broad concept which includes many species and combinations. Future studies can explore different types and combinations of vegetation, such as trees with understory vegetation vs. only trees, and understory vegetation in various species vs. only one species. Understanding the various species and complex combination of nature forms can provide valuable suggestions for community design and urban planning.
Finally, participants in this study were not representative of the US population as a whole. According to the US Census (2019), 60.4% of the population is white and 31.5% of people hold a bachelor degree or higher. In our sample, 85% of the participants were white and 42% of them held at least a bachelor’s degree (
Appendix C). The participants in our study are skewed toward white people who have received higher education. In future studies, scholars should seek a more representative sample of the US population or perhaps even over-sample minority populations so that we can gain a better understanding of the extent to which exposure to various forms of green infrastructure as associated with health outcomes.