Transmission of Spatial Experience in the Context of Sustainability of Urban Memory ^†

Abstract

Urban memory involves the re-creation of a city’s physical, historical, social, and cultural elements in the memories of its inhabitants. However, urban transformation and commercial tourism-oriented projects may threaten the continuity of this memory. This study aims to provide an understanding of the relationship between urban memory and spatial experience while exploring how urban memory elements convey meanings to daily users and local inhabitants of a touristic settlement. The research focuses on Misi Village in Bursa, Turkey, a settlement with a 2000-year history known for its traditional architecture and natural beauty. Over the past two decades, local authorities have pursued extensive restoration projects to rebrand Misi Village as an Art and Tourism Village. The research employs the oral history method, focusing on two user groups: tourists and locals. The findings reveal that while tourists appreciate Misi Village for its natural beauty and recreational activities, they lack a deeper understanding of its history and the transformation of its identity. Instead, they mostly focus on commerce-oriented spatial experiences. In contrast, local residents emphasize daily life and traditional practices as they strive to sustain their livelihoods. By highlighting this difference, strategic planning is proposed to preserve Misi Village’s unique urban memory and promote sustainable, culturally centered tourism.

1. Introduction

The concepts of urban memory and spatial experience serve as the foundation for this study. Numerous studies demonstrate the intricate and multifaceted relationship between memory and place [1,2,3,4]. Urban memory refers to the collective and shared recollections of a city’s past, encompassing the historical, cultural, and social experiences of its inhabitants. It involves tangible elements, such as architecture, landmarks, and urban layouts [1,2,5,6], as well as intangible aspects, including rituals, traditions, and communal memories [7,8]. This concept also plays a key role in urban planning [9] and heritage conservation [3].

Urban spaces serve as critical points where the past, present, and future intersect. These spaces are significant for maintaining collective memory, as they embody the history, experiences, and values of a society [2,6]. Therefore, urban transformations directly impact the spatial experiences of inhabitants, altering how these spaces are perceived and remembered within urban memory. In this regard, the aim of the research is to examine the dynamic relationship between urban memory and spatial experience through a unique fieldwork. Misi Village, with its multi-layered history [10,11,12,13], distinctive architectural identity, and tourism value gained through restoration projects carried out by the local authority, stands out as a settlement worth investigating in the context of urban memory and spatial experience.

The study employs primarily a qualitative method to investigate the relationship between urban memory and spatial experience through two distinct users of the settlement: tourists and locals. Through an oral history study [14,15,16] conducted with 15 tourists and 15 locals, elements of urban memory related to the settlement have been identified within the themes based on the narratives. The findings indicate that while tourists appreciate Misi Village for its natural beauty and recreational opportunities, they often lack a comprehensive understanding of its historical context and the evolution of its identity. Their focus tends to lean towards commerce-oriented spatial experiences, overshadowing the deeper cultural significance of the area. In contrast, local residents highlight their daily lives and traditional practices, as they strive to sustain their livelihoods amid changing socio-economic conditions.

Based on the findings, a comprehensive strategic planning framework is proposed, emphasizing the enhancement of the preservation and promotion of Misi’s history, identity, urban memory, and future urban planning in relation to tourism development. This strategic planning adopts community-driven practices, aiming to sustain local lifestyles and cultural values. By prioritizing the voices and needs of locals, the plan seeks to enhance their overall well-being.

This study explores the benefits of studying a specific site where tourism practices have been implemented for two decades. In particular, the site offers valuable opportunities not only to investigate urban memory and spatial experience but also to examine the implications of tourism on residents’ well-being. This dual focus enables a deeper understanding of both the theoretical framework and practical applications in urban studies and tourism development. Therefore, this paper is significant and addresses gaps in the literature through the following aspects:

• analyzing memory elements based on spatial experiences through two distinct user groups: tourists and locals,
• uncovering how tourism practices in the settlement are perceived by both locals and tourists,
• discovering the impact of identity transformation resulting from tourism practices on the well-being of locals,
• proposing action plans for the future development of the settlement within a framework of culture-based sustainable tourism that incorporates both user groups.

The paper is organized into five sections. First, the theoretical framework of the study is presented, focusing on key concepts. Second, Misi is introduced as the case study, including efforts by the local authority to transform the village into a cultural tourism center. Third, the research methods are explained. Following this, the findings of the fieldwork are presented, highlighting the differences between tourists and locals. Finally, the strategic planning is outlined in the discussion section.

2. Literature Review

2.1. A Brief Overview on Collective Memory and Urban Memory

The concept of memory, which originated as a topic of philosophical discourse, began to be examined in the field of cognitive psychology toward the late 19th century. In philosophy, memory is analyzed through the lenses of the philosophy of mind and consciousness, while neurology investigates its foundational aspects. Psychology focuses on the cognitive and emotional processes involved in recall, and sociology examines the formation of collective memories [17,18,19]. In summary, philosophical and psychological approaches to memory are often addressed at the individual level, whereas sociological perspectives investigate how memory is formed and functions within a social context.

Classic sociological studies on collective memory have laid the foundation for understanding how societies remember and interpret their pasts. Durkheim’s understanding of memory is intricately linked to his concepts of collective consciousness and social cohesion. He argued that memory is not solely an individual phenomenon but a social one, shaped by shared beliefs, values, and norms within a community. Collective memory, reinforced through communal rituals and practices, serves to transmit important historical events and experiences across generations, fostering a sense of identity and belonging among members of society. Durkheim posited that when collective memory is strong, it contributes to social stability and cohesion; however, a breakdown in this shared memory can lead to anomie, where individuals feel disconnected from their social context [20]. While Durkheim was the first sociologist to systematically examine commemoration and commemorative rituals, it was his student, Halbwachs, who expanded on this work by developing the broader concept of collective memory in 1920s and 1930s [21,22]. According to Halbwachs, while memory is recognized as an individual faculty, it cannot be fully understood without considering the individual’s social and physical environment. Memory is shaped by social codes and is viewed as a social and collective production. In this context, individual memory develops in relation to collective memory; individual recollections are supported by collective memory and ultimately merge with it [7]. Shir, who also points out the relationship between memory and social codes, suggests that culture is closely connected to networks of memory and tradition. These networks serve as stores for inherited concepts, meanings, and values essential for maintaining social order. He explores the idea of collective memory, emphasizing how shared experiences and communal recollections influence remembering the past [23]. This comprehensive framework challenges traditional historiography by advocating for a more inclusive perspective that recognizes the subjective nature of memory in historical interpretation.

Critiques and challenges to classic sociological studies on collective memory have emerged as scholars have explored new dimensions of memory, particularly in response to the limitations of earlier frameworks. These critiques argue that classic theories often overlook the complexities of memory in contemporary societies. Olick critiques the dichotomy between cultural and structural approaches to memory, advocating for an integrative perspective that acknowledges both individual experiences and collective contexts [24]. Connerton extends the classic approach by emphasizing that memory is embodied and enacted through rituals, but he also highlights that societies can actively “forget” as part of their memory processes. His work opens the door to understanding how memory is not fixed but dynamic [25]. Foucault challenges the understating of the role of power in shaping collective memory in classic sociological studies. Foucault’s notion of “counter-memory” highlights the voices and experiences that are suppressed or excluded from dominant historical accounts. This perspective emphasizes that memory is political, constantly contested, and subject to change depending on shifts in power. By controlling the production of knowledge and historical truth, powerful institutions shape not just the past but the present social order, leaving little room for alternative or resistant memories to emerge [26]. Critics also argue that there is limited focus on individual and personal memory in the classic view. Assmann introduces the distinction between “communicative memory” (based on personal experience) and “cultural memory” (institutionalized over generations), addressing the limitations of focusing solely on collective memory without considering individual recollections. Assmann’s work examines how memory is constructed, transmitted, and preserved in societies, and she explores how memory can be manipulated or repressed in cultural and political contexts [8]. Early collective memory studies often focus on the nation-state as the primary unit of analysis, which limits their applicability in a globalized world. Erll explores the dynamic nature of memory as it transcends boundaries, emphasizing how memories are not confined to a single nation or group but are constantly shaped by global flows of information, migration, and media. By proposing “travelling memory”, she offers a framework for understanding memory in a globalized world [27].

Rossi’s views on collective memory are framed within a spatial context. Rossi introduced the notion of “urban artifacts”, elements of the city (buildings, monuments, spaces) that retain the memory of past events, serving as a bridge between the past and the present. So, the architectures that define a city become integral to social relations and collective memory, serving as historical reproductions of these elements. Rossi perceives urban artifacts and other values that constitute the city as a unified whole intertwined with collective memory. By conceptualizing cities as material artifacts that bear the traces of time, he provides a perspective in which the city is transformed into historical texts, offering valuable insights. At this juncture, it is important to address Rossi’s concept of “locus”, which refers to the relationship between a specific location and the buildings within it. This relationship evolves over time through the genius loci, which contributes to the meaning and spirit of the place. Urban and architectural artifacts play a crucial role in shaping urban memory, while urban memory also influences the city and its architecture, creating a cyclical interaction. Thus, it can be argued that a reciprocal relationship exists between the spatial development of the city and social memory [1].

Nora introduced the concept of “lieux de mémoire” (sites of memory), focusing on physical locations that hold significant cultural and historical importance. He argued that these sites anchor collective memory and provide a sense of belonging, emphasizing that as societies modernize, traditional forms of memory may fade, making physical sites increasingly important for preserving cultural identity. According to him, nostalgia for the loss of tradition is a primary reason for the contemporary focus on memory. Ironically, the reason we discuss collective memory so frequently today is that very little of it remains [28]. On the other hand, Rothberg critiques Nora’s nostalgia-laden focus on lieux de mémoire by advocating for a more inclusive model of memory that recognizes the plurality of memories within any society, such as his concept of “multidirectional memory”. His work is particularly relevant in urban environments, where memories of different groups intersect, overlap, or even compete for recognition. He argues that urban memory should not be seen as a zero-sum game where one memory replaces another but rather as a process where different memories coexist and inform each other [29].

Boyer notes that remembering and forgetting are directly related to everyday practices and the built environment. She emphasizes that cities serve as repositories of collective memory, where physical spaces reflect historical narratives and cultural identities. Boyer argues that the design of urban spaces influences how communities remember and interact with their past, fostering a sense of belonging and shared identity. Through her work, she highlights the importance of understanding the relationship between memory, place, and social dynamics, suggesting that architecture and urban planning can play a crucial role in shaping collective memory [2]. Mills, addressing a similar relationship between the built environment and collective memory, suggests that memory is always a phenomenon tied to place. The ways in which we imagine, narrate, and practice the social relations that make us who we are and form our identity occur in specific places; therefore, the relationship with place has a constructive quality in shaping our identity [6]. Connerton argues that memory is intrinsically linked to topography, with the mental images of places being the core components that shape memory. He suggests that the art of memory is fundamentally a spatial practice. The brief lifespan of urban architecture and the rapid fading of its traces are key factors contributing to social amnesia. Thus, the preservation of “places of memory” is crucial for sustaining urban memory [9]. Lastly, Lynch introduces the concept of urban legibility, exploring how certain features of the city—such as landmarks, paths, and districts—are retained in the collective memory of its inhabitants. He emphasizes that “Every citizen has had long associations with some part of his city and his image is soaked in memories and meanings.” When the places that embody these images and meanings vanish, the individual no longer feels connected to the environment, leading to a loss of belonging [5].

In light of these studies, urban memory is recognized as a phenomenon that exists and evolves alongside the city, transmitted over time. Urban memory can be understood as a component of collective memory, shaped by the experiences and values of society. It encompasses a wide range of content, from the city’s spatial development history to the everyday life experiences of its inhabitants, as well as the events that have occurred within the urban environment. Therefore, the concept of urban memory refers to a comprehensive record that integrates all forms of information and data related to the city [30]. Cities that successfully preserve their memory become meaningful places, embraced by society, and this preservation ensures the continuity of their identity. Conversely, the loss of collective urban memory signifies a decline in a society’s urban culture and lifestyle over time. Such losses can gradually erode identity, leading to significant repercussions within the community [31]. In this context, the spatial transmission of identity definitions, unique to a society across generations, is essential for the sustainability of urban memory [32].

2.2. Relationship Between Urban Memory, Spatial Experience and Resident Well-Being in Touristic Sites

Spatial changes in urban environments directly impact the spatial experiences of inhabitants, altering how these spaces are perceived and remembered within urban memory. Urban spaces serve as critical points where the past, present, and future intersect. These spaces are significant for maintaining collective memory, as they embody the history, experiences, and values of a society. It is asserted that the interaction between urban memory and spatial experience is dynamic because changes in the urban landscape influence how individuals perceive and remember space, while their experiences in these spaces help shape the memories associated with them [33,34].

Transformations in the historical context of an urban space may lead to urban memory loss or alteration; urban heritage may be replaced or overshadowed by new developments. This can cause a disconnection between inhabitants and their urban environment, as familiar sites fade from collective memory. Similarly, repurposing projects aimed at revitalizing urban spaces may also impact users’ urban memory. Although the physical appearances often remain unchanged, urban memory losses can occur dramatically due to changes in context [32].

The transformation of activities within a particular environment, driven by changes in context, leads to a reassessment of the urban space’s significance in collective memory. When spaces become less integral to people’s lives, they may lose their emotional and social significance, thereby reshaping the memories associated with them [35,36,37]. Recent studies also show that transformations in urban spaces and changes in activities affect the spatial experiences of inhabitants/users, leaving an imprint on urban memory [38,39,40].

Urban spaces have different types of users who possess various spatial experiences due to personal differences such as age, cultural background, familiarity, engagement level, and socioeconomic status. Recent studies indicate a significant difference in the memories of user groups regarding the same urban space based on their individual characteristics [41]. Spatial experience is also shaped by individuals’ interactions with a place, which correlate with the amount of time spent in that space. Individuals with prolonged presence in a location tend to develop a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of its historical, cultural, and social context. Long-term spatial experience enables individuals to establish stronger connections with urban memory, as they witness different phases of the space and integrate these experiences into their personal memories [19,38,42].

Recent research on urban memory and spatial experience indicates a dynamic relationship between these two concepts through various fieldworks. Many studies develop frameworks for understanding the dimensions of urban memory at specific sites [39,40,41,43,44], while few studies focus on future interpretations for broader applications in urban studies [32,45]. This study, however, benefits from investigating a specific site where tourism applications have been recently implemented. This site offers a unique opportunity to explore the relationship between urban memory and spatial experience while shedding light on the residents’ well-being in the context of sustainable tourism.

Sustainable tourism emphasizes the balanced relationship between host communities, tourists, and the tourism industry. Historically, the industry dominated this relationship, but sustainable tourism aims to harmonize these elements for long-term success. It seeks to minimize environmental and cultural harm while optimizing visitor satisfaction and ensuring long-term economic benefits for the region. The goal is to achieve a balance between tourism growth and environmental conservation, ensuring the sustainability of both the destination and the local community [46,47]. Many researchers have been made to draw principles to the concept of sustainable tourism [48,49,50,51,52,53,54]. Since then, the research in the field has been expanding [55,56,57,58], and many criticisms have been also made [59,60,61,62,63], both in the conceptualization of the term and its applicability in the field.

In relation to sustainable tourism development, the subject of residents’ attitudes to tourism has opened a new perspective in the area. Residents’ attitudes toward tourism are shaped by various factors, including their perceptions of its economic, social, and environmental impacts, and are mostly based upon the concept of the exchange relation [64]. Positive attitudes generally stem from the economic benefits [65], such as job creation and infrastructure improvements, as well as from social benefits [66,67,68] that tourism brings to their communities. However, negative attitudes may arise if tourism leads to environmental degradation, overcrowding, or loss of local culture.

In the context of long-term sustainability of tourism, positive social impacts can lead to higher levels of community satisfaction and greater willingness to engage in tourism development [69]. In cases where the emphasis is solely on economic gain, without consideration for social and environmental impacts, the long-term sustainability of tourism may be compromised [70]. Resident well-being in touristic sites is seen as a key factor for developing positive attitudes to tourism development and enhancing sustainable tourism. When tourism initiatives prioritize the well-being of local residents, it can lead to increased community support and engagement, which enhances tourism sustainability. The well-being of the residents may even transcend the economic benefits of tourism, as it considers social and environmental factors that contribute to the overall quality of life for residents [71].

3. Material

3.1. Location and History of Misi

Misi is a culturally and historically rich settlement located in the province of Bursa, in the northwestern part of Turkey. It is the historical core of Gümüştepe Neighborhood (Figure 1).

Misi is known historically as a significant settlement, particularly famous for its silk farming, vineyards, and wine production. Today, Misi has become one of the city’s preferred tourist destinations. It attracts visitors with its restored traditional architecture and natural beauty (Figure 2).

Misi, founded by the Mysians, is estimated to have a history of at least 2000 years. According to Herodotus, the Mysians were one of the six tribes that migrated from Thrace to Anatolia in 1816 B.C. One of the main reasons the Mysians chose this area as their homeland is due to the river, historically known as Silvardos and today called Nilüfer Stream. Nilüfer Stream, flowing from south to north, divided the Bursa plain in two. Consequently, all caravans from the west would cross several bridges, including one in Misi, to reach Bursa before continuing their journey eastward. Misi was a key point on trade routes connecting western regions to the city and beyond. Therefore, it is believed that Misi hosted many civilizations and played a role in the spread of Christianity. With the founding of the city of Bursa, the importance of central settlements increased, leading to Misi losing its significance by the 2nd century B.C. However, the Mysians are believed to have remained in the area until the 5th century A.D. It is also thought that they intermingled with the Romans as the Eastern Roman Empire gained dominance in the region [10].

In 183 A.D., an important chapter in the history of Christianity in Misi began when a monk named Alex, along with 85 followers, settled there [12]. The physical conditions of the village allowed the monks to carry out missionary activities for many years. Over time, this area became one of the centers of Christianity, and a local council even convened to study the third version of the Bible. It is believed that a copy of the Bible was kept in the Misipoli Monastery where the council met. Unfortunately, during excavations in 1953, the monastery was looted by treasure hunters and looters. Today, sadly, nothing remains of this monastery. In addition, there are reports of the existence of five other monasteries within the boundaries of Misi that have also disappeared. In 1316, Orhan Gazi captured Misi and built a fortress there and another in Kestel to lay siege to the city. It is also mentioned in legends that Misi served as a temporary capital for 10 years during this period, though this date is not well documented. With the conquest of Bursa in 1326, Misi began to lose its importance as a centre [13].

According to the “tahrir defter” (Ottoman land registry),in 1530, there were only three households in the village. By the 1895 and 1908 “tahrir defter”s, the number had increased to 174 households. During the Ottoman period, this village was predominantly inhabited by Greeks. However, after the Turkish War of Independence, the Greeks left the village, leaving it populated solely by Turkish households [11]. In 1927, Misi had a population of 783, which grew to 1257 by 2013 and 1360 in 2021. There was no significant population increase over these years. However, starting in 2021, a noticeable population increase began at the neighborhood level. By 2023, the population had increased by 23.50% from the previous year, reaching 2118 [73]. This increase is linked to the construction activities within the entire Gümüştepe Neighborhood. Specifically, since the adoption of zoning plan notes allowing for low-rise construction, there has been a growing population settling in villa-type, gardened residences within the neighborhood.

Until 1961, the village was officially recorded as Misi, but from that year onward, without any change in its administrative status, it was officially recorded as Gümüştepe. In 1987, the village was incorporated into the metropolitan municipality and became a neighborhood as Gümüştepe Neighborhood [10]. In 2012, upon the request of the residents and to preserve local heritage, Nilüfer Municipality reinstated the area’s original name, Misi [74]. Today, the area is known as Misi-Gümüştepe Neighborhood.

Misi was designated as an urban conservation area in 1989 and has since been under protective measures. Currently, Misi is home to 27 examples of civil architecture and 2 fountains recognized as cultural assets, alongside 1 tree classified as a natural asset [10]. The deterioration of traditional livelihoods and adverse economic transformations have led to significant damage to many residences due to neglect, fire, and earthquakes [75]. In response to these challenges, the “Misi Village and Preservation Project” was launched in 2006 by the local government, involving various stakeholders. The project’s primary objective was to conserve, maintain, and transmit the cultural heritage to future generations [10,76]. Throughout the ten-year project duration, numerous structures facing imminent collapse have been restored to reach the goal of transforming the village to a Tourism and Art Village (Figure 3).

3.2. Restoration and Adaptive Reuse Projects in Misi

Some of the restored structures have been repurposed by the local authority with the aim of increasing the frequency of visits to Misi and transforming the area into a culturally attractive destination (Figure 4). To gain a deeper understanding of the projects, a brief description of each re-purposed structure is provided.

3.2.1. The Silk House

The Silk House was one of the first repurposed projects implemented by the local government and opened its doors to visitors in 2014. The narrative of The Silk House centers on the historical development of silk as a valuable fabric in the city’s socio-economic structure. The Silk House features a weaving workshop where visitors can learn this craft hands-on at designated times (Figure 5). Furthermore, it also houses a sales office displaying handcrafted products made by local women and a small café providing a space for visitors to relax [78].

3.2.2. The Intangible Cultural Heritage Museum

Initially, this building was named The Cocoon House and began operating as a café-restaurant, offering local cuisine, in 2014. The Silk House and The Cocoon House were the initial projects supported by the “Future Tourism Sustainable Support Fund”. This fund was launched by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Anadolu Efes, and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) as part of the 100% Misia Project [79]. As a result of the application by Misi Women’s Culture and Solidarity Association, The Silk House and The Cocoon House projects were selected among 252 applications for renovation [80].

Later, according to the protocol signed between the local authority and the UNESCO Association of Bursa, this historic building was allocated to the UNESCO Association for a period of 10 years. Consequently, the building was transformed into The Intangible Cultural Heritage Museum in 2023 (Figure 6).

The Intangible Cultural Heritage Museum is designed to safeguard the city’s intangible cultural assets. The museum’s layout includes various thematic rooms and floors: a performing arts workshop, a handicrafts workshop, a conversation room, a bridal room, a circumcision room, and areas dedicated to storytelling and games. Its garden features traditional cultural displays, including a folk calendar, folk cuisine, and folk medicine, as well as spaces for children’s activities and traditional celebrations [81].

3.2.3. The Mysia Photography Museum

Opened in 2017, The Mysia Photography Museum presents the historical development of photographic art, Turkish photography and photographers, and the city’s photographic culture through visual and auditory displays. Historical photographic equipment such as bellows cameras, flashes, and negatives are also exhibited in the museum (Figure 7). The museum hosts temporary photography exhibitions, workshops on photography, darkroom training, artist meet-ups, and discussions [78].

The Mysia Photography Museum holds the status of a private museum of the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism [82]. In 2018, the museum was awarded in the Museum Encouragement Competition organized by the Union of Historical Towns [83]. In 2020, the museum received the Cultural and Artistic Contribution Institution Award from IFSAK (Istanbul Amateur Photography and Cinema Society) [84]. As of 2021, The Mysia Photography Museum has been accepted as a member of ICOM (The International Council of Museums) [85].

3.2.4. Literature Museum and Archive

In 2018, The Literature Museum and Archive was inaugurated following the restoration of a historic mansion. The museum houses a significant collection of personal items and works belonging to notable Turkish authors. In the museum’s letter room, many original handwritten letters are on display, along with a digital exhibition of over 800 handwritten letters. The museum, which contains nearly 600 books, has also cataloged 1180 entries (Figure 8) [78].

The Literature Museum and Archive is recognized as Private Museum by The Ministry of Culture and Tourism [82]. In 2019, the museum was awarded in the Museum Promotion Competition organized by the Union of Historical Towns [86]. As of 2021, The Literature Museum and Archive has also been accepted as a member of ICOM (The International Council of Museums) [85]. Since its inauguration, The Literature Museum and Archive has hosted numerous events, including author meet-and-greets, literary workshops, book launches and signing days, and thematic temporary exhibitions [78].

3.2.5. The Children’s Library

The Children’s Library houses an extensive collection of distinguished works in children’s literature, offering books for various age groups. Additionally, the library features various reading corners and relaxation areas where children can spend time reading and develop a positive relationship with books. The library hosts storytelling hours, creative writing workshops, and various craft activities for children visitors at designated times (Figure 9) [78].

3.2.6. The Writing House

The Writing House, opened in 2018, offers free accommodation to local and international writers, poets, translators, editors, and researchers to continue their work (Figure 10). It has hosted various literary workshops and training sessions organized by Misi Academy since 2019 [78].

3.2.7. The Art House

The Art House, opened in 2018, is designed to host research-oriented projects, site-specific works, event-based performances, experimental studies, and screenings [78]. The local authority, with support from the European Union and in coordination with IKSV (Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts), hosted visiting artists as part of the “KONSERVE: Intercity Artist Exchange and Residency Program Network” at The Art House in 2024 (Figure 11). Inspired by the guest artist program, the “Non-Curricular: Children’s Art Program” was also held at The Art House in the same year [87].

3.2.8. The Art Café

The Art Café, previously used as village’s traditional coffee house, launched its facilities in 2022. The Art Café aims to connect children, youth, and groups with limited access to cultural events with colorful, fun, and educational workshops. It hosts numerous workshops ranging from music and visual arts to creative drama and reading programs (Figure 12) [88].

3.2.9. The Ethnography House

This historic building was transformed into The Ethnography House through the personal efforts of Bursa’s Karagöz artist—Şinasi Çelikkol—in 2011. There are various artifacts related to Turkish yörük culture, including traditional clothing, household items, embroidery, headgear, belts, and toys, on display. The museum features figures and puppets related to the Karagöz and Hacivat shadow play, and it hosts shadow performances according to a specific program (Figure 13) [89].

3.2.10. The Boutique Hotels

There are two boutique hotels in Misi that have been restored under the control of the local authority and are privately owned at the present (Figure 14). The first boutique hotel was opened in 2020 [90] and the second one was opened in 2023 [91].

3.3. Other Tourism-Focused Practices in Misi

3.3.1. The Riverbank Facilities

The land along the Nilüfer Stream underwent a reallocation process as part of The Riverbank Recreation Project launched in 2014 by the local authority. Areas of 13,860 square meters were planned to include a walking path, observation terraces, children’s playgrounds, bicycle parking areas, wooden bridges, and picnic areas (Figure 15) [92]. Since then, the riverbank has been repurposed for tea gardens and restaurants that are privately owned at the present.

3.3.2. The Mysia Roads Project

Another project enhancing the cultural tourism value is The Mysia Roads Project. The project consists of 44 trekking and cycling trails spanning a total of 750 km (Figure 16). The Mysia Roads Project was initiated in 2019 by the Nilüfer Municipality Innovation Center. The project is a cornerstone of the “Innovative Approaches for Rural Development (IRD) Project”. Within the scope of the IRD Project, a communication network was established between Turkey, Lithuania, and Greece (the municipalities of Nilüfer, Trakai, and Chios, along with the Mesta Village Cultural Association) to share positive examples in social innovation and cultural tourism [93].

3.3.3. Misi Local Flavors Festival

The Misi Local Flavors Festival has been held annually since 2006. Various women’s solidarity associations from the city participate in the festival and prepare regional dishes for jury evaluation. The festival includes a range of art and food activities for children and parents, as well as performances by famous artists (Figure 17) [94].

4. Methods

The research conducted up to this point has examined Misi’s location, history, restoration projects, and other practices that have contributed to Misi’s tourism value. The surge in tourism has resulted in a significant influx of tourists to the region, which has markedly altered the village’s formerly tranquil character. Consequently, the transformation of Misi’s urban memory becomes a critical topic of discussion.

In this context, it is anticipated that Misi’s urban memory can be accessed through the spatial experiences of users who interact with the settlement. The study employs a qualitative method to investigate the relationship between urban memory and spatial experience through two distinct users of the settlement: tourists and locals. The research included steps of desk study, fieldwork investigation, analysis of data, presentation of data, and interpreting strategic planning for the sake of sustainable tourism (Figure 18).

The desk study involved a literature review, examining research on memory and experience and papers on the preservation of historic sites, as well as texts and documents. It also included written sources related to the settlement’s history and current situation. It was found that studies focusing on the settlement’s distant history [10,11,12] and those addressing its more recent transformations [75,96,97,98,99] are limited in the literature.

The fieldwork investigation was conducted between 22 July 2022, and 8 August 2024. The fieldwork investigation primarily involved prolonged engagement, during which observation took place, followed by a pilot study, and ultimately the actual data collection process. To ensure trustworthiness of the research, the authors employed “prolonged engagement” as informed by Shenton and dedicating an extended period in the field to build rapport with the locals and gain a deeper understanding of the context [100]. The authors have adopted observation to gather detailed, real-time data through naturally occurring behaviors in order to understand the perspectives of locals. They also spent time observing to comprehend the general profile and preferences of the tourists. This dual approach not only strengthens the research’s validity but also enriches the insights gathered from both locals and visitors [101,102].

In the fieldwork investigation, to collect personal narratives about the settlement from locals and tourists, the oral history method was employed. According to Thompson, oral history is a research method used to understand and document historical events and processes through personal experiences and anecdotes [14]. Shopes views the oral history method as a dialogue. In this dialogue, the interviewer’s questions, which stem from a particular historical interest or perspective, prompt responses from the narrator based on the individual’s own understanding and sense of what is significant or worth sharing. These responses, in turn, shape and influence the interviewer’s subsequent questions, creating a dynamic and evolving exchange. Through this process, oral history serves as a method for capturing personal narratives and experiences, offering valuable insights into historical events and collective memory [103]. She also characterizes an oral history interview as a planned and scheduled interaction, structured as a serious and thoughtful exchange that aims to elicit a detailed, comprehensive, and reflective account of past events [104].

While narrators’ memories and perceptions in oral history research may reveal different facets and perspectives of historical reality, the selective and sometimes unreliable nature of human memory necessitates a critical approach focused on two key aspects: consistency (reliability) and accuracy (validity). Consistency within a testimony can be verified by identifying and addressing contradictions, while accuracy is ensured by comparing the testimony with other sources [104]. According to Grele, written sources should be used both as background and to corroborate oral data. Historians should still search for written documents, as oral sources require the same critical scrutiny for reliability, validity, and representativeness as written material [15].

Oral history interviews can be conducted in structured, semi-structured, or unstructured formats. Yow suggests creating an interview guide for oral history research, which differs from a questionnaire. Unlike a questionnaire with fixed, restrictive questions, an interview guide outlines topics for exploration but allows flexibility. It includes open-ended questions and enables the narrator to introduce new topics and follow their preferred order. This approach requires skill, as the interviewer must understand the project’s objectives well enough to adapt while ensuring key information is gathered [16].

For the fieldwork investigation, we decided to form a series of open-ended questions to facilitate a comprehensive sharing of personal experiences and viewpoints. Prior to the actual data gathering, a pilot study was conducted to test the clarity of the questions for the participants. This ensured that academic terms were expressed in everyday language and that appropriate questions were formulated. The pilot study also considered the local population’s language use, incorporating local terms to facilitate the best communication. Additionally, the pilot study identified that the local population exhibited sensitivities regarding nationalism and belief-related issues. To facilitate the completion of the interviews, questions related to these topics were carefully organized and indirectly incorporated into the discussions.

In the interviews conducted with tourists, the primary objective was to examine how users with limited spatial experiences perceive the village’s urban memory. On the other hand, in the interviews conducted with the locals, the primary objective was to allow them to express themselves freely. Therefore, participant narratives were not interfered with and were recorded in accordance with the natural flow of the conversation. However, when discussions deviated significantly from the topic, participants were redirected to the question form to ensure responses were related to the research. In this context, the interview guide for the tourists and the locals consisted of three main sections: identifying the participant, identifying the memories related to Misi, and understanding the participant’s expectations regarding the urban space. Although the main sections are the same, the content differs (

Table 1. Interview guide for tourists.

Identifying Participant	Identifying Memories	Perception of the Urban Spaces
age	reasons for visiting and the frequency of the visits	awareness of the restoration processes
duration of the residence in the city	prominent features of the village	following cultural events
occupation	comparing the past with the present	suggestions for urban spaces regarding tourism
	frequently used places
	activities of engagement
	knowledge about the locals

and

Table 2. Interview guide for locals.

Identifying Participant	Identifying Memories	Perception of the Urban Spaces
age	prominent features of Misi	feedback about restoration processes
duration of the residence in the village	Misi during the participant’s youth	lacking amenities
occupation in the past and at the present	the great change in the village	suggestions for improving daily life
	remarkable places in the memories

).

In qualitative studies, the sample size varies depending on the design of the research [101,102]. Morse argues that the appropriate sample size in qualitative research depends on various factors. These include the scope of the research question (larger scope requires a larger sample), the nature of the topic (more obvious topics require a smaller sample), the quality of the data (richer data allows for a smaller sample), the study design (longitudinal studies with group analysis need smaller samples compared to individual interviews), and the presence of shadowed data (if interviews provide insights into others’ perspectives, this may reduce the sample size). In conclusion, Morse states that if a substantial amount of data is obtained from each participant, a sample size of 6–10 participants may be sufficient in qualitative research [105].

The interviews were conducted with 15 locals and 15 tourists for the sake of balance. In order to achieve data saturation, purposeful sampling was adopted [101,102]. Participants were selected based on their willingness to participate in the study, as well as diversity of age, gender, and duration of residence in the city or village. To ensure balanced representation, emphasis was placed on achieving a distribution of age and gender between the two groups. It was also considered that tourist participants should have lived in the city for at least 10 years, enriching the data by gathering insights from those with a deeper relationship to the city compared to newcomers. Local participants had predominantly lived in the village since birth, providing a long-term perspective on the urban space. Thus, the representation of the sampling has been achieved for this unique fieldwork. However, it is crucial to acknowledge the subjectivity inherent in the oral history method. Consequently, while the research may retain some subjectivity despite achieving a representative sampling, it aims to establish an objective method to explore the relationship between urban memory and spatial experience, ultimately forming a framework for strategic planning for the village’s future.

Interviews lasted from 30 to 120 min to gather sufficient information from participants. Interviews were audio-recorded with participants’ consent. If recording was not permitted, the authors took notes and later transcribed the discussions into digital format. All participants were also given a written consent form to ensure the confidentiality and security of their data, outlining how their information would be used and the measures in place to protect their privacy.

The analysis of the interviews was conducted using qualitative content analysis, which involves systematically categorizing and interpreting verbal data to identify patterns, themes, and insights [106,107,108]. To this end, the transcribed interviews were intensively read by the authors to build the coding frame. This frame included specific themes, main categories, and sub-categories. Each text was divided into paragraphs, phrases, sentences, and even words to place the data in most relevant category. Authors also discussed their personal insights for the analysis to enhance the refining the data and creating broad themes with specific sub-categories. Throughout the process, main and sub-categories were formed to discuss urban memory and spatial experience of the settlement through the narratives of tourists and locals.

The presentation of results was structured to highlight differences between these two groups. Initially, the demographic characteristics of the participants were displayed. After transcription and narrative analysis, data were organized into themes. Each theme included sample narratives to provide a deeper understanding, along with tables summarizing the findings, main category and sub-categories, and the distribution of participants across each category.

Finally, a strategic plan for the village’s future was developed. The findings in each theme led to a series of recommendations aimed at preserving the village’s unique urban memory and promoting sustainable, culturally centered tourism.

5. Findings

5.1. Demographic Characteristics of the Participants

The ages of tourists ranged from 25 to 71 years, with an average age of 48.4 years. The majority had resided in the city for a substantial period, averaging 40.2 years. Most of the tourists are employed in the private sector, while some are retired. The age, gender, duration of residence in the city, and occupational information of the participants are presented in the table below (

Table 3. Profile of tourists.

Participant Code	Age	Gender	Duration of Residence in the City/Years	Occupancy
Tourist-1	25	female	10	computer technician
Tourist-2	25	female	22	accountant
Tourist-3	32	male	from birth	engineer
Tourist-4	34	male	from birth	cleaning business
Tourist-5	37	female	from birth	banker
Tourist-6	38	female	from birth	construction technician
Tourist-7	39	male	15	architect
Tourist-8	43	female	from birth	English teacher
Tourist-9	56	female	from birth	small business—retired
Tourist-10	58	female	from birth	office helper
Tourist-11	64	female	from birth	housewife
Tourist-12	65	male	from birth	public sector—retired
Tourist-13	67	male	47	clothing sector—retired
Tourist-14	71	female	from birth	preschool teacher—retired
Tourist-15	72	male	62	textile business—retired

).

On the other hand, the ages of locals range from 37 to 83 years, with an average age of 57.7 years. Most of these participants are lifelong residents of the village. Historically, viticulture has been the primary source of livelihood for many locals. The age, gender, duration of residence, and sources of livelihood of local participants are presented in the table (

Table 4. Profile of locals.

Participant Code	Age	Gender	Duration of Residence in Misi	Occupancy
Local-1	37	female	from birth	housewife
Local-2	38	female	from birth	women’s association volunteer
Local-3	39	male	from birth	vegetable-fruit trade
Local-4	40	male	from birth	vegetable-fruit trade
Local-5	44	female	from birth	housewife
Local-6	44	female	from birth	women’s association volunteer
Local-7	58	female	38 years	viticulture in the past
Local-8	64	male	from birth	viticulture in the past
Local-9	64	male	from birth	viticulture in the past
Local-10	68	male	from birth	viticulture in the past
Local-11	68	female	from birth	viticulture in the past
Local-12	71	female	from birth	viticulture in the past
Local-13	72	female	50 years	viticulture in the past
Local-14	76	female	from birth	viticulture in the past
Local-15	83	male	from birth	viticulture in the past

).

The age distribution of participants was taken into account regarding urban memory and spatial experience (

Table 5. Age distribution of the participants in regard to spatial experience.

Spatial Experience	Age Range			Total
	25–44	45–64	65/Older
tourist	8	3	4	15
local	6	3	6	15

). Participants with long-standing memories of Misi may offer insights into the village’s state prior to its development as a tourist destination, while those acquainted with Misi post-tourism development provide perspectives on its current identity. This dual approach helps reveal how Misi’s transformation is perceived by both long-term residents and newer arrivals. Additionally, distinctions between long-term and more recent local residents may further illuminate differences in memory and experience within the village.

Following the transcription and analysis of the interviews, the data were organized into four key themes:

• History of the settlement,
• Identity of the settlement,
• Urban memory elements of the settlement,
• Evaluation of tourism-driven transformations and recommendations for future developments.

5.2. History of the Settlement

Interviews conducted with tourists aged 25 to 44 revealed that this group has very limited knowledge about the settlement’s history. Among the tourists, only a couple of participants identified the settlement specifically as an Ottoman village. However, this knowledge remained superficial, as their statements were not supported by additional information.

“I don’t really know much about Misi’s past. I just know it’s a historic village.”

(Tourist-2)

“The houses in Misi are historic. I just know it’s a historic village from the Ottomans. It’s always presented that way.”

(Tourist-4)

On the other hand, older tourists shared insights about the village’s history, comparing the settlement during their youth to its present state. They specifically recounted their initial spatial experiences of visiting the village. However, detailed information regarding the village’s historical background could not be obtained from this age group (45 years and older) either.

“Misi was a village outside the city during my youth. If I remember correctly, I first visited here about 25 years ago. Back then, we came by car, had tea here. The roads were bumpy, everything was lush and green with vineyards and gardens. There weren’t cafes or restaurants like now. There was just the village coffeehouse, a mosque and a small square. There were quite old historical houses, some of which were in ruins.”

(Tourist-10)

Local participants provided more detailed information about the village’s history, regardless of their age. Their narratives included historical topics such as the origins of the village’s name and the communities that once inhabited the area.

“It’s said that the name comes from the Misian people. They are said to have lived here and had churches. There are ruins, but unfortunately, we don’t know the full story. It’s said that the village was founded with seven families being settled here. During the Ottoman period, its borders were much larger; there was also a bridge over the stream here, and it’s said to have been a trade route. By crossing this bridge, they could reach Çekirge and the mountains. Even the bridge’s supports are still standing.”

(Local-9)

Written sources suggest that the village has a Greek past [11]. This topic was explored in interviews with the locals; however, the narrators were unable to verify this information. Instead, local participants emphasized the Turkish origins of the settlement.

“Misi is a Turkish village; only Manavs—Turkish people—have lived here. It’s not a Greek village; Gündoğdu and İnesi are Greek villages. But as I’ve heard from the elders, Greeks might have lived nearby, but if you ask me, we never had any Greek neighbors and we’ve never heard of any.”

(Local-8)

According to the narratives of tourists and locals, findings, main category, and sub-categories under theme History of the settlement are presented in the table below (

Table 6. History of the settlement in regard to urban memory and spatial experience.

Urban Memory	Spatial Experience
Theme:	Tourists			Locals
History of the settlement	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age: 65/older	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age: 65/older
Finding:	Tourists aged 25–44 did not share any personal memories of the settlement’s past while older tourists had limited information based on their personal memories.			Younger locals mostly possess intergenerational historical knowledge, while older ones also have personal memories of the settlement’s past.
Main category: generic historical knowledge	superficial historical knowledge			deeper historical knowledge
	tourist-2/3/ 5/8	tourist-9/10/ 11	tourist-12/13/ 14	all locals
Sub-categories:
knowledge about the settlement as an Ottoman village	tourist-1/4/ 6/7	none	tourist-15	local-1/2	local-7/9	local-10
knowledge about the Mysians	none	none	none	local-1/2/5/6	local-9	local-10/13/15
knowledge about the Greeks	none	none	none	none	none	local-12
knowledge highlighting the settlement’s Turkish identity	none	none	none	local-1/3/4/5/6	local-8/9	local-10/11/ 12/14/15

).

5.3. Identity of the Settlement

Interviews revealed that the settlement’s identity is largely perceived by tourists as being shaped by the increase in commercial establishments. Tourists aged 25–44 typically describe the village’s identity in terms of weekend activities, such as dining, outdoor recreation, and socializing. For this group, the primary change Misi has experienced is the notable increase in both local and international tourists compared to a few years ago.

“We usually come to Misi on weekends with our friends or family. We often spend time by the river, mostly for breakfast.”

(Tourist-1)

“The biggest change is the huge number of foreign tourists this year. We came to Misi a few times this summer and every time I thought the same thing.”

(Tourist-5)

Older tourists highlighted the differences between the past and present more distinctly and offered a deeper reflection on the transformation of the settlement’s identity. However, findings indicate that tourists from all age groups perceive the settlement as primarily characterized by its commercial and touristic identity.

“…Later on, Misi started becoming a tourist spot, with its breakfast. The houses were renovated. At first, it wasn’t a very popular place. There was a tiny café with just one table in the square where you could sit and have coffee. The other places were mostly quiet. Now, we can’t even find a place to sit.”

(Tourist-10)

Tourists were also asked about their knowledge of the local community and daily life in Misi. Analysis of the responses indicates that the majority of tourists have limited knowledge about the locality. Participants shared their views primarily based on observations or past personal interactions, such as neighborhood connections. This suggests that non-local participants’ perceptions of the settlement are largely confined to touristic experiences and lack a deeper awareness of local life dynamics.

“I don’t really have a clue about the locals in Misi. I don’t know what they do for a living, but I think they live a traditional life.”

(Tourist-2)

“We had a Misi neighbor who sold fruits and vegetables. They were in the market and grocery business.”

(Tourist-13)

The narratives of the locals revealed the village’s traditional livelihoods, including viticulture, vegetable and fruit cultivation, tobacco growing, and sericulture. However, these activities have largely disappeared due to the village’s social and economic transformation.

“Our family’s source of livelihood was viticulture. Every year, tons of grapes were harvested. Some of these grapes were used to make molasses and some were sold to wine producers. Our elders also did sericulture but after my childhood, they completely stopped that work.”

(Local-2)

“In the past, we used to grow and harvest everything. Peppers, eggplants, tomatoes… We also grew tobacco. We had vineyards. When our vineyards were sold, the mulberry trees were also sold. That’s why sericulture was also forgotten here.”

(Local-14)

Based on the narratives of the locals, the transformation of the settlement’s identity emerged as vineyards were converted into urban areas. Factors such as urbanization, air pollution from nearby industries, and the granting of building permits led villagers to sell their land, prompting construction developments and the decline of viticulture in Misi.

“Many people including our elderly family members sold their land. They were struggling financially and needed money. The houses were very old and infested with bugs. To escape these problems and improve the living conditions, our father sold the land. The apartment buildings you see now were built in place of the vineyards. This is how viticulture ended in Misi.”

(Local-1)

“We had vineyards, but then the climate changed. The dust from the industry covered everything. The water in the stream decreased significantly and we couldn’t irrigate our crops. Later on, my father and uncles began selling our vineyards. Everything was sold.”

(Local-14)

Locals older than 65 years old mostly focused on their past livelihoods and the transformation of lands into urban spaces. On the other hand, locals aged 25–44 highlighted that the village’s economic activities have shifted towards tourism in response to the physical and social changes. The narratives clearly illustrate the replacement of traditional livelihoods with tourism-focused economic activities.

“Here—in Women’s Association Building—there’s continuous production. For example, we prepare breakfast, and we have a facility down by the river where a waiter takes it down. We make and sell local products like pasta and tomato paste here.”

(Local-6)

According to the narratives of tourists and locals, findings, main category, and subcategories under theme Identity of the settlement are presented in the table below (

Table 7. Identity of the settlement in regard to urban memory and spatial experience.

Urban Memory	Spatial Experience
Theme:	Tourists			Locals
identity of the settlement	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age: 65/older	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age: 65/older
Finding:	Tourists aged 25–44 emphasized the settlement’s identity within the context of post-tourism development, e.g., the increase in the number of tourists. Older tourists provided additional comparisons prior to tourism development, e.g., restorations and flourishing commercial activities			Younger locals tend to compare the diminishing of traditional livelihoods with the emergence of tourism-based livelihoods, while older locals focus on comparing urbanization with the decline of local livelihoods.
Main category: knowledge about transformation of the identity	tourist- 1/3/5/6/7/8	tourist- 9/10/11	tourist- 12/13/14/15	all locals
Sub-categories:
conversion of vineyards into urban spaces	none	none	knowledge based on observation tourist-12/15	experiencing the long-term effects of urbanization all locals	first-hand experience of the transformation into an urban area all locals
sericulture in the past	none	none	none	knowledge based on hearsay from elderly local-1/2/3/4/5/6	knowledge by practice local-7/8/9	knowledge by practice local-10/11/12/13/14
molasses production in the past	none	none	knowledge as a customer tourist-13	knowledge based on hearsay from elderly local-1/2/4/5/6	knowledge by practice local-7/8/9	knowledge by practice local-10/11/12/13/14
wine production in the past	none	knowledge as a customer tourist-11	knowledge as a customer tourist-12/13/15	knowledge based on hearsay from elderly local-1/2/3	knowledge based on observation local-8/9	knowledge based on observation local-10/11/ knowledge by practice local-15

).

5.4. The Urban Memory Elements of the Settlement

Tourists aged 25–44 emphasized the physical and tangible elements of the settlement in their narratives. Nature, the stream, historic houses, streets, and commercial facilities along the riverbank were identified as the prominent features of the village.

“The standout feature of Misi is definitely its nature and status as a historic village. The houses and streets are very beautiful. We enjoy sitting in the areas by the riverbank.”

(Tourist-5)

On the other hand, older tourists also mentioned intangible cultural practices from the past, such as the production of molasses and wine.

“The most prominent feature of Misi is definitely its stream. The stream runs throughout Misi […] Locals used to engage in viticulture. I also know they used to make molasses and wine. But now, I haven’t seen Misi molasses or wine, either here or outside.”

(Tourist-10)

The narratives of locals revealed that the village’s urban memory elements are not limited to physical aspects. Their narratives encompassed significant cultural and abstract elements, most notably cited as sericulture, molasses and wine production, social solidarity, and neighborhood relationships.

“Our childhood was spent on the streets. Our neighborhood relations are so good.”

(Local-2)

“Our childhood was spent in the vineyards and on the streets. We were always out in front of our houses with the doors open.”

(Local-11)

“The grapes here were very sweet, and primarily molasses was made. The surplus grapes were used for wine.”

(Local-10)

“Sericulture was practiced at home. When Hıdırellez arrived (around April 24–25), silkworm eggs were purchased. Silkworm farming was done in separate rooms of the house due to the mess it created. Mulberry leaves were finely chopped and spread on the trays along with oak and horse tail. The silkworms grew bigger each day, like ants, and eventually turned into large worms. They started to spin webs, and then they would cocoon themselves. We would clean the worms. After they became cocoons, we would fill them into sacks and take them to Kozahan to sell.”

(Local-12)

“One of the wine producers in the village was once me. But not at home; we built a cellar outside and produced the wine there. People here would send us the excess grapes in barrels, and we would make wine from them.”

(Local-15)

The decline of traditional crafts has resulted in the loss of a collective work culture that cannot be passed on to younger generations. Local narratives revealed that the rituals supporting social life in the streets have gradually begun to disappear. The diminishing of collective work culture and street life practices indicates a significant transformation in the village’s social structure, demonstrating that traditional ways of life have been replaced by a more individualistic mode of living.

“[…] We would call out to each other from the street to wake each other up. 8–10 people would gather at 1 or 2 a.m. to break tobacco.”

(Local-12)

“We used to have traditions and customs. For example, weddings here lasted for three days in the past. Wedding meals would be served in the streets. Everyone would come. There was also a tradition of shaving the groom.”

(Local-14)

The frequently used spaces by locals are distinctly segmented based on gender roles. Local men aged 25–44work outside of the village most of the day. For elderly local men, the historical village coffeehouse serves as a central venue for community solidarity. Women aged 25–44, on the other hand, predominantly spend time at the Women’s Association and engage in local production processes. Elderly local women tend to spend their time more in front of their homes, trying to maintain social relationships within the neighborhood.

“For the locals of Misi, the most important place is the village coffeehouse. The coffeehouse is the central place. For women, youngers work at the association, olders mostly stay at home. They also sit in front of their houses and chat.”

(Local-9)

“[…] here (at the Women’s Association), there is continuous production. For example, we prepare breakfast here.”

(Local-6)

“I always sit here (at the door in front of the house) because, due to my age, my knees hurt. I can’t go down to the centre.”

(Local-12)

Lastly, based on the narratives provided by local participants, various folk tales have been identified. These tales play a crucial role in preserving urban and cultural memory as well as facilitating intergenerational transmission. Among these narratives, the story of Kavacık Sultan is particularly noteworthy.

“There was a girl who had two older brothers. All three were revered saints. Every night, the girl would go to the base of a tree to pray. The villagers noticed this and complained to her brothers about where she was going at night. So, her brothers followed her, and when they saw her in the act of reciting prayers, they became very shamed about being suspicious about their sister and she cried a lot. The girl prayed, “Oh Allah, may this tree split open so I can enter it,” and the tree split open, allowing her to enter. However, a piece of her skirt was left outside, and her tears turned into the water that is there.”

(Local-4)

Based on the narratives of the participants, urban memory elements of the settlement are presented in the table below (

Table 8. Urban memory elements of the settlement.

Urban Memory	Spatial Experience
Theme:	Tourists			Locals
elements of urban Memory	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age:65/older	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age: 65/older
Finding:	Tourists aged 25–44 mainly emphasized commercial tourism activities, while older tourists highlighted both these activities and features of the settlement’s past.			Locals aged 25–44 primarily emphasized intangible features along with some touristic aspects, while older locals focused mainly on the intangible features.
Main category: predominant feature of the settlements	center for tourism all tourists			center that serves both as a home and a source of tourism revenue. all locals		home all locals
Sub-categories
tangible elements of urban memory	nature for recreation all tourists			nature as home environment all locals
	riverbank as recreation and tourism center all tourists			riverbank as monetary benefit local-1/2/3/6	riverbank as recreational space (in the past) local-8/9	riverbank as recreational space (in the past) local-12
	historical houses for sightseeing (after restoration) tourist-1/2/4/5/6/7	historical houses for sightseeing (before and after restoration) tourist-9/10/11	historical houses for sightseeing (before and after restoration) tourist-12/ 13	historical houses as home all locals
	none of them mentioned Women’s Association Building none of them mentioned traditional coffeehouse			Women’s Association Building for younger women local-2/6	traditional coffeehouse for elderly men local-8/9	traditional coffeehouse for elderly men local-10/15
	streets around the center for sightseeing tourist-5/6/8	none	streets around the center for sightseeing tourist-11	village streets for community gathering local-6	village streets for community gathering local-8/9	village streets for community gathering local-11/12/14/15
intangible elements of urban memory	food and beverage socializing opportunities all tourists			neighbor relations local-1/2/3/5	neighbor relations local-7/8/9	neighbor relations local-11/12/14
	none of them mentioned folk tales			folk tales local-2/4	none	folk tales local-12
	none of them mentioned traditional livelihoods	traditional livelihoods from a consumer view: viticulture, molasses and wine production tourist-10/ 11	traditional livelihoods from a consumer view: viticulture, molasses and wine production tourist-12/ 13/15	traditional livelihoods based on hearsay from elderly: viticulture, molasses and wine production, sericulture local-1/2/3/4/5/6	traditional livelihoods based on hearsay from elderly: viticulture molasses and wine production, sericulture local-7/8/9	traditional livelihoods by practice: viticulture molasses and wine production, sericulture local-10/11/12/13/14/15

).

5.5. Evaluation of Tourism-Driven Transformations and Recommendations for Future Developments

Tourists mainly sought improvements in touristic activities and environmental issues such as river pollution, improper waste disposal, and environmental degradation. Tourists also suggested improving the physical appearance of the facilities by the riverbank. A significant concern for tourists is the inadequate parking facilities within the settlement.

“Maybe the tables and seating areas here could be renovated and given a nicer appearance. They’re currently in a state of disrepair.”

(Tourist-2)

“We can’t find a place to park the car. We had to sit where we parked our car. They’ve set up a system like this here.”

(Tourist-8)

“There’s a lot of environmental pollution. There are bottles and tissues everywhere. My suggestion is to collect the trash regularly, maybe more often. It’s not nice for such a place to be full of garbage.”

(Tourist-14)

A significant portion of tourists did not visit the buildings that were repurposed as cultural attractions. This indicates that the touristic appeal of the settlement remains predominantly centered on commercial activities and consumption-oriented experiences. The lack of engagement with cultural facilities suggests that the settlement’s cultural values are not sufficiently emphasized or do not captivate visitors’ interest. Some tourists older than 45 years old expressed that museum visits were unappealing due to their age and a lack of interest in the context.

“There are posters and banners. Events are held, but I haven’t attended any of them. I haven’t visited the other museums either. I came here to spend time with my family along the riverbank.”

(Tourist-2)

“I don’t know anything about the museums the municipality has set up. I haven’t visited them. But I think they would be really useful for young people. They don’t interest me because they’re not aimed at my age group.”

(Tourist-11)

Locals emphasized the improvement of physical infrastructure as a primary concern. There is a need to enhance shared amenities such as pathways, staircases, and foundations, as well as to improve residential areas. Elderly locals expressed a lack of accessible healthcare services. The need for a free shuttle bus to operate within the village was also mentioned.

Locals have primarily provided insights into the tourism-driven transformation through the lens of their livelihood sources. They noted that the revenue generated from tourism has not had the anticipated positive impact on their livelihoods. Locals highlighted that business owners tend to direct tourists solely to establishments along the riverbank, which has resulted in an insufficient evaluation of income-generating activities within the village. Additionally, when referring to the riverbank establishments, locals often used the term “foreigners”. This terminology reflects the local community’s discontent with the presence of the commercial enterprises.

“The cafes are all run by foreigners. They don’t contribute anything to the village. I think at least part of the income could have been used to address our shortcomings.”

(Local-2)

“All the operators are foreigners. They’ve taken over every corner. Because of this, the local people feel disappointed. There’s no income being generated for the local residents.”

(Local-5)

In response to the excessive commercial activities along the riverbank, locals have requested that the local administration allocate a designated space for selling authentic products. They believe that such an initiative would not only support the local economy but also help preserve the village’s unique identity.

“I’m not happy with the tourism activities. They don’t benefit us. There should be measures to keep the local people from scattering. Small shops should be set up for women to sell their goods.”

(Local-6)

The ground floor of the traditional village coffeehouse has been converted by the local authority into the Art Café [88]. An adjacent open space was allocated for the use of elderly male residents; however, seasonal variations have complicated this arrangement. Consequently, disagreements have emerged between the local elderly men and the municipality regarding the use of the traditional coffeehouse. This situation underscores the tension between the local authority and the community, reflecting divergent perspectives on managing spaces that cater to the social and cultural needs of the local population.

“Actually, they took it (traditional coffeehouse) from us and gave it to the kids. With so much space here, they took the place we used. There was a dispute between the villagers and the municipality and it even went to court. All the village men gather here and since we can’t meet outside in winter, we want the inside back.”

(Local-8)

Lastly, based on the interviews, locals have not embraced the repurposing projects in regard to their cultural context. A significant issue highlighted by the locals is the insufficient representation of local identity within the museums. These criticisms suggest that the functions of museums should be designed with greater emphasis on preserving and showcasing local identity.

“I’m dissatisfied with what Nilüfer Municipality has done. It’s not really interesting for the people living here.”

(Local-5)

“They built a museum, but there isn’t even a single document about Misi in it.”

(Local-10)

In reference to the oral history study conducted in Misi, the participants’ expectations of Misi’s urban spaces are presented in the table (

Table 9. Evaluation of transformations and suggestions for the future.

Urban Memory	Spatial Experience
Theme:	Tourists			Locals
evaluation of the transformation	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age: 65/older	age: 25–44	age: 45–64	age: 65/older
Finding:	general satisfaction with tourism			Younger locals’ dissatisfaction with the disproportionate distribution of tourism revenue, while older locals’ dissatisfaction stems from the lack of physical amenities and issues with accessibility.
Main category: suggestions for the future of Misi	focus on tourism-related development and planning			focus on tourism revenue planning		focus on well-being and accessibility
Sub-categories:
improvements for infrastructure	physical improvement for commercial establishments (appearance)			physical improvement for commercial establishments (spatial organization)
	tourist-1/2/3/ 5/6	tourist-8	tourist-12	local-3	none	local-11/15
	none of them mentioned improvement of physical amenities within the village			none	none	improvement of physical amenities within the village local-10/12
	restoration of houses, focusing on their appearance.			restoration of houses, focusing on functionality
	tourist-1/3/7	none	tourist-11/12	local-5	none	local-11/15
	none of them mentioned the use of traditional coffeehouse			reassigning the village coffeehouse for local elderly men
				local-3	local-8/9	local-/10/15
	none of them mentioned improvement of accessibility			improvement in accessibility
				none	none	local-10/13
	none of them mentioned improvement of healthcare			healthcare improvement
				local-1	none	local-12/14/15
improvements for future planning	solutions to parking problem			solutions to parking problem
	tourist-3/5/8	tourist-10	tourist-13	local-3/4	none	local-14
	none of them mentioned designated spaces for the sale of local goods			designated spaces for the sale of local goods
				local-2/6	local-7/8	local-14
	none of them mentioned re-evaluation of riverbank use			to use the riverbank for tourism revenue local-1/2/5/6	to use the riverbank for recreation as in the past local-8/9	to use the riverbank for recreation as in the past local-15
	pollution prevention measures			none of them mentioned pollution and pollution prevention measures
	tourist-5	tourist-9/10	tourist-12/14
improvements for repurposed buildings	none	cultural attractions that are more engaging for the elderly tourist-11	cultural attractions that are more engaging for the elderly tourist-12/13/15	focus on local identity in repurposed projects local-2/5	none	focus on local identity in repurposed projects local-10/12

).

6. Discussion

Misi presents a multilayered history that has been shaped by the Mysians, the Greeks, and the Ottomans [10,11,12,13]. However, the extent to which this framework has been preserved and transmitted to future generations is a significant concern. The impact of tourism development complicates efforts to preserve the settlement’s unique history, identity, and urban memory. In this context, the sustainability of urban memory should be regarded as a shared responsibility between the local authority, the resident community, and the tourists engaging with the settlement.

Through restoration and repurposing projects, the local authority aimed to transform the village into a center for tourism and art [10,76]. Buildings previously at risk of demolition were renovated and reintroduced as cultural sites. However, the commercial emphasis in tourism development has overshadowed the cultural aspects of this transformation. Additionally, as locals have had to abandon their traditional livelihoods due to building permits and other factors, tourism was expected to become a primary source of income. Yet, based on local narratives, there is an uneven distribution of tourism revenue, which limits the benefits of tourism for the community.

Besides Misi’s unique features and its transformation into a tourism center, it should also be considered within the broader context of urban planning. The village is located within the administrative boundaries of the Gümüştepe Neighborhood. Rapidly advancing architectural projects in Gümüştepe are expected to lead to an increase in the area’s population. As the population grows, commercial spaces are likely to flourish alongside residential buildings. Consequently, Misi will become integrated into this dense urban fabric in the future. In this context, although the architectural values of the village are preserved within the legal framework, the commercial focus of tourism is projected to become even more pronounced. This situation will heighten the risk that Misi’s unique urban memory may not be preserved.

The fieldwork has yielded various findings. Tourists, possessing limited spatial experience, primarily view the settlement as a tourism center focused on commercial activities and recreational options. In contrast, locals, who have a broader spatial experience, emphasize Misi’s history and identity, as well as traditional livelihoods and intangible aspects such as neighborhood relationships, street life, and rituals. Consequently, the urban memory of the settlement has been shaped by various elements perceived by distinct user groups: tourists and locals, consistent with previous academic research [38,39,40,41,42,43,109].

The fieldwork investigation offers unique contributions to the existing literature by uncovering insights into the settlement’s history and identity through an age-based analysis of participants. Although age-based analysis is typically used to highlight the historical identity of a place [39,110] and reveal differences in regard to familiarity [41], this study took this approach a step further. According to the findings, while historical knowledge about the settlement is generally superficial among both age groups of tourists, older tourists relied on personal memories to describe changes between the village’s past and present. In contrast, younger tourists’ historical knowledge largely came from information provided in tourism promotions. Locals’ historical knowledge revealed evidence of various communities having once lived there, while also emphasizing the Turkish identity of the settlement. Older locals tend to rely on personal memories regarding the history of the settlement, whereas younger locals possess mostly intergenerational knowledge passed down to them. Moreover, older tourists shared insights into the village’s identity prior to tourism development, while younger tourists focused more on its current, post-tourism identity. Additionally, differences between older and younger local residents highlighted a shift from traditional ways of life to those shaped by tourism.

Another contribution of this fieldwork to the existing literature is its exploration of the well-being of local residents following tourism development. The findings indicate that younger locals primarily focus on tourism venues and their economic potential, while older locals also express concerns about improvements in the physical environment and accessibility. This divergence in priorities suggests a need for a balanced approach to tourism development that addresses both economic benefits [65] and the overall quality of life for all community members [71]. Consistent with previous academic research [64,66,67,68,69,70], this balance is essential to sustainable tourism development for the settlement.

Consequently, despite local authorities’ efforts in culturally led tourism planning for the village, these initiatives have not been fully embraced by tourists or locals, according to the findings. This situation raises concerns about the sustainability of urban memory. Ensuring the transmission of urban memory to future generations requires a strategic plan that carefully balances the needs of residents with the expectations of tourists. The strategic plan discussed in this paper emphasizes a culturally led approach to sustainable tourism development.

6.1. Limitations of the Study

The study has certain limitations that should be taken into account when interpreting its findings. First, the sample size is a key limitation. While in-depth interviews with a small group of knowledgeable participants may be sufficient for understanding major issues [101,111,112,113], a larger sample could have provided more comprehensive insights into participant perceptions. In particular, a larger sample of tourists would offer deeper insights into their preferences regarding tourism, as the current sample size restricts representation across various demographic and social groups.

Another inherent limitation is the subjectivity of the oral history method. Oral accounts are influenced by personal biases, cultural contexts, and the time elapsed since the events occurred [14,15,16]. To address these concerns, the study incorporates written sources to substantiate the historical and identity features discussed. However, the available written sources regarding both Misi’s distant history [10,11,12] and its recent transformations [75,96,97,98,99] are quite limited in the literature. As a result, the fieldwork findings predominantly rely on narratives that reveal contemporary historical thresholds. This reliance on oral accounts may limit the depth of historical analysis but also provides valuable insights into the lived experiences of the community.

Additionally, the geographical specificity of the study presents another limitation. Focusing solely on this particular village, with its unique cultural and historical context, may limit the applicability of the findings to other locations. While the results are valuable for understanding this village’s situation, similar studies in different geographical contexts would be required to determine whether the trends observed here are more widely applicable. Although case studies may not be the strongest approach to confirm theories [114], the credibility of findings can be enhanced through the strategic selection of cases [115]. In this context, Misi has been chosen as a case study that offers valuable opportunities to explore the relationship between urban memory, spatial experience, and sustainable tourism interpretations. In conclusion, while the fieldwork investigation focuses on a specific location, the findings provide rich insights that may inspire further research.

6.2. Strategic Planning for Sustainability of Urban Memory in Regard to Tourism Development

Our strategic planning emphasizes improvements in the preservation and promotion of Misi’s history, identity, urban memory, and future urban planning and tourism development. It adopts community-driven practices aimed at preserving local lifestyles and cultural values, enhancing residents’ well-being while promoting sustainable tourism.

The strategic planning aims to convey the village’s historical value by reflecting past inhabitants as well as the recent history. In this context, the preparation of informative documents is recommended. Informative documents, which include extensive knowledge about local history and visual elements, seek to educate both younger generations of locals and tourists. These documents can be created in both digital and printed forms to cater to different age groups. The digital format allows for a broader audience reach, making Misi’s history more accessible, while the printed version provides easy, tangible access to significant historical information within the local context. Engaging the local population in creating informative documents both ensures authenticity and encourages community involvement. This approach leverages local knowledge, preserving historical accuracy and cultural relevance, while also fostering a sense of pride and ownership among residents. Lastly, interactive features such as virtual tours and visual galleries will convey the historical background of the settlement and deepen users’ engagement with the village’s cultural heritage.

The strategic planning also aims to preserve Misi’s identity by safeguarding local livelihoods that have declined. To enhance interactions between locals and tourists, various micro actions are recommended to foster a more engaging experience. One initiative involves establishing sales units where locals can sell traditional products such as molasses, wine, and handcrafted goods. These units aim to promote cultural exchange, ensuring that the benefits of tourism remain with the local community rather than larger enterprises. Additionally, cultural interaction workshops are proposed, allowing tourists to engage in traditional practices such as sericulture, molasses production, and winemaking. These workshops not only help preserve traditional skills but also foster a deeper connection between visitors and the settlement’s cultural heritage. Furthermore, storytelling sessions would be introduced, enabling locals to share folk tales and historical narratives, thereby enriching the cultural experience for tourists while preserving local heritage.

Another focus of the strategic planning is the preservation of urban memory. To uncover and record the settlement’s memory-bearing elements, a documentary project shall be conducted. Documentation of restoration processes will shed light on the change in architecture over time, the preservation methods adopted, and the principles of the restoration. The documentary project, including old photographs, drawings, architectural plans, and local narratives, will make challenges and efforts visible in public eye. The documentation of the intangible aspects of urban memory also plays a crucial role in ensuring the transmission of knowledge to younger generations and non-locals. Documenting the local way of life, including local stories, traditions, and cultural practices, not only preserves the urban memory but also fosters a deeper understanding among tourists.

The reimagining of production facilities, such as those for molasses, wine, and sericulture, is essential for preserving urban memory. Whether physically restored or digitally recreated, these facilities will aid in reviving traditional production methods and maintaining these cultural values. Engagement from both locals and tourists in these reimagined spaces is encouraged to foster cultural interaction. Physical restoration and digital reconstructions using technologies like virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR) will offer interactive experiences of the settlement’s traditional production processes.

Establishing a set of design criteria—including spatial arrangement, specific colors, materials, and textures—for riverbank facilities will enhance their physical appearance while reflecting aspects of urban memory. Thoughtfully designed spaces can foster a sense of place, integrating historical and cultural narratives within the urban landscape. This approach contributes to preserving local identity and fostering community pride while simultaneously promoting sustainable tourism.

Lastly, in regard to future urban planning and tourism development, the strategic planning underscores the importance of collaborative efforts between local authorities and residents. Implementing community engagement strategies—such as establishing local committees, hosting forums, and conducting focus group studies—is essential to integrating residents’ perspectives within decision-making processes concerning sustainable tourism and residents’ well-being. These participatory methods enable authorities to prioritize local needs and expectations, aligning development initiatives with community values. Community engagement also provides an opportunity to gather valuable insights for urban space improvements, ensuring that these enhancements are meaningful to residents and cultivate a strong sense of place. Moreover, involving community members in discussions surrounding the repurposing of projects helps ensure that these adaptations respect and reflect local traditions, thereby fostering cultural preservation. Community engagement further facilitates dialogue on the allocation of tourism venues, enabling authorities to comprehensively address societal concerns regarding tourism’s impacts. Such community-centered, participatory practices are likely to enhance residents’ positive perceptions of tourism development, thus supporting their overall well-being and reinforcing a sustainable tourism framework within the community.

6.3. Future Research Directions

The community engagement methods and levels of participation for sustainable tourism in Misi could be a key topic for future research. Future research could investigate different models of community participation based on the findings of this paper and assess how these methods impact both the planning process and community satisfaction. By examining residents’ attitudes toward participatory processes, the varying levels of participation—from passive consultation to active collaboration—can help identify which methods are most effective at different stages of decision-making. Additionally, the role of stakeholders and their participation is also a key discussion for future research.

Comparative case studies in similar contexts could also benefit from the findings of this research paper. Investigating other settlements that have encountered analogous challenges can reveal effective frameworks for addressing issues such as commercialization and the loss of cultural identity. Therefore, the case of Misi could contribute to future comprehensive research efforts.

Lastly, although the proposed planning is tailored to the specific conditions and dynamics of the settlement, it could guide future researchers of similar tourism studies in both national and global contexts. This planning, which can be reshaped according to the unique characteristics of other settlements, may be adapted to different contexts for implementation. The main aim of the plan is to ensure the intergenerational sustainability of urban memory to prevent commercial tourism activities from overshadowing cultural heritage.

7. Conclusions

This research emphasizes the foundational role of urban memory and spatial experience in understanding the intricate dynamics of urban spaces, particularly through the case study of Misi Village. Urban memory serves as a vital framework through which individuals and communities construct their identities, informed by the interplay of historical, social, and cultural narratives embedded within the urban landscape. The findings highlight that urban spaces are not merely physical entities but dynamic environments rich with meaning and historical context, underscoring the importance of preserving these elements in the face of ongoing transformations.

Through qualitative methods, including oral history interviews with both tourists and locals, the research elucidates the distinct perceptions of Misi Village. While tourists are drawn to its aesthetic and recreational offerings, they often overlook its rich historical context and cultural identity. Conversely, locals are deeply connected to their traditional practices and daily experiences, which are increasingly challenged by contemporary socio-economic changes. This divergence illustrates the need for a more inclusive approach that acknowledges and values local narratives alongside tourism development.

To address these discrepancies and enhance the sustainable tourism development of Misi Village, a comprehensive strategic planning framework is proposed. This framework emphasizes the importance of preserving the village’s historical and cultural narratives while prioritizing community engagement. By integrating local voices and addressing their needs, the plan aims to foster a sense of belonging and well-being among residents, ultimately promoting a sustainable tourism development that respects the continuity of urban memory.

In conclusion, the findings of this research not only contribute to the existing literature on urban memory, spatial experience and sustainable tourism but also provide actionable insights for local authorities and residents involved in urban planning and development. Through the preservation of Misi’s urban memory, the village can effectively navigate the challenges posed by the commercial focus of current tourism activities, ensuring that both locals and tourists benefit from its rich cultural heritage.

Future research could explore community engagement methods and participation levels for sustainable tourism, aiming to enhance planning effectiveness and community satisfaction. Analyzing participatory approaches and stakeholder roles, along with comparative case studies, may provide insights into managing commercialization and heritage conservation. Though adaptable to local dynamics, this framework could serve as a guide for sustaining cultural heritage across tourism contexts.