1. Introduction
Land expropriation refers to legal behavior in which a state or government converts non-state-owned land to state-owned land, in accordance with the procedures and powers stipulated by the law for the public interest, and provides reasonable compensation and proper resettlement to people whose land has been expropriated (see
Appendix A’ 1.1). Since the promulgation of the “Land Administration Law of the People’s Republic of China” on 25 June 1986, China has established state ownership of land and collective ownership of villages—that is, ownership by the whole people and collective ownership by farmers. Article 9 of the “Land Administration Law of the People’s Republic of China” (revised in 2020) stipulates that land in urban areas is owned by the state, while land in rural and suburban areas, except for land that is state-owned by law, is collectively owned by farmers. The ownership of state-owned land is exercised by the State Council on behalf of the state, while village collective ownership is exercised by the village collective economic organization on behalf of the farmers. Although China has implemented a land ownership system for farmers’ collectives, farmers or village collectives cannot fully enjoy the right to land transactions. In accordance with Article 4 of the Land Administration Law of the People’s Republic of China, China implements a land classification and land use control system, and neither farmland nor land collectively owned by farmers can be easily changed or directly used for public infrastructure and urban commercial development. If agricultural land wants to enter the market, the collective ownership of the village must be changed to state ownership to conduct public infrastructure, urban commercial development, and utilization transactions; that is, the government enjoys the absolute monopoly of the primary land market. Any agricultural land that wants to enter a nonagricultural market transaction must utilize the government expropriation link and convert the agricultural land into state ownership to enter a nonagricultural market transaction (see
Appendix A’ 1.2). Therefore, land acquisition has become a necessary link in the nonagricultural use of agricultural land.
Historically, land expropriation has been the main way for the government to meet public infrastructure construction or urban development demands. Since China’s reform and opening up in 1978, industrialization and urbanization in China have entered a stage of rapid development, resulting in a large amount of farmers’ farmland being expropriated for public infrastructure and urban industrial and commercial development. According to survey data from the National Development and Reform Commission, from 1978 to 2003, more than 70% of the farmland occupied by nonagricultural construction in China was acquired through expropriation [
1]. Since 2002, China’s urbanization development has entered a “fast track”, and the scale of the corresponding farmland conversion has entered a stage of rapid growth [
2]. It is speculated that if China’s urbanization rate reaches 50% in 2030, the occupied farmland area will reach or exceed 36,300 km
2, which is equivalent to 2.7% of the total arable land in China in 2019. By 2030, more than 78,000,000 farmers will lose at least some of their land [
3]. However, at the end of 2019, the urbanization rate of China’s permanent population reached 60.60% (see
Appendix A’ 1.3) and will reach approximately 70% by 2030 [
4]. These figures show that land expropriation will continue to be an important means for the non-agriculturalization of farmland and the adjustment of the land allocation and utilization structure.
In general, land expropriation not only solves the problem of insufficient construction land during the urbanization process, but also accumulates certain construction funds for local governments, serving an important role in national economic and social development. To a certain extent, land expropriation has also accumulated primitive capital for the urbanization of farmers and created more employment opportunities. However, conflicts and corruption have often occurred in the process of expropriating rural land [
5,
6,
7,
8,
9,
10,
11,
12,
13,
14,
15]. For example, some studies have pointed out that the number of petitions regarding land expropriation and land transfer consistently account for more than 50% of the total [
5], and large-scale rural protests caused by land expropriation have accounted for approximately 65% of the total in China [
14]. Currently, as the main reason for the many contradictions and conflicts in the process of farmland expropriation, the basic consensus reached by academia and relevant government departments is that “the compensation standard is too low”; that is, the compensation level does not meet the expectations of farmers [
13,
14,
16,
17,
18,
19]. To effectively overcome or solve the external uneconomic problems in the process of rural land expropriation and compensation caused by unilateral pricing by the government, some researchers have proposed the idea of “market-based contract negotiation of agricultural land acquisition compensation”; that is, let the government and farmers negotiate the compensation standard for land acquisition instead of unilaterally determining the government [
19,
20]. Therefore, grasping farmers’ farmland value expectations and their influencing factors in advance is a prerequisite and basis for building an efficient mechanism of negotiation between the government and farmers. Simultaneously, identifying the impact of a previous land expropriation experience on farmers’ subsequent farmland value expectations has important reference value for understanding the effects of land expropriation on farmers’ behaviors.
Existing research on the impact of land expropriation focuses on four aspects: social management [
5,
6,
7,
8], economic development [
15], farmers’ rights and interests [
21,
22,
23,
24], and natural ecology [
25,
26,
27]. Analyses of the influencing factors of prices focus on geographical resource endowments [
28,
29,
30], the output value, subsidy policies, infrastructure [
31], energy [
32,
33], interest rates, macroeconomic policies [
34], and other factors. In addition, some studies have analyzed the impact of land expropriation on the psychological behaviors of farmers, but they have focused on analyzing conflict willingness and nonagricultural transfer willingness [
22,
23,
35,
36]. Previous research has failed to pay attention to the relationship between land expropriation activities and farmers’ farmland value expectations.
Farmland expropriation activities not only have changed the total amount of land resource elements and income structure of farmers’ households, but also have sent a clear economic signal of increasing land scarcity to farmers and enriched farmers’ negotiation experience in the land transfer market. Thus, do farmers who have land expropriation experience have higher farmland value expectations than those without land expropriation experience? If so, what is the mechanism of action? Furthermore, is the impact of prior land expropriation experience on farmland value expectations heterogeneous due to the differences in compensation methods in the process of land expropriation? Does land expropriation experience have different effects on farmers with different quantiles of farmland value expectations? Answering these questions will improve the land expropriation systems in various countries, provide a useful reference for developing countries in the context of major changes in the relationship between people and land, improve the mechanism of the protection of farmers’ land rights, and enable an exploration of the mechanism of circulation of farmland and homestead property rights.
Accordingly, this article uses data from the 2015 China Household Finance Survey (CHFS) of rural residents to empirically study the impact of land expropriation experience on farmers’ farmland value expectations. Thus, this paper investigates the operating mechanism of the land expropriation system and provides a reference for the design of the land circulation mechanism and for other researchers conducting related research in this field to promote efficient land resource allocation and utilization.
Compared with previous studies, the marginal contributions of this article are as follows: first, national-level sample survey data are used to assess the effect of land acquisition activities on farmers’ farmland value expectations from a horizontal comparison perspective, which expands the analysis of the effect of land acquisition activities and expands the framework of factors influencing farmers’ farmland value expectations. Second, the mechanism by which land acquisition experience affects farmers’ farmland value expectations is identified; third, the impacts of different compensation methods on farmers’ farmland value expectations are analyzed.
The remainder of this paper is structured as follows: in
Section 2, we provide a brief literature review. In
Section 3, we present our theoretical analytical framework and basic assumptions. In
Section 4, we describe the data source and research methods. In
Section 5, we introduce the empirical results and explain them. In
Section 6, we draw conclusions and policy implications.
2. Literature Review
From the perspective of government fiscal accumulation and public facility construction, land expropriation activities for public infrastructure construction or local fiscal accumulation can significantly meet the demands of public infrastructure construction and local fiscal accumulation, and can effectively alleviate the government’s financial difficulties. From the perspective of social governance, land expropriation activities based on an unreasonable compensation system have stimulated conflicts between the government and the people, especially increasing the occurrence of protests [
10,
11,
12,
13,
14,
15]. Some researchers have pointed out that land expropriation activities can promote environmental protection and significantly increase forest coverage and the development of biological populations; however, such land expropriation activities are concentrated in the construction of nature reserves that mainly protect the ecological environment [
25,
26]. From a microeconomic perspective, many researchers mainly analyze the impact of land expropriation on the incomes of farmers. Some researchers have applied Chinese data to prove that although land expropriation activities reduce the agricultural incomes of rural households, they increase government transfer and wage incomes. In the short term, land expropriation activities increase the income level of rural households as a whole [
24,
37,
38]. In addition to paying attention to the effect of land requisition on farmers’ income, some researchers are also concerned about the effect of land requisition on the employment behaviors of farmers’ families. Some researchers pointed out that, from the perspective of the heterogeneity of the impacts, land expropriation activities reduce family members’ access to farmland, but through the creation of nonagricultural life, women’s economic statuses, and nonagricultural job opportunities are improved; however, most new nonagricultural jobs are still informal and unstable [
39]. Although land acquisition has reconstructed the livelihoods of rural households, many challenges regarding fairness and sustainable development exist, which are mainly reflected in income fluctuations caused by unstable employment [
40,
41]. Some researchers have analyzed the effect of land acquisition on the entrepreneurial behaviors of rural households. The results show that in the process of land acquisition, the early perception of land acquisition and favorable location of land can significantly promote the entrepreneurial behaviors of rural households, but the pure cash compensation policy does not effectively promote the entrepreneurial behaviors of farmers [
42]. Empirical studies in many developing countries show that the government’s compensation level for land-expropriated farmers is often low, which is not enough to reconstruct their livelihoods [
43,
44]. In addition, some researchers have shown that land expropriation for public infrastructure construction has promoted the development of the energy (oil and gas) industry. The main reason is that these land expropriation activities have greatly reduced the construction cost of energy industry infrastructure. However, unreasonable land expropriation activities have, to a certain extent, displaced many people, resulting in food insecurity, the collapse of society, and the weakening of cultural cohesion [
45]. Existing studies have also analyzed the impact of land expropriation on the psychological behaviors of farmers, focusing on conflict willingness and nonagricultural transfer willingness. Studies have pointed out that unreasonable compensation, especially land expropriation activities that do not meet farmers’ psychological compensation expectations, will increase farmers’ willingness to engage in conflicts. To a certain extent, they will also increase farmers’ willingness to engage in nonagricultural employment [
22,
23,
35,
36].
Regarding the influencing factors of farmland prices, existing research mainly analyzes the influencing factors of the actual transaction prices of farmland from the perspectives of physical geography, the social economy, and macroeconomic policies [
46]. From the perspective of physical geographical conditions, farmlands with good water sources have high land quality [
28,
29,
47], and farmlands close to markets have better environments [
42] and higher farmland prices. Land prices have limited positive effects. The output value of farmland, subsidy standard of the agricultural subsidy policy, public infrastructure [
31], and energy status [
32,
33] have significant positive impacts on the price of farmland. That is, better output value, a higher subsidy, better public infrastructure, and the availability of energy have significantly increased the price of farmland. In addition, researchers have analyzed the impact of interest rate levels, stability of property rights, and legal protection levels on farmland prices. Studies have shown that low interest rates, stable property rights, and effective legal systems that protect private property rights can significantly increase the price level of farmland [
34]. In addition, some researchers have analyzed the relationship between nature reserves and the price of farmland. Their conclusions show that the establishment of nature reserves can significantly affect the price of farmland, but the magnitude and direction of the effect depends on the type of protection area, land use type, and variation by region. Although there is evidence that protected areas can affect the price of cultivated land, the standard farmland value of grassland is often positively affected, mainly in the study area [
48]. Some researchers have analyzed the impact of landscape on real estate prices and concluded that landscape factors can significantly affect land prices [
49].
Research on the impact of land expropriation experience on farmers’ psychological behaviors indicates that the lack of land expropriation experience impacts their price expectations with regard to future farmland expropriation. On the other hand, the existing literature does not consider the psychology of farmland. From the perspective of price, we analyze the impact of land expropriation activities on the psychological price of farmers’ farmland. Therefore, this study uses cross-sectional data obtained from rural households at the national level in China to analyze the impact of land expropriation activities on farmers’ farmland value expectations. In addition to exploring the impact of land expropriation activities, this paper analyzes the impact of physical geography, socioeconomic factors, and policy factors on farmers’ farmland value expectations.
6. Conclusions and Enlightenment
6.1. Conclusions
Based on the abovementioned statistical and empirical analyses, the following conclusions are drawn:
First, from the T test of the mean value of land acquisition and no land acquisition, farmers who have experienced land acquisition are expected to have a higher value of farmland by USD 1008/km2, which is significant at the 1% significance level. The regression results obtained by controlling other influencing factors show that the coefficient of the effect of land acquisition experience on farmers’ farmland value expectations is 0.371, and it is significant at the level of 1%. Farmers’ expectations for farmland value will increase by 37.1% after land acquisition. This result shows that after experiencing land acquisition, farmers’ expectations for the value of farmland can be significantly improved.
Second, the results of the heterogeneity analysis show that, on average, farmland value expectations in the 90th percentile are significantly higher by 7.05% than those who did not experience land acquisition. The expected land value of farmers in the 10th percentile, 20th percentile, and 25th percentile is significantly higher than 38.6%, 43%, and 43.9%, respectively. This finding shows that the effect of land acquisition experience on the expected value of agricultural land is most obvious for farmers with a low expected value of agricultural land. The results of the heterogeneity of compensation methods show that the expected impact coefficient of monetary compensation on the value of farmers’ farmland is 0.507, which is significant at the 10% significance level. This result shows that farmers who fully accept monetary compensation in the process of land acquisition have a higher expectation of the value of farmland than farmers who use nonmonetary compensation.
Third, in the analysis of the mechanism of action, the interaction term between the land acquisition experience and the family’s cultivated land area has an impact coefficient of −0.041 on the farmer’s farmland value expectations and is significant at the 5% level of significance, while other interaction terms pass the significance test. This result shows that the farmer households that have experienced land acquisition have less cultivated land and higher expectations of the value of the farmland. The land acquisition mainly increases the scarcity of farmland of farmer households, thereby increasing farmers’ farmland value expectations.
In summary, our core conclusion is that the land acquisition experience raises farmers’ expectations for the value of farmland by increasing the scarcity of farmland for farmers’ families. The effect of land acquisition experience on the expected value of farmland is more significant for farmers with lower expected farmland value, and monetized land acquisition compensation methods will also significantly increase farmers’ expectations of the value of farmland.
In addition, the impact coefficients of the certification of rights, per capita income level, education level, and willingness to engage in business on agricultural land value expectations are 0.085, 0.000, 0.103, and 0.138, respectively, at significance levels of 10%, 1%, 10%, and 1%, respectively. These results show that the greater the clarity of the right to farmland is, the higher the family income level, the higher the education level, and the stronger the willingness to engage in business can significantly improve farmers’ awareness of rights and interests in farmland.
6.2. Enlightenment
This article draws the following implications: for governmental departments, land expropriation activities have strengthened farmers’ awareness of land rights, changed the allocation of agricultural land resources among farmers’ families and, thus, changed farmers’ behaviors. In addition, land rights claims will be strengthened by the confirmation of rights. Moreover, farmland is important capital accumulated in the process of the nonagricultural transfer of rural households. For this reason, to improve the land expropriation system, optimize the allocation of agricultural land resources, and increase the efficiency of land use, the government should effectively improve the protection of farmers’ land rights through land policy publicity, the transmission of land market transaction information, and the confirmation and certification of land rights. The government should raise the awareness of farmers, especially farmers who have not experienced land expropriation. The policy implications are as follows: first, the government should improve the land expropriation system and increase the distribution ratio of farmers’ land value-added income to ensure that farmers can adjust their survival strategies and to improve protection and accumulation in the process of resource supplementation or nonagricultural employment. Second, farmers’ land rights and interests should be improved, and farmers’ awareness of the need to protect their land rights should be stimulated. In particular, according to the law, it is necessary to ensure farmers’ independent negotiation rights and interests to enhance their awareness of rights and interests [
43,
60]. In addition, there is a serious asymmetry of information among stakeholders in land acquisition [
61]. Through timely publicity of policies and legal norms, the rights and interests of farmers will be protected. Third, the government should build a land property rights trading market, reduce the scale of land expropriation led by the government, and increase the proportion of the market allocation of land elements. Furthermore, to address conflicts in the land acquisition process, governments at all levels should also establish an effective evaluation support mechanism and supervision mechanism [
62]. Fourth, the government should deepen the reform of the three rights separation of agricultural land, build an efficient farmland property rights trading platform, optimize the relative balance of the allocation of farmland resources, and resolve the negative externalities caused by the unbalanced allocation of farmland after land expropriation.
Farmers are often at a disadvantage compared to government organizations in land acquisition. Therefore, if farmers want to protect their legal rights and interests in the process of land expropriation, they must use the following two core channels to ensure their economic rights and interests in the process of agricultural land expropriation. First, farmers should expand their information channels. Farmers should be familiar with key information, such as land acquisition laws, policy trends, and land market prices, via the Internet, friends, neighbors, and policy consulting units in a timely manner to improve the awareness of their rights and interests. Second, they actively rely on village collective economic organizations or independent alliances to identify negotiating agents in the process of land requisition and use group power to improve bargaining power in the process of land requisition and protect their land rights.
6.3. Research Outlook
Although the theoretical framework and empirical test of this article explain the mechanism of the impact of land expropriation experience on farmers’ farmland value expectations, we further analyze the differences in the effects of farmers with different quantiles of farmland value expectations and those of different compensation methods. This article uses cross-sectional data to make horizontal comparisons and explores the impact of land expropriation experience on farmers’ farmland value expectations. Due to data limitations, the longitudinal effects or actual prices are not compared, and farmers or compensation methods are not subdivided. It is necessary to further verify that the compensation methods affect farmers and the role of their farmland value expectations. In the future, we will continue to expand the mechanism of the impact of land acquisition experience on farmers’ expectations of farmland value. In addition, we will conduct an in-depth analysis of the impact of land acquisition activities on farmers’ farmland investment behavior through micro-surveys.