1. Introduction
Community is a complex of geographical space and social networks [
1]. The geographical spaces, consisting of public spaces, service facilities, architectures, and policy systems, may have a clear administrative boundary or just be a vague geographical concept. In a given geographical space, intimate or nonintimate social activities and interactions between residents form the social network [
2]. Strong connections with high frequency and short paths, i.e., intimate relationships between residents and their family members, lovers, and close friends, are prerequisites for forming the network. Residents can obtain more social support from this relationship but usually receive limited information and social capital [
3]. The development and the expansion of social networks depend more on the “weak ties” of “bowing acquaintance”, i.e., nonintimate social relationships. In a specific community space or social activity, nonintimate relationships play a vital role in creating social capital, increasing the sense of place and identity and enhancing community cohesion [
4,
5]. A social network formally features a looser and more alienated structural feature than geographical spaces. Residents may break through geographical boundaries for their benefits, interests, and emotions by carrying out activities outside the communities [
6]. Therefore, the close dependence and the structural differentiation of geographical spaces and social networks are essential characteristics of communities.
Public open space (POS) is an integral part of community public space, considered an outdoor living space with a minimal cost, reasonable distance, and a high-quality environment to achieve maximum social communication [
7,
8,
9]. Some scholars believe that any outdoor space which is open to the public free of charge and provides recreational services is a POS, which is generally not restricted by land attributes [
10,
11]. Parks and public squares are typical POSs. Affiliated green spaces, pocket parks, corner gardens, pedestrian streets, and grey spaces outside architectures for people to stay and relax fall within this category. Inaccessible enclosed green spaces or abandoned spaces in the community also have the potential to be converted into POS. In China, there are two general approaches to POS development and management: one is under the sole responsibility of government departments, and the other is private development by property developers under the supervision of the government. The latter is generally abbreviated as POSPD in some of the previous studies on urban public space in China [
12,
13]. POSs and indoor public service facilities form the system of public spaces known as the “third place”, in addition to the family and workplaces. They not only provide a physical environment for people to conduct various activities but also a social environment that can promote broader social interaction between strangers [
14]. In recent years, a few studies have shown that POSs have a positive impact on residents’ physical and mental health [
15,
16,
17,
18]; promote the formation of “weak ties” [
19]; and improve residents’ sense of happiness, belonging, and cohesion [
16,
20,
21], thereby accumulating social capital and social wellbeing [
22,
23].
Under endogenous development, the community has become the basic unit of urban regeneration and innovation governance. Since the outbreak of SARS-CoV-2, various countries have been concerned about the construction of the community life circle and the 15–min city concept [
24]. Chinese urban communities have also experienced a large-scale regeneration of public space in the last five years. Improvement of community public space, such as street walkability, accessibility, diversity, and fairness of facilities, and environmental comfortability, have been reemphasised [
19,
25]. In particular, the renovation and activation of POSs have become a top priority [
26]. The general renewal model focuses more on transforming the POSs’ physical attributes, such as increasing their number, expanding their scale or improving their accessibility for idealised structures. In China, especially, those types of renewals are popular in old communities and urban villages in some urban central areas that face complex demographic structures, rigid social relationships, limited space resources, and prominent aging problems [
27,
28].
Those projects easily neglect the role of each POS node in residents’ everyday lives, resulting in the encroachment and destruction of their original living spaces and neighbourhood social network. In addition, they may also trigger environmental justice and social deprivation [
29] and affect community awareness [
30,
31]. Therefore, it is likely to depart from the expectations of Chinese society, which has long been known as “relation-oriented” to community POS renewal. In this regard, our research aims to develop an evaluation method to assess the effectiveness of POS renewal in urban communities from the perspective of residents’ daily lives, compare the differences between social and spatial dimensions, and further discuss and elaborate on the entanglement between urban regeneration and people’s growing needs for community POSs in recent years.
2. Literature Review
The extensive body of literature on POS evaluation is mainly based on structuralist thinking regarding functionalism, including macro and micro perspectives. In recent years, the evaluation at the macro level usually involves big data, such as geographic data, community population data, mobile phone signalling data, and POI data, whereby calculations and measurements of the POS numbers [
32], scale [
17], accessibility [
10,
33], greening coverage rate [
34], and vitality [
35] were conducted, using overlay analysis, kernel density analysis, spatial syntax, GIS network analysis, the two-step floating catchment area method, etc., to evaluate the layout fairness, as well as the supply-and-demand matching degree of a specific administrative division, such as a district or the whole city. Some studies also implemented machine learning to delineate the size of a community’s life circle or employed semantic segmentation to qualitatively assess the quality of POSs using social platform data [
36]. It is undeniable that macroscale research can successfully reflect the characteristics of the overall network, and that big data can provide a larger sample size for research, thus allowing researchers to discuss the role and value of public spaces in a larger context. However, it is often difficult for big data to reflect the emotions, events, behavioural background and other information behind the data. It is easy to ignore the use behaviour of spaces by some groups, such as the elderly and children. Although some researchers conducted online or offline questionnaires to supplement background information and explain causality or overlap time profiles to discuss the spatiotemporal variation of indicators to make up for this drawback, their effect was limited. For community POSs, existence does not mean rationality, and a large number or a close distance with residential areas does not indicate fairness. Macroscale research essentially tends to fall into the stereotype of egalitarianism. Thus, there are many intricate problems and data acquisition defects in the community that may easily break the studies away from the “human-centred” core and constraints by geographical space and administrative regulation.
Microscale evaluations can fully reflect the internal characteristics of space and the people’s usage of areas. As for data collection, the research is mainly engaged in qualitative approaches, such as interviews, questionnaires, ethnography and participant observation. Some studies also combined these data with remote sensing maps, UAV technology, mobile positioning technology or smartphones. In data analysis, evaluation systems and audit tools are usually used to assess the environmental quality or the response of space functions to people’s needs. In terms of quality assessment, Pasaogullari et al. used a satisfaction questionnaire to evaluate a public space using the four dimensions of accessibility, security, facility quality and aesthetics [
37]; Giles-Corti et al. developed the public open space tool (POST) to evaluate a POS in terms of activities, environment, convenience, and security [
38]. Based on POST, Edwards et al. developed a public open space desktop audit tool (POSDAT) that allows assessments to be conducted using remote-sensing maps [
39]. Concerning the demand response, Gehl et al. used the Public Space and Public Life (PSPL) tool to summarise the characteristics of residents’ activities in urban spaces [
40]. Sun et al. analysed the possibility of small-scale space optimisation by observing the behaviour of older residents in street corners of an old city zone [
41]; Roy et al. used grounded theory to study women’s sense of security in public spaces in Kolkata, India [
42]. Considering the aspect of behaviour, some researchers used people’s travel routes to analyse different areas in POS. Zhai et al. used GPS trackers to observe tourists’ activities, the intensity of the space’s use, and the time spent in the park [
43]. Andrew et al. used the GPS positioning function of smartphones to analyse university students’ choice and use of urban green spaces [
44]. Nevertheless, microscale evaluations are often subject to multiple samples, and studies typically focus on specific space types or particular groups [
26,
45], aiming to reflect the various attributes of isolated “points”, with limitations when reflecting the network of POS.
Overall, the evaluation of community POSs needs to integrate overall network thinking and individual analysis, as well as clarify the roles of POSs in community residents’ everyday lives. In this regard, social network analysis (SNA), a sociological research paradigm that matured in the 1970s, can provide new ideas [
46]. This method deconstructs complex relational networks into nodes and links, focuses on the role of nodes in the network and the “relationship” between nodes and then reveals the operation law of complex relational networks. It also provides an analytical tool for the accurate quantification and visualisation of network and node characteristics. Since the nodes in an SNA can be specific people or groups, as well as streets, bus stations, cities, or even countries, it provides an operational path for analysing various types of network relationships, and it has been introduced into political economy, epidemiology, Internet studies, traffic planning, rural research, and other fields [
47,
48,
49,
50,
51]. In urban community studies, SNA can take the community as a platform to integrate the macro society and micro individuals, break community research limitations related to functionalism and evaluate the characteristics and functions of POSs in the network [
52]. It can also break through the perspective of structuralism and provide theoretical support for the renewal of community public spaces to promote social integration and neighbourhood communication.
Based on the above, we asked the following research questions: (1) Is there a difference between the layout of community public spaces and their actual use by residents? (2) What role do the POS nodes play within residents’ behaviour networks in emphatically renewed communities? (3) What is the relationship between POSs and other public service facilities? (4) Is the current approach to community POS renewal effective at the social level?
Our research would assess the effectiveness and explore the priority of the implemented community POS renewal by using the SNA method to compare the residents’ daily use with the spatial layout of the renewed POS. Firstly, we conducted fieldwork on residents’ everyday outdoor activity preferences and patterns in the representative community. Secondly, we constructed two network matrices by investigating the daily activities of community residents, taking the public spaces where the residents conducted their activities as nodes and using their walking routes and the spatial distance between the nodes as links. The spatial matrix reflected the layout of community public space nodes within a 15-min walk (800 m), and the behaviour matrix represented residents’ actual use of public spaces. Then, SNA was used to explain the characteristics and functions of community POSs in residents’ daily lives in terms of the network and the node, identify the renewal priority of POSs and evaluate the effect of POS renewal. The research framework is shown in
Figure 1.
5. Discussion
First, this study confirmed that the behaviour network of residents was smaller in scale and looser in structure than the spatial network [
1]. As the geographical division in traditional urban renewal projects, administrative boundaries hardly ever can restrict residents’ everyday lives. People often chose fixed activity stay points and walking routes according to their preferences for spatial functions, facility scale, and personal interests, reflecting and corroborating the dual attributes of the community. Second, this study explained the importance of considering the operation of social networks in community regeneration actions [
6]. Residents’ lives were closely related to POSs in the community, and there were differences in how POSs were used and the intensity of usage in reality. Based on the results, we believe that the planners need a more pragmatic and comprehensive perspective to set 15-min community life circle sustainable development goals in the context of urban regeneration. Thus, we suggest that the community public space renewal should focus on core POSs of the behaviour network, such as comprehensive parks, squares, and commercial pedestrian streets. Furthermore, this study found five types of public facilities with high centralities strongly linked with the core POSs, i.e., wet markets, schools, hospitals, recreational and sports facilities, and subway stations. We thought improving these facilities’ outdoor spaces qualities may be more efficient than renovating abandoned spaces or closed greeneries, allowing residents to use and enjoy public spaces more directly and conveniently.
In terms of the characteristics of nodes, we classified the POSs of the community into six types. First, the three comprehensive core nodes of the Ruijin community had the characteristics of a long construction time, large space area and strong activity supply ability. These nodes were closely related to residents’ daily lives, with a high possibility of forming “weak ties” [
4,
5], which may effectively bridge intergenerational barriers, promote the integration of original and new residents, to enhance community cohesion [
52,
56]. Second, directional core nodes were usually the only destinations or terminal points of residents’ travel. Commercial Street in Huaihai RD (T) in the Ruijin community belonged to this type, and residents’ leisure activities at this node were mainly due to the attraction of commercial facilities along the street. However, the types of activities that could be carried out at this node were relatively simple. Third, the intermediate peripheral node of the Ruijin community was located in the Huaizhong section of Yanzhong Park (R) outside the community, which played a similar role to Shaoxing Park (C), but with weak intensity. Directional peripheral nodes mainly allow individual residents to go to nodes for particular purposes. For example, office workers chose to have a lunch break at Huaimao Green Space (M), pet owners chose to walk their dogs in Magnolia Garden (D) and members of social organisations participated in activities in Taiping Bridge Green Space (S). Lastly, inefficient nodes included supplementary pocket parks, small and medium-sized commercial spaces and roadside green spaces. At present, residents rarely marked such nodes, indicating that such spaces emphasized in current development projects did not significantly improve residents’ recreational opportunities or promote social interactions.
The effectiveness evaluation showed that adding more POSs did not necessarily create more leisure opportunities for residents or improve the overall POS utilisation rate. In this regard, we believe that there were three main reasons for the low efficiency and utilisation rate of the POS node renewal. First, there is a lack of practicability and sustainability of small spaces, such as pocket parks in the Ruijin community. These spaces are typically more like outdoor exhibition halls for the community government or merchants, designed to create internet-famous places or facades to solicit customers. They are usually only popular during leader inspections, tourist visits and reporter interviews. These spaces also fail to provide adequate care for vulnerable groups, such as the elderly, children, and the disabled [
45,
57], and do not establish connections with other public spaces. Then, the publicity and the openness of some nodes are not fully guaranteed. Although they are “public” in name, they are not “public” in reality. Government departments or relevant developers usually make decisions regarding space renewal. However, residents do not even know the existence of these spaces or mistakenly assume that they are not open to the public [
28,
30]. In addition, combined with interviews, we found that many developers have strict restrictions on the activities of residents in the POSPD and often rely on dedicated security guards to keep the site in order, such as Sinan Mansion (L), Yuyangli Square (J) and No. 8 Bridge Entrance Space (I), making it difficult for residents to establish new social relationships there [
12]. Furthermore, it also takes time for residents to become familiar with renewed spaces. Whether the design style of POSs is consistent with the community atmosphere, the facilities in the space meet the basic leisure needs of residents, and the government effectively guides residents to use new POSs are all important influencing factors.
At present, the POS renewal of the Ruijin community is considered an exemplar in Shanghai. However, over-reliance on the conventional theory may mislead the practices under dynamic social change. Our study found that the effectiveness of the current POS renewal in the Ruijin community was limited at the social level. First of all, we believe that the local government should pay more attention to the comprehensive nodes and intermediary nodes in the next phase. It is vital to accurately investigate residents’ everyday activities in the core nodes when conducting space renovation to create high-quality, age-friendly, and gender-equal spaces [
58,
59]. Propaganda linked to community co-governance should also preferentially be performed at these nodes [
60]. Second, due to the close relationship between intermediary core POS nodes and core public services, such as schools, hospitals, and food markets, more human-centred consideration should be given to students and parents, doctors and patients, food buyers, and sellers regarding the facility configuration and spatial transformation. For peripheral and inefficient nodes, local governments or developers should guide the public, especially the primary users of POSs, to jointly design, use and maintain spaces, expanding the breadth and depth of public participation, and collaborative governance [
20,
28]. Moreover, according to residents’ initiatives, they should be supported and encouraged to undertake space renewals [
61]. Their voice and decision-making rights should also be guaranteed to the greatest extent possible instead of tokenistic participation [
62].
6. Conclusions
Rapid urban development and community transformation require more reliable and efficient methods to assist urban planners and decision-makers in assessing the renewal of POS. Our research extended the application of SNA method and provided a new idea and quantitative evaluation method to community regeneration. We classified and dissected the role and inter-connection of POSs in residents’ everyday lives, based on a comparison of spatial network and behaviour network, using six indicators such as network density, centralities, and core-periphery structure. Our research critically reflected on the current common model of community POS renewal in China. Our results highlighted the necessity to pay particular attention to POS characteristics, functions, and connections with other vital public facilities in the residents’ behavioural network. We suggest that the future renewal needs to enhance the social effects of the entire POS structure by improving the quality of core nodes based on the role of nodes in the network to accurately match residents’ needs. Furthermore, the voice and decision-making rights of the main user groups in co-governance should be expanded and guaranteed, to ensure the sustainability of projects.
However, there were still some shortcomings of this research that could be improved. Firstly, our data collection was based on paper questionnaires from field surveys. The next step can be to use the community intelligent network platform or rely on the government to organise residents to carry out larger-scale track surveys to expand the sample size and validate the results. Secondly, the evaluation model used the natural breakpoint method to compare the relative strengths of the two types of centralities to obtain the main roles of the nodes in the network which still need to explore the motivation and selection mechanism behind residents’ choice of POS to assign more accurate node classification criteria and renewal priority settings. Furthermore, the future work can be combined with the evaluation at spatial level to discuss the potential influence mechanisms between the two networks, and assess the effectiveness more comprehensively.