2.1. Literature Review
Innovation plays an important role in promoting urban and regional economic development [
16,
17]. Science parks were recognized as spatial containers for bringing together innovative organizations such as firms, research institutions, and public services [
18] and forming a unique regional innovation system. SP policy plays a pivotal role in promoting urban innovation. As a resource aggregation organization, it can foster commercialization and networking of technology and knowledge through the sharing of scientific research facilities, the promotion of talent exchanges, and among many other ways [
4,
19], so as to realize knowledge-based urban development [
20]. At the same time, the improved infrastructure and preferential financial and tax policies provided by SP policy can increase the output and quality of innovation in the region by reducing transactional costs of various enterprises and attracting various market entities, especially small and medium-sized innovative enterprises [
21].
The connotations of HIDZ policy in China have been discussed for a long time [
10,
22,
23]. Firstly, it was regarded as the practice of international SP policy in China after the reform and opening up. It was a linkage space designed to realize local scientific innovation and industrial development, as well as the promotion of scientific and technological innovation and industrial upgrading nationwide [
21,
24]. Secondly, it represented a further exploration process of the DZ development mode, influencing by the innovation-driven strategy in China, a means under which the government not only promotes measures to streamline administration and delegates power for HIDZ, but also implements preferential policies for specific high-tech industries [
10]. Moreover, HIDZ is known as an important functional area of the city where it located. It is the spatial carrier for pluralistic growth and innovation goals, including, but not limited to, economic growth, openness improvement, and the upgrading of science and technology [
14,
25]. It can be seen that all of the above studies belong to the interpretation of HIDZ from different perspectives. In essence, as a fusion of various opening-up and industrial policies after China’s opening up, HIDZ’s spatial construction and institutional improvement has had multiple economic and social effects.
SP policy is regarded as an important policy tool used to promote local innovation linkages and economic growth in both developed countries [
2,
6] and developing countries [
21,
26]. As the technology industry and urban spatial carrier with the closest function to SP in China, HIDZ policy has a diverse impact on the host city. A thorough understanding of several types of impacts of HIDZ on local economic activities can help us explain how it promotes the output and quality of urban innovation.
First, the establishment of HIDZ can generate an agglomeration effect and scale economies which are crucial for urban innovation. The discussion of the agglomeration economy has appeared in many studies on the performance of DZs [
15,
27,
28]. The agglomeration economy brought by geographical proximity improves the face-to-face exchange opportunities for enterprises and talents and promotes local knowledge transfer. Therefore, some researchers evaluating the performance of SP policy have also emphasized the importance of agglomeration [
29,
30]. Compared with other types of DZ in China, the HIDZ emphasizes the spatial agglomeration of high-tech enterprises and research institutions, making it play a significant role in urban innovation output [
31] and as a land use utility [
32], etc. However, some studies also have different views and point out that HIDZ can not directly stimulate the generation of innovation; it can just attract FDI and integrate regional economic activities into the global value chains [
24]. This may mean that the rapid development of HIDZ is only achieved through high intensity capital investment and large-scale infrastructure construction, but it does not truly stimulate the generation and development of local innovation activities.
Secondly, the establishment of HIDZs and the implementation of relevant policies provides direct financial benefits for enterprises. For example, certified high-tech enterprises in HIDZs can implement a preferential tax rate of 15% (25% before recognition); one-time financial support will be provided to high-tech enterprises newly registered/introduced into HIDZs (Shanghai will provide RMB 250,000 in 2022). At the same time, with higher management authority, an HIDZ’s management committee often has the power to offer convenient project approval and bank credit services for enterprises in the park [
15]. In addition, the government has also provided different kinds of incentive policies for talents, which enables the HIDZ to attract researchers from universities or scientific institutions. Through the above series of preferential policies, the HIDZ can not only attract R&D branches of large domestic and foreign companies, but also facilitate the incubation of companies in emerging industries. Of course, this is only the initial effect of policy implementation. It is worth thinking after the expiration of the relevant policy whether the productivity of regional enterprises and the economic vitality of cities have been continuously improved or the benefits have gradually been extended to other regions.
In addition, the establishment of an HIDZ will have a selection effect on the development of space and the settlement of enterprises. On the one hand, the establishment of a national HIDZ is no longer about creating an industrial park in the urban fringe, but about upgrading the existing industrial parks in the city. In this process, local governments would select urban areas with a better industrial base, convenient transportation and sufficient space for development, and submit applications to higher governments. On the other hand, all kinds of DZs in China have distinct admittance criteria for selection of enterprises, including investment intensity of fixed assets per unit area, annual output intensity, etc. [
32]. HIDZ policy also has clear regulations on the industrial types of enterprises and prefers enterprises that conform to the regional industrial development plans. It can be seen that the evaluation of industries and enterprises by the HIDZ policies, to a certain extent, prevents firms with low added value, low production efficiency and potential environmental pollution from entering HIDZs.
The above three effects are the direct impacts of the implementation of HIDZ-related policies on local economic activities. Based on these impacts, HIDZ has corresponding spillover effects on the technological innovation in the cities, and the positive or negative paths are as follows. First of all, through the agglomeration effect, HIDZ will enable a large number of market entities, including high-tech enterprises, as well as universities, incubators, and other institutions, to become concentrated within the HIDZ’s boundaries in order to reduce the overall development and construction cost of the city, and to promote the knowledge exchange between technology, talents and enterprises to achieve the generation and diffusion of innovation. In particular, HIDZs in China often includes many sub-zones, for example Zhangjiang HIDZ in Shanghai have 22 sub-zones, Zhongguancun HIDZ in Beijing have 16 sub-zones, and these layout patterns are conducive to foster the innovation output of various industrial functional areas in the city. However, there are also some enterprises that may only be pursuing “policy rent” and not communicating and cooperating with other economic units in the HIDZ [
33]. At the same time, excessive competition and increased costs in specific areas may also lead to diseconomies of agglomeration [
34]. Secondly, through the policy’s effect, all types of innovative enterprises attracted by the HIDZ may come from abroad or from outside the region, or the listing may just be the address changes of local enterprises in pursuit of fiscal and tax preferences. The former situation is helpful for the city in obtaining higher competitiveness in regional industrial competition and innovative development, while the latter may lead to the decline of the attractiveness and the deterioration of business environment of non-park areas within the city. It may lead to a concentration of economic activity in a certain area in the city, potentially exacerbating spatial inequalities. In addition, the establishment of enterprises’ admittance and withdrawal mechanisms has screened and controlled the investment intensity and output level of enterprises in the park, which helps maintain the sustainable competitiveness of HIDZ as a regional industrial highland. However, the threshold set by the government is not conducive to the development of SMEs, and it is difficult for new cities to be inclusive of entrepreneurs and young technical talents. This is likely to hinder their potential innovation, which is formed by their interactions, which will have a certain negative impact on the diversification of urban technological innovation.
Notably, the impacts of the above three effects on urban innovation output may differ for various types of cities. Firstly, HIDZ policy in different regions has diverse urban economic bases and industrial development levels. In particular, coastal provinces have benefited from the opening-up policies earlier than have the inland provinces, leading to significant disparities in development stages in the eastern, central and western regions. Secondly, with the regionalization process, the urban agglomeration has become an important spatial form for China’s promotion of urbanization and integrated development. Among all the urban agglomerations in China, Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei, Yangtze River Delta, Pearl River Delta, and Chengdu-Chongqing are recognized as the most developed, and have greater development potential than do other regions. In addition, the overlaying of national DZ policies in the same city deserves more of the researchers’ attention. In China, the HIDZ and the Economic and Technological Development Zone (ETDZ) are the two types of DZ with the largest spatial scale, both of which have preferential policies in terms of land use, finance and taxation; however, due to the differences in development policy objectives and industry-leading types, many DZ-related studies discuss the two types separately [
35]. In a word, the heterogeneity of the positive effect of HIDZ on these cities should be tested.
2.2. Conceptual Framework and Research Hypotheses
Based on a literature review, a conceptual framework is proposed (
Figure 1), summarizing the impacts of HIDZs on the quantity and quality of urban innovation. Through the combination of agglomeration effects, policy effects, and selection effects, HIDZ policy has influenced the spatial layout of various innovation entities in cities and regions, gathering a large number of scientific research institutions and large enterprises within the boundaries of the HIDZ. Existing research has shown that large-scale infrastructure investment in the early stages of development zone construction, as well as the improvement of technological service facilities during the development process, will greatly reduce the operating costs of various market entities, enabling innovative entities to gather in or around the HIDZ [
27]. This feature can not only promote cooperation and competition between enterprises of the same type, but can also achieve knowledge spillover and personnel exchanges between different types of enterprises, and may promote the formation of local innovation ecosystems [
7]. Under the influence of the above multiple effects, HIDZ is also seen as a growth pole that promotes economic growth and social development in cities and regions [
24], driving the cities where it is located to produce more innovative results, and significantly improving the quality of innovation, thereby winning in the urban competition in the region. In addition, due to differences in regional layout, development stages, and overlapping industrial policies, the impact on urban innovation of setting up HIDZ in different cities is also different.
In the context of spatial integration between an HIDZ and the city where it is located, the HIDZ is no longer the industrial enclave or new town at the urban fringe, but instead the important platform for scientific and technological innovation and industrial transformation that the city must rely on. Since the start of the new century, a large number of HIDZs have been set up in medium-sized cities, which directly promotes the development of local urbanization and the expansion of built space (
Figure 2). At the same time, different HIDZs have different degrees of promotional effects on the quantity and quality of urban innovation: on the one hand, the urban innovation quantity represents an improvement upon various urban innovation activities; on the other hand, the urban innovation quality represents the improvement on the level of urban innovation capability. Therefore, the difference in the effect between the quantity and quality, and its heterogeneity in different cities should be identified, thus providing reference for HIDZ and urban development policies. At present, many studies have demonstrated that HIDZ has a positive spillover effect on local firm productivity and manufacturing employment growth in adjacent areas [
27], and significant findings have been accumulated in the field of HIDZ driving regional development [
36,
37].
However, there are still some issues worth further discussion. First of all, China’s HIDZ construction mode has changed from the traditional “new establishment” in the urban fringe to the “upgrading” of existing industrial parks in the city since the new century, so it is necessary to measure whether the establishment of HIDZ has promoted the quantity and quality of innovation in the host city. Secondly, the government has carried out HIDZ evaluation for many years and has recognized regional heterogeneity, so the impacts of HIDZ in different types of cities, including the different regions and multiple industrial policies, should be identified and discussed. In order to better organize empirical research and verify the above conceptual framework, the following two basic research assumptions are proposed: (1) The literature summarizes the possible positive and negative impacts of HIDZ on the economic activities of the city where it is located, but in general, it has a relatively obvious positive role in promoting the urban innovation of the city. (2) Different cities in China have different development stages, regional conditions and policy inputs, so the effectiveness of an HIDZ establishment should be significantly different in terms of the quantity and quality of innovation.