1. Introduction
Environmental perceptions and attitudes are multidimensional, consisting of several interrelated constructs [
1]. One of the ways researchers can promote sustainable and pro-environmental behaviour is to understand the determinants of environmental perceptions and attitudes, as these have implications on human–nature relationships [
2,
3,
4]. Environmental behaviour are actions emanating from beliefs, attitudes, values and perceptions towards the environment. Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) [
5] in their theory of reasoned action, asserted that evaluative and normative beliefs influence attitudes and norms towards the environment, and the resultant environmental behaviour. Studies have pointed out that person’s environmental perceptions and attitudes and resultant environmental behaviour can be shaped by several individual level and externally determined factors [
6]. At an individual level, researchers have demonstrated that age has a strong correlation to environmental attitudes [
7]. Younger people are believed to hold less stringent views on the environment and have lower levels of environmental concern [
7,
8]. However, in a study of cohort group differences in environmental concern, Honnold (1984) [
9] found decreased levels of environmental concern in almost all age groups since the 1970s. Gender has also been widely studied as a factor affecting environmental attitudes, with females being more inclined towards environmental protection than males are [
10]. Studies on correlates between gender and its influence on environmental perceptions and attitudes have been inconsistent though, as other researchers have found no universality on differences in perceptions and attitudes based on gender [
11,
12]. Scholars have explained the differences in the effect of gender on human–nature relations based on gender roles and socialization [
2,
10]. Socialisation theory postulates that females are socialised to be more caring, expressive, nurturing and have the ethics of care. Males, on the other hand, are socialised to be less expressive and competitive, and not very nurturing in approach [
10]. Other empirical studies e.g., that by Theodori and Luloff (2002) based on a national survey in the USA, were not conclusive on the influence of gender on environmental behaviour [
6].
Another socio-demographic determinant of environmental perceptions and attitudes that has received attention from researchers is socio-economic status, in terms of income levels and employment status. In more developed countries, employment status has been linked to relatively higher levels of income as more people are involved in the formal economy [
13]. Some studies have shown that higher-income earners tend to be more environmentally concerned than lower-income earners [
14,
15]. Other researchers have argued that high-income earners tend to live in more environmentally friendly areas, and are therefore more protective of the environment [
14]. Additionally, Van Liere and Dunlap (1981) [
16] and Kemmelmeier, Król and Kim (2002) [
17] suggested that environmental matters are more of a ‘luxury’ for low-income earners, and can only be indulged upon after more basic livelihood needs (adequate food, shelter, and economic security) have been addressed. Theodori and Luloff (2002) also found that higher income earners are more likely to involve in more pro-environmental behaviour than lower income earners [
6]. The logic ensues that higher financial status brings with it the ability to focus on aesthetic matters [
18]. Economic status has also been linked to levels of education, as wealthier people, or those with higher income levels, are typically more educated than the lower earners [
19,
20]. In support of this assertion, Theodori and Luloff (2002) also found that education and political ideology were the most consistent predictors of engagement in a variety of pro-environmental behaviours [
6]. In South Africa, economic status has been linked to the political legacy of separate development (
apartheid), wherein the White population group was afforded superior economic opportunities to the other groups, hence perpetuating economic disparities along racial lines [
21]. It is unclear, however, if economic status has implications for environmental perceptions and attitudes in the Gauteng province.
Education level has also been found to influence environmental perceptions and attitudes. Studies have found that people with higher levels of education are more expressive towards environmentalism in terms of perceptions and attitudes than those with lower levels of education [
16,
20]. These expressions are mainly about environmental concern, awareness, knowledge, and subsequent behaviours [
22]. In support of this assertion, Van Liere and Dunlap (1981) [
16] also found a positive link between education and environmental perceptions and attitudes. Scott and Willits (1994) [
23] found that people with more years of formal schooling are more expressive about environmental issues, in terms of perceptions, attitudes and resultant environmental behaviour than did the less educated and lower-income respondents. During their studies, people get more exposed to a wide variety of ideas and beliefs about the environment and become more liberal-minded on the environment than people with lower levels of education [
17]. In essence, therefore, increased levels of education are associated with heightened environmental concern. Environmental concern has been considered to be a determinant of people to act responsibly, and a key determinant of perceptions and attitudes [
22,
24,
25].
Another socio-demographic variable that is a determinant of environmental perceptions and attitudes is population group or ethnicity. Different environmental perceptions amongst population groups may help account for variances in behaviour related to environmental resource availability, and resource governance and management, especially in areas where segregation by ethnicity and cultural orientation still exists. Variations in perceptions about environmental matters between ethnic groups have been found to persist even when demographic factors such as age, education, gender, residence, and family size were held constant [
10]. Lazri and Konisky (2019) [
10] in their Gallup study of population groups spanning over 15 years, found that people of colour in the USA are more concerned than Whites about matters about environmental justice, and just as concerned about problems related to sustainable behaviours like pollution prevention and resource protection. This finding is pitted against traditional findings that people of colour and those of Hispanic origin in the USA are concerned more by basic survival and view environmentalism as a luxury issue. Therefore, socio-demographic factors have not always been consistent in predicting environmental concern [
26].
Besides the above socio-demographic variables, other factors that have been noted to be strong determinants of environmental perceptions and attitudes include knowledge about the environment [
27,
28], length of stay in an area [
4], immigration status [
29], access to amenities [
30], place of residence (rural/urban) [
31] dwelling type [
32,
33,
34] and religion [
35]. For example, knowledge about the environment may affect environmental perceptions and attitudes, as knowledge about environmental topics leads to pro-environmental behaviour [
5,
36]. Studies have also indicated that longer residence in an urban area is generally associated with greater environmentalism and that rural dwellers who rely more on the land tend to be more protective towards the environment [
32]. Length of stay and immigration status have been linked to environmental perceptions and attitudes, as place bonding leads to certain environmental behaviours, which are driven by environmental perceptions and attitudes [
29]. In urban areas, access to amenities like water and access to waste disposal facilities may lead to people developing certain perceptions and attitudes of the environment, as behaviours and awareness of water pollution and waste disposal results in certain levels of environmental awareness, especially in less developed countries [
31]. All of these factors influence how people view their role in that environment, and hence their perceptions and attitudes towards their surroundings [
10,
37].
Although there have been many studies done on environmental perceptions and attitudes, few have been carried out in less economically developed and diverse societies. Even then, researchers have concurred that the relationship between these dimensions remains poorly understood [
28,
38]. Additionally, most studies of environmental perceptions and attitudes have relied on relatively small samples that were geographically limited [
10]. Even for those studies conducted in less developed countries, they have been on environmentally homogenous locales like tourist areas and botanical gardens [
38] rural settings [
39], outdoor recreation [
1,
40] and few have been on culturally and socio-economically diverse urban environments like Gauteng which is dominated by racial groups that have a long history of being systematically discriminated against [
11]. Gauteng, like the rest of the urban setups in the country, has settlement patterns that are largely shaped by past governance structures that created and implemented race-based discriminatory settlements patterns [
21]. Therefore, it is unclear if such social engineering has influenced people’s perceptions and attitudes towards the environment. By carrying out this study, we aim to determine which of the socio-demographic variables are strong determinants of environmental perceptions and attitudes. We envisage that this knowledge may help in understanding environmental behaviours like protecting pooled resources, recycling and pollution reduction and control, which can then assist in achieving environmental sustainability within the province.
The study was conducted in all the metropolitan and district municipalities of Gauteng. The province consists of metropolitan cities of Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni and Tshwane, and the district municipalities of the West Rand and Sedibeng (
Figure 1). Although the province only covers 1.5% of the total land area of South Africa, it is the most populated province and is viewed as the economic heartland of the country and a gateway to Africa, generating a third of the country’s gross domestic product [
41,
42].
Gauteng’s population is made up of approximately 80% Black Africans, 2.9% Asians/Indians, 3.4% Coloureds and 13.7% Whites [
41]. In terms of gender, the province is made up of 50.6% males and 49.4% females. The province consists of 64.8% of people that were born in the province and is comprised mainly of youth (18–35 year age group), who make up 42.8% of the population. The population is also made up of by people who have had secondary education (62.2%) followed by those with tertiary education (24%), and those with only primary education (10.3%). Even though the province is dominated by formal dwellings, a large percentage of the population lives in informal settlements (12%), where the provision of basic amenities is limited [
42]. The population of Gauteng was estimated to have exceeded 14 million in 2017, using projections from Statistics South Africa [
42].
3. Results
Initial tests of association between the explanatory variables (socio-demographic factors) and outcome variables (variables related to environmental perceptions and attitudes) were conducted using the Kruskal-Wallis and χ
2 tests.
Table 2 presents the results for the Kruskal-Wallis and χ
2 tests. The results indicated that dwelling type, electricity availability, born in Gauteng or migrated, education level and population group were significantly associated with environmental attitudes and perceptions using both the χ
2 and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Age was only significantly associated with environmental perceptions, whilst gender showed no association with both environmental attitudes and perceptions. Therefore, except for gender and age, the Kruskal-Wallis test, together with the χ
2 independence test point to a strong association between the dependent and independent variables.
Having tested the significance of the association between dependent and independent variables, modelling was then necessary to establish the relationships between the two sets of variables. In order to achieve this, the proportional odds assumption was performed using the likelihood-ratio test (LRT). The results of the proportionality assumption of the fitted model using gologit are given in
Table 3. The LRTs for both perceptions and attitudes were significant (
p-values = 0.000), hence indicating that the proportional odds assumption of the response variables were violated. Consequently, an alternative to the PO model would be desirable to establish the relationship between the dependent and independent variables.
When a violation of proportional odds has occurred, gologit models are a superior alternative since they can be less restrictive and are more parsimonious than PO models.
Table 4 represents the results of the fitted gologit model for the two dependent variables. The odds ratios (OR) reflected as the
column in
Table 4, shows the change in the odds of being in a higher category on the dependent variable for every one-unit increase on the independent variable, holding the remaining independent variables constant. An OR >1 suggests an increased probability of being in a higher level on the dependent variable as values on an independent variable increase, where a ratio <1 suggests a decreasing probability with increasing values on an independent variable. An OR =1 suggests no predicted change in the likelihood of being in a higher category as values on an independent variable increase. The beta coefficients (
) indicate whether the movement is in the positive or negative, and the magnitude of the movement.
Table 4 indicates that explanatory variables such as gender, dwelling type, place of birth, employment status and education level were strong determinants of environmental attitudes. Of these variables, gender and place of birth have positive
coefficients or ORs > 1. This means that there is a higher probability of these values to be in a higher category of the dependent variable, which, in this case, is the environmental attitudes variable [
44]. For instance, the coefficient for the male gender is positive indicating that higher values of this variable increase the probability that a respondent is in the higher category of a dependent variable (i.e., it is important to look after the environment) than the current one, i.e., it has a higher probability of being ranked in a higher category. Meanwhile, explanatory variables such as dwelling type and employment status had ORs < 1, imply that rating in lower categories is more [
44]. In interpreting the results of each panel in
Table 4, the
coefficients and the level of significance for each category are considered. The
coefficient is the degree of change in the outcome variable for every 1 unit of change in the predictor variable. For example, gender, place of birth and education (no primary and primary only) were found to be significantly associated with ‘it is important to look after the environment’, with positive
coefficients. Dwelling type (formal), on the other hand, had a negative
value (
= −0.172; OR = 0.842) meaning for every 1 unit increase in dwelling type ‘formal’ the outcome variable will decrease by the
coefficient value (i.e., −0.172). An OR of less than 1 (i.e., 0.842) suggests a decreasing probability with increasing values on the independent variable (dwelling type). Even though other variables like age (30–64 years) had ORs > 1 and mainly positive
values they had no significant influence on environmental attitudes. Notably, population group, electricity availability and education level had no influence on attitudes.
Using the same interpretation, population group (Coloured and White), dwelling type, electricity availability, employment status and education level (from primary only up to matric) were found to be significantly associated with environmental perceptions (perceived improvement/deterioration). The findings of this study also indicate that gender, place of birth and age had no influence on perceptions. Dwelling type (informal), employment status (unemployed) and education level (except ‘more’) all had ORs > 1 for explaining perceptions. This implies that higher values of these explanatory variables increase the probability that a respondent is in a higher category than the current one of a dependent variable (i.e., perceived environmental improvement/deterioration) [
44]. Meanwhile, explanatory variables such as population group, dwelling type (formal), electricity availability and employment status (formal) had negative
values and ORs < 1, implying that higher values of these variables increase the probability of being in the current category of environmental perceptions [
44].
4. Discussion
This study sought to explore the key factors determining environmental perceptions and attitudes for a socio-economically diverse area of Gauteng province, South Africa. Statistical results indicated that explanatory variables such as dwelling type, gender, place of birth, education level and employment status were strong determinants of environmental attitudes. Dwelling type, population group (Coloured and White), electricity availability, employment status and education level (from primary only up to matric) were significantly associated with environmental perceptions. The common determinants for both environmental perceptions and attitudes are therefore dwelling type and employment status, both materialistic values in nature. In South Africa, material values have been linked to geographical location and ethnicity because of past policies of separate development [
21]. These results should be interpreted with some caution because the response variables were single item indices used as proxies for perceptions and attitudes. In addition, the responses could have been influenced by other latent factors not related to respondents’ views on how they relate to the social and natural environment per se. The direct questions and how they are framed (as ‘quality of life questions’) may also fail to capture other sentimental and emotional responses and behaviour that may also influence levels of environmental concern [
35]. However, they do shed light on some of the socio-demographic factors that determine human–nature relations for a socio-demographically diverse area such as Gauteng in South Africa. The results are discussed in light of relevant literature.
Dwelling type was a strong common determinant of both environmental perceptions and attitudes. In the South African context, and indeed in other parts of the world, dwelling type is linked to socio-economic status [
33]. Gauteng is made up of formal urban settlements (low-density settlements) with standard formal (medium and high density) and informal dwellings (normally overcrowded) [
42]. There are also semi-rural dwellings and farm plots, especially on the outskirts of the study area [
42]. These are normally made up of formal dwellings and informal dwellings mainly for farmworkers. Dwelling type, therefore, can be linked to the place of residence, and affordability of formal housing. Past research, [
45] investigated the constancy of place of residence as a predictor of environmental concern using longitudinal data throughout the 1980s in the USA. Not only had environmental attitudes of urban residents become more distinct from those of rural residents over this particular decade, but the place of residence seemed to take on increasing importance as a predictor of environmental concern [
45]. Environmental concern has been linked to environmental attitudes and has also been found to be an important indirect determinant of specific environmental behaviour [
23]. Willers (1996) [
30], in their study of more heterogeneous cities in South Africa, noted that dwelling type and place of residence are predictors of environmental concern because of (1) size of residential community, which can affect population densities and resultant environmental degradation (2) cultural diversity and pollution associated with urban areas, which may influence human–nature relations, and (3) socialisation in urban areas, which may result in certain environmental behaviours brought about by political ideologies on environmental issues. Evans and Jacobs (1981), also in their study of South African communities, reported that people living in high density, polluted areas showed less concern for the environment, and those living in more formal and wealthier dwellings showed higher levels of concern. Dixon and Durrheim (2004) [
21], in their study of desegregation in South Africa, established a link between environmental attitudes and materialism, with the White community being more privileged and wealthier than other population groups, and hence affording to live in more well off dwellings. Grieve and Van Staden (1985) [
11] and Willers (1994) [
30] in their studies of communities in selected suburbs in South Africa, however, found no significant differences in environmental perceptions, attitudes, and concerns between different residential groupings. However, this is an angle that needs further research as international literature on dwelling type as a predictor of environmental perceptions and attitudes is scant.
Employment status was another common significant predictor of both perceptions and attitudes. Employment status is an aspect of economic conditions. Studies on economic conditions and the environment have not looked at employment status per se, but on how economic conditions may affect environmental attitudes [
28,
37]. Shen and Saijo (2007) [
14] in their study of 1200 individuals in Shanghai, China, found that high income and high education level was positively related to environmental concern as expected. Other researchers have argued that high-income earners tend to live in more environmentally friendly areas, and are, therefore, prone to be more protective towards the environment [
20,
46]. Additionally, Van Liere and Dunlap (1981) [
16] used the hierarchy of needs approach and suggested that environmental matters are more of a ‘luxury’ for low-income earners, and can only be indulged upon after more basic material issues (adequate food, shelter, and economic security) have been addressed. Brechin and Kempton (1995) [
25] argued that the high levels of environmental concern among poor countries demonstrate that low-income earners also have high levels of environmental concern. Such studies, therefore, have raised doubts about the relationship between post-materialism and environmental concern and have inspired additional research to expand exploration of environmental concern in a variety of settings. In more heterogeneous ‘impoverished’ communities in South Africa, Hunter et al (2010), also found that perceptions and attitudes evolve around livelihoods, socioeconomics and the individual experience, indicating that employment or economic status alone intertwines with other factors in a complex way to determine one’s outlook towards the environment.
In our study, we used the place of birth (born in Gauteng or migrated) as a proxy for migration status. This variable has been found to be a determinant of attitudes in other studies [
28], but was only a moderate determinant of attitudes and a much weaker determinant of perception. Other studies, e.g., Brehm et al. (2006) [
35] found migration status to be a more complex factor in determining community attachment. They found that new migrants actually form much stronger bonds with the natural environment than social networks and local relationships that longer term residents have relating to their environment In our study, the influence of migration on human–nature relations is also complex. Gauteng is the economic hub of South Africa and has been the largest recipient of local and international migrants [
42]. Population growth resulting from rapid urbanisation as a result of in-migration has meant the involvement of communities in environmental decision-making processes. However, this has seemingly not translated into heightened place attachment amongst the residents.
Availability or non-availability of electricity in households has received scant attention on the discourse on socio-economic and demographic factors affecting environmental perceptions and attitudes. Studies that have considered electricity availability as a factor have been on environmental concern in general [
30]. Other studies have touched on the availability of amenities related to service delivery and how these affect environmental behaviour [
30]. In our study, electricity availability came out as one of the significant determinants of environmental perceptions. This is not surprising in the South African context, as availability of electricity in households is largely linked to socio-economic status (SES) and dwelling type. Earlier studies on SES and environmental perceptions pointed to a positive relationship between care for the environment and higher SES. For example, White and Hunter (2005) found a positive relationship between higher SES and environmental perceptions among residents of 6 coastal districts in the Central region of Ghana. This view has, however, been contradicted by other studies that have found that people of low SES hold similar, if not more solemn, views about the environment than the more affluent [
10].
Level of education came out as one of the highest predictors of environmental attitudes (lower levels of education) and perceptions (low to higher levels of education). This is in slight contrast to other research that has found a positive correlation between higher educational attainment and increased environmental awareness [
30]. Willers (1996) [
30], however, postulated that ‘level of education’ should not be equated with the concept ‘environmental knowledge/awareness’. Being well-informed about environmental issues need not necessarily accompany high levels of education, and
vice-versa, albeit that the causes of environmental problems are often very complex and are more easily comprehended by the better educated [
47]. Interestingly, research in America [
31] and in South Africa [
46] pointed to generally low levels of knowledge about environmental issues and degradation in target populations even when the level of education is positively related to environmental concern. Other studies, for example, Van Liere and Dunlap (1981) [
16] and White, Virden and van Riper [
48] reviewed numerous studies on environmental concern conducted in the USA in the period from the late 1960s to 1990 and found positive correlations between education levels and environmental perceptions and attitudes. Similar conclusions were reached by Theodori and Luloff (2002), who, in their study in America found that education was a positive and significant predictor of pro-environmental behaviours [
6].
Our study indicated that population group was an insignificant predictor of attitudes and only the Coloured and White population groups predicted perceptions. Other research, e.g., Whittaker, Segura and Shaun (2005) [
49] subscribed racial and ethnic differences in environmental attitudes to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory suggesting that poor or minority populations, mainly Black people and other minorities had more pressing survival issues than concerns over the environment. White people, on the other hand, were predicted to take up more environmental issues. By contrast, environmental deprivation theory posited that environmental concern is related primarily to exposure, that the more polluted the neighbourhood, the more concerned the residents of that neighbourhood [
50]. Given that poorer communities occupy the most environmentally impacted neighbourhoods, they would have higher levels of concern (perceptions and attitudes). In a study on environmental attitudes in South Africa, Willers (1996) [
30] found that population group was an inconsistent predictor of perceptions and attitudes, and pointed to the paucity of such studies in South Africa. Willers (1996) [
30] reported that population group had a significant effect on people’s views on environmental degradation. The researchers found that 93% of the White population, 70% of the Coloured, 67.2% of the Asian and 55.4% of the Black sample regarded environmental degradation as a priority. Dixon and Durrheim (2004) [
21] asserted that in South Africa ethnicity/population group is one of the strongest determinants of environmental concern due to the legacy of apartheid and that the White population group holds strong protectionist bonds about their environments. However, studies on whether such social engineering in South Africa has directly affected people’s perceptions and attitudes towards the environment have been scant. More recently, Lazri and Konisky (2019) [
10] found that people of colour in the USA are more concerned than Whites about matters pertaining to environmental justice, and just as concerned about problems related to traditional environmentalism. This points to the complexity of race/ethnicity/population group as a determinant of environmental perceptions and attitudes.
Our study also found that age was not associated with environmental perceptions and attitudes. These findings are consistent with other studies that have found no association between age and environmental perceptions or attitudes. For example, Van Liere and Dunlap (1981) [
16] reviewed a wide range of American studies on environmental concern and reported a negative association between environmental perceptions, attitudes with age. Even though these studies have indicated a negative relationship between age and environmental attitudes, it is more common to find a positive relationship between age and pro-environmental behaviour [
9]. Wiernik et al (2013) [
7], in their study of USA communities using data collected between 1970 and 2010 found that older individuals appear to be more likely to engage with nature, avoid environmental harm, and conserve raw materials and natural resources. In South Africa, Grieve and Van Staden (1985) [
11] investigated environmental concern among English and Afrikaans-speaking adolescents (14 to 17 years) and adults (age 18 years +) using the Environmental Concern Scale (ECS) developed by Weigel and Weigel (1978) [
50]. They found significant differences between adolescents and adults, with the former showing less environmental concern than the latter. Therefore, it appears that the relationship between age and environmental concern is a complex one and that other factors are involved in the development of environmental perceptions and attitudes.
Gender has also been widely studied as a factor affecting environmental attitudes, with females being more inclined towards environmental protection than males [
2,
12]. Our study revealed that gender was an average predictor of environmental attitudes, but not of perceptions. In any case, other studies have found that females have higher levels of environmental attitudes than males [
2,
16]. This is consistent with the socialization theory that posits that there is strong empirical evidence that females tend to be more positive in their environmental attitudes than males [
51]. However, Whittaker et al. (2005) [
49], in their analysis of data from a random sample of U.S. residents revealed significant differences in environmental attitudes particularly within White males, who showed variable and less concern for environmental issues than females and males from other race groups. One of the few South African studies that included gender as a predictor of environmental concern Grieve and Van Staden (1985) [
11] found that gender alone is not a strong predictor of perceptions and attitudes and that it interplays with other factors like language and ethnicity as a predictor of environmental concern.