1. Introduction
Studying land use/land cover (LULC) is vital for enhancing our understanding of global environmental change and sustainability [
1]. In recent times, LULC changes have remarkably intensified due to increased anthropogenic processes such as urbanisation [
2]. In 2018, 55 per cent of the world’s population lived in urban areas, a proportion that is anticipated to reach 68 per cent by 2050. Almost 90 per cent of this expected growth will occur in Asia and Africa, especially in medium and small-sized cities [
3]. In Africa alone, the urban population was 42.9 per cent in 2018 and is projected to reach 56 per cent by 2050 [
4]. Moreover, in sub-Saharan Africa, where over 200 million people in urban areas reside in informal settlement, a higher urbanisation rate at 4.5 per cent annually has been reported [
5]. The growth of urban areas has a significant influence on the global and regional environments, including LULC changes, and has implications for environmental, social and economic sustainability [
6]. Rapid and unplanned urbanisation has had dire consequences, such as a reduction in vegetation cover and loss of biodiversity, as habitats for species become fragmented through the conversion of land for infrastructure development [
7].
Like other anthropogenic–environmental interactions, urban LULC changes are due to a myriad of factors, as no single factor can account for these changes. The interactions are different in every region, but most scholars agree that most LULC changes are influenced by specific economic, demographic, socio-political and environmental conditions [
8,
9]. These factors are usually interrelated. For example, the economic and social advantages found in urban areas compared to rural areas attract many people to cities, leading to rapid population growth that contributes to the over-exploitation of natural resources for settlement and livelihoods.
Malawi is among the world’s least developed and one of the most densely populated countries in Africa. Like other developing countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Malawi has been experiencing progressive urban growth since it attained its independence on 6th July 1964. Malawi’s system of governance changed from a one-party rule dictatorship (1964–1993) to a multiparty democratic system from 1994 to the present. During the democratic rule, the urban population increased 2-fold from 1,095,419 in 1998 to 2,115,867 in 2018 in its four main cities of Lilongwe, Blantyre, Mzuzu and Zomba, where over 70 per cent lives in informal settlements [
10,
11]. Presently, Malawi is ranked among the top 10 countries in the world projected to have the largest population increase in both its rural and urban areas [
4]. The urban population as a percentage of the national population was 16 per cent in 2018 and it is projected to rise to 30 per cent by 2030 and 50 per cent by 2050 [
10,
11,
12].
Despite that several studies have been done on LULC changes in Malawi [
13,
14,
15,
16,
17,
18], comprehensive studies on urban LULC change in Malawi’s cities remain scarce, as such, the understanding of urbanisation is primarily based on population figures only. This inadequacy of LULC change information constrains effective economic and environmental planning, resulting in uninformed policy decisions [
16]. This is particularly prominent in low-income countries like Malawi, which commits most of its resources to address urgent needs such as poverty reduction at the expense of maintaining a vibrant LULC system [
16].
Over the past three decades, advances in remote sensing technologies have expedited LULC change studies. By obtaining satellite imagery over a period of time, remote sensing methods can be utilised to analyse historical LULC changes [
19]. Regardless of some shortfalls, such as spatial and spectral confusion of the urban areas [
20], remote sensing remains a reliable source of data to support LULC studies [
21]. Therefore, studies of urban LULC changes using remote sensing data, such as Landsat, are essential for land management and urban land use planning, especially in developing countries where they can provide fundamental and cost-effective information that is not available from other sources [
22,
23].
Although cities in Malawi actively engage in planning—including the development of master plans that provide an overview of spatial and infrastructural intentions, strategic plans that outline the broad ways in which thematic issues are to be addressed and investment plans that list priority infrastructure—the plans are barely recognised by the public in urban jurisdictions and often lack effective implementation mechanisms. This is usually blamed on a lack of resources [
24]. Additionally, the existence of multiple institutions in the land administration in cities causes the disorder, which arises from unclear authority and mandates over land including development control [
24]. Furthermore, cities in Malawi neither exercise control over key sectors (such as utility providers) nor have the authority to make other agencies align their plans to citywide coordination, and thus are unable to facilitate cross-sectoral planning [
12]. As a result, cities continue to experience various challenges, such as rapid urban growth, which can lead to irreversible LULC changes, the proliferation of unplanned settlements and environmental degradation.
In Blantyre city, the second-largest city in Malawi by population and size, the urban LULC situation is unclear and has not yet been quantified. There is also not enough empirical data on urban LULC changes over time. Therefore, the aim of this study is to analyse urban LULC changes from 1994 to 2018 in Blantyre city using remotely sensed Landsat data in order to support sustainable urban planning. The year of 1994 was chosen as a start date because it is when Malawi changed its governance system from a one-party system to a multiparty system. The year of 2018 was chosen as the end date because it is when the field verification was taken, while the year of 2007 was chosen as an intermediate date to illustrate the rates of change.
The study also identified random and systematic transitions derived from the classified maps to focus on prominent signals of change in the study area. The study period 1994–2018 was chosen in order to understand how the democratic governance systems influenced the LULC changes in urban environments of Blantyre city. The significance of the study is threefold: (1) the study will reveal the underlying human processes in the urban environment and their interactions; (2) the information generated can assist with managing the pressures of human activities and urban developments on the land, and (3) the results of this study can be used as baseline information to determine future urban land use and for setting policy priorities to promote inclusive and equitable urban development. Ultimately, this will help to realise well-balanced urban growth for citizens and the environment in Blantyre city.
4. Discussion
The results indicated that there were increased anthropogenic-induced urban LULC changes in Blantyre city over the past 24 years. This was substantiated by the observed accelerated increase in built-up area from 4.1 per cent during the initial period to almost 7 per cent in the later period, with an overall annual change at 5.3 per cent. This is similar to the accelerated declining rates observed for the vegetation and bare land classes (
Section 3.1). The increase in the built-up class is comparable to other studies conducted in the sub-Saharan African cities, including the Dakar metropolitan area in Senegal, Nairobi city in Kenya, and Harare city in Zimbabwe, which experienced an increase in built-up areas at the annual rates of 9.6, 9.5 and 4.7 per cent, respectively, between the years 1990 and 2014 [
45]. The observed increase in the built-up class and the decline in vegetation and bare land classes, respectively, have several implications for sustainable urban planning of the area.
Firstly, the observed annual growth rate of 5.3 per cent for the built-up class in the study area surpassed the urban population growth rate estimated at 2.3 per cent between 1998 and 2018 [
10,
11]. This means that the urban growth in Blantyre City, with a land consumption ratio of 2.3, is becoming more expansive than compact [
46]. This kind of growth creates profound repercussions for environmental sustainability in the city and also prevents the city from enjoying high social interaction due to close integration of communities, and easy access to social-economic facilities [
47]. Further to that, the excessive increase in the built-up area indicates an increment of more impervious surfaces in the city. The increase of impervious surfaces causes a decrease in the groundwater recharge as well as high reflection of solar radiation back to the atmosphere, hence contributing to environmental problems such as urban flooding and urban heat islands [
48]. This development puts the city at risk and calls for better management to guarantee sustainable urban development.
Secondly, the vegetation loss observed in this study signifies the loss of green spaces (such as forests and parks) [
49]. The vegetation loss results in declining ecosystem services, such as air and water purification, flood mitigation services, noise reduction and climate regulation, including urban cooling [
50]. It also causes soil degradation [
51], which leads to the formation of gullies and derelict landscapes. In addition, such losses increase residents’ vulnerability to environmental stress due to the loss of non-material benefits that people obtain from ecosystems through spiritual enrichment, cognitive development, reflection, recreation and aesthetic experience, as well as their role in supporting knowledge systems, social relations and aesthetic values [
52].
Lastly, the decline in bare land exerts enormous pressure on land suitable for urban development. Recently, over 10,000 families were reported to have built their houses illegally in areas such as wetlands, steep slopes and river/stream buffer zones in the city [
53]. Such unplanned settlements are prone to multiple hazards such as floods and landslides, which have increased in frequency and intensity in recent times due to climate change and climate variability [
54]. Similar situations were also observed in Mzuzu City, northern Malawi, where people have encroached into areas prone to multiple hazards [
55].
Furthermore, the analysis of the transitional matrix derived from the 1994 and 2018 classified maps, as shown in
Table 5c, has revealed the two-way systematic pathway of changes as illustrated in
Figure 5.
These systematic processes suggest that the gain in built-up targets bare land and avoids vegetation. This can be explained by the fact that most land under vegetated areas, such as Ndirande, Soche and Kanjedza forest reserves, as well as the Mudi catchment area, are protected leaving bare land vulnerable to conversion to built-up. Additionally, most vegetated areas have unsuitable land for development, such as wetlands, steep slopes and river/stream buffer zones.
Likewise, the gain in bare land systematically targets the vegetation class and avoids the built-up class. This systematic process has caused the loss of vegetative cover in the study area. This loss could be explained by anthropogenic activities, such as wood extraction for firewood, brick burning and lapses in management [
56,
57,
58]. For example, the majority of Malawians have no access to a reliable energy source. The proportion of households with access to electricity in Malawi has increased from 8 per cent in 2010 to 11 per cent in 2017 [
59]. Nevertheless, the most common source of cooking fuel in the country is firewood with 81 per cent, followed by charcoal (16 per cent), electricity (2 per cent) and crop residue at 1 per cent. Although 62.9 per cent of Blantyre city residences had access to electricity in 2017, only 15.5 per cent use it for cooking and heating [
59]. While acknowledging that 90 per cent of the firewood supply in urban areas originates from rural areas, the remaining 10 per cent still comes from urban forests and other vegetation types [
60] and may have contributed to the vegetation loss observed in this study. Secondly, brick burning also contributes to vegetation loss. Construction industries rely heavily on wood for burnt brick production, which remains the main walling construction material in Malawi. It is estimated that over 0.7 metric tons of firewood ae required to create 1000 bricks [
61], leading to massive forest degradation [
62]. Traditionally, bricks are usually made at the construction site because when made off-site, transportation increases their costs substantially [
63]. As such, it is logical to attribute the production of burnt bricks as a possible cause of vegetation loss in Blantyre city during the study period. From a governance perspective, the authorities prior to the democratic era had protected forest reserves from poachers and squatters, however, this authoritative control was lost during the transitional period in the early 1990s. This was largely due to the austerity measures that were introduced under the structural adjustment program. These measures led to the reduced number of forest guards who were protecting forest reserves. This change, coupled with the severe economic downturn around the same time, induced people to overexploit forest resources to support their livelihoods [
64]. By 1995, the Ndirande Mountain Forest Reserve was largely deforested [
56], and other forest reserves in Blantyre, such as Kanjedza, Soche, Michiru and Bangwe, were not spared. Local residents also invaded the Mudi Dam catchment area owned by the Blantyre Water Board of the city, destroying its vegetation cover that resulted in the siltation of Mudi dam [
65].
Limitations of the Study
This study used Landsat data with a spatial resolution of 30 m, meaning that the changes below this pixel size might have been missed during classification processes. Therefore, the use of high-resolution satellite data could have provided more detailed information about LULC changes with higher accuracy.
5. Conclusions
This study provides the details of urban LULC changes in Blantyre city from 1994 to 2018 characterised by an increase in built-up area and the decline of vegetation and bare land areas, respectively. The study further reveals a two-step temporal transition, firstly from the vegetation class to the bare land class, and from the bare land class to the built-up class. This clearly demonstrates the existence of inefficiencies in the management of urban growth in the city. Based on this information, urban development stakeholders can make policy and planning priorities to ensure sustainable urban development. In order to ensure sustainable urban development in Blantyre city, this study suggests that the authorities should expedite the allocation of all suitable land for development while safeguarding unauthorised development in risky areas. This study, further, calls for all planning authorities in Malawi at the city, district, regional and national levels to review physical plans more often and help to facilitate the timely supply of serviced land across the country.
Regarding the observed vegetation cover loss, some innovative policy measures, such as identifying crucial vegetation areas for protection from anthropogenic forces, could be implemented. There is also a need to enhance cooperation among urban stakeholders and local residents, including providing incentives that could encourage locals to conserve vegetation and allow natural regeneration on bare hills and other vegetation reserves within the city boundary.