1. Introduction and Literature Review
Over 30 years, more than 1 billion people have been lifted from extreme poverty. The world has come a long way in reducing poverty. However, during this period, the income share of the poorer half of the population has remained virtually unchanged even though global economic output has more than tripled since 1990. Inequality undermines economic progress and, in turn, exacerbates the social divides that inequality creates. In China, the world’s largest developing country, inequality also exists. China’s rapid economic development since its reform and opening up has created a “growth miracle”, but scholars recognize that the gap between rich and poor in China is also growing. A study showed that China’s Gini coefficient had reached between 0.53 and 0.55 around 2010 and that the main reasons for this income inequality were regional differences and the urban–rural gap [
1]. Income inequality can have a severe impact on the stability of a society and take a toll on people’s mental and physical health. Therefore, research on income inequality is necessary.
Income inequality is a hot topic for economists and sociologists. Income inequality is the unequal income distribution among individuals or households in a given society, economy, or group [
2]. Income inequality is not specific to a particular country but is a universal phenomenon. It is worth noting that income inequality is not limited to countries but can also exist within a country. A gap exists between developing countries’ rural and urban living standards, measured in income, consumption, or non-monetary aspects. Statistical data for 108 countries also show that, in today’s world, the income gap between countries has narrowed significantly, while the gap between regions within countries has widened [
3].
An early researcher on income inequality was Kuznets, who proposed the “Kuznets Curve”, which suggests that income inequality increases and then decreases as the economy develops, showing an inverted “U-shape” [
4]. The Kuznets curve concept has been widely used in determining income inequality and has been validated in many countries. Researchers have found that the phenomenon may be present in North America, Europe, and a wide range of developing countries, including China [
5]. They have argued that China has passed the turning point of the Kuznets Curve and that income inequality is on a downward trend. Recently, however, some scholars have argued differently. Using new inequality indicators, they found that the Kuznets growth model has little explanatory power for income inequality in China. Land policies have likely played a key role [
6]. However, whether or not they agree with the applicability of the Kuznets curve in China, their conclusion that the deterioration of income distribution in China has been reversed is unanimous [
7].
As research has progressed, scholars have realized that income inequality may also affect economic growth [
8]. In the 1990s, several Southeast Asian and South American countries entered the middle-income stage, but economic growth stagnated along with it. Scholars believe this was partly because these countries were not innovative enough to compete with developed countries in capital- and technology-intensive industries and lost many markets. On the other hand, growing income inequality in these countries has affected social stability, reduced investment, and hindered economic growth. This result is confirmed in panel data for 71 countries [
9]. As the 21st century progressed, income inequality was found to play a different role in different income countries [
10]. Barro argued that the relationship between income inequality and economic growth might not be linear and that income inequality could dampen economic growth for countries with a GDP per capita of less than USD 2070 [
11]. Above that value, however, income inequality promotes economic growth. Income inequality may lead to other negative consequences as well. One key discussion is population health. It has been argued that income inequality worsens the health of populations and increases mortality [
12]. This phenomenon exists in Europe, the United States, and Japan [
13]. Social cohesion may be an important mechanism of action [
14]. However, some scholars, using data from Canada and the United States, have found that the phenomenon occurs only in the United States, possibly because of differences in distribution between the two countries [
15]. In addition, income impossibilities may also lead to unequal consumption and increased carbon emissions [
16,
17], deteriorating environmental quality [
18].
For the study of income inequality in China, the perspective mainly focuses on urban–rural areas. The data show that China’s urban–rural income ratio was 2.39 in 2023, much higher than the average of OECD countries. Researchers have found that urban–rural income inequality in China is the leading cause of income inequality. In addition, factors such as population aging [
19], international trade [
20], tourism, and the development of the traditional financial sector may also exacerbate income inequality in China [
21,
22]. Moreover, due to China’s dualistic economic structure, the impact of the same variable may be different and heterogeneous in other regions. East, center, west, south, north, big, and small cities likely exhibit different characteristics. This will make it difficult for a single policy to play a decisive role in income inequality. In recent years, with the advent of the digital age, information and communication technologies (ICTs) have had a new impact on income inequality. Researchers have found that using the Internet reduces income inequality among French workers [
23]. The same evidence emerges for China’s young labor market, and the returns to long-term Internet use are higher than those to short-term Internet use [
24].
Most of the previous studies on income inequality are macro-level [
25,
26,
27]. Our study is more micro, placing income inequality within rural areas. The rationale for this is that the urban–rural income gap in China has received much attention, and the Chinese government has implemented many policies to try to narrow it. It is also true that the urban–rural income gap in China has been declining in recent years. However, the income gap within rural China has not been emphasized. According to China’s National Bureau of Statistics, the rural per capita income ratio between the regions with the highest and lowest rural per capita incomes in 2022, Shanghai and Gansu, was 3.26, much higher than China’s urban–rural income ratio. More importantly, despite regional differences, income inequality in the same village can be caused by differences in farmers’ land, labor, capital, technology, and other factors [
28]. Therefore, studying income inequality based on this perspective within the farm household is significant.
Land transfer is the process of transferring land use rights out of or into a rural area. Land transfer is usually a two-way street, either transferring one’s land to another farm household or economic organization, or obtaining land from another farm household or financial organization. Transferring one’s land to another farmer or economic organization can be referred to as land transfer out, and acquiring land from another farmer or financial organization can be referred to as land transfer in. However, it should be noted that whether transferring out or transferring in, what is acquired is only the right to use the land, not the right of ownership. This phenomenon in China is very different from that in other countries. China’s large-scale land transfer began in 2008, and the area of land transfer has rapidly expanded from 109 million mu in 2008 to 512 million mu in 2017 (the year-by-year figures are 109, 150, 187, 228, 341, 403, 447, 479, and 512 million mu). The reason behind such a large-scale land transfer is that cities need more labor. Farm households who transfer their land will be more likely to work in cities, speeding up urbanization. Land transfer is believed to increase the efficiency of land use, enhance large-scale operations, and reduce the use of agricultural fertilizers, further reducing environmental pollution [
29]. Land transfer also reduces agricultural land abandonment due to labor costs and increases farm households’ income [
28,
30].
Research on land transfer and farm households’ income inequality has been discussed less in the academic community. Although most studies agree that land transfer can increase farm households’ income [
31,
32], it does not mean it can necessarily reduce income inequality. This is because there is a herd effect in the land transfer behavior of farm households [
33], and the land transfer behavior of farm households is not always appropriate. Previous studies have also shown that farm households will have differences in the benefits they receive from land transfer because of some of their characteristics [
34]. The benefits are different in different areas [
35]. Higher-educated farm households who skillfully master new technologies are likelier to have high returns [
36]. Therefore, there is a need to conduct an in-depth study on the impact of land transfer on income inequality among farm households [
37].
The research objective of this study is to examine land transfer’s impact on income inequality among farm households. It can contribute to the existing literature in the following four ways. First, it expands the perspective of research on income inequality and increases the academic attention to income differences within farm households. Second, it enriches the impact of land transfer on farm household income and clarifies that land transfer can also reduce income inequality of farm households on top of its impact on increasing farm household income. Additionally, the effect of land transfer out is greater than that of land transfer in. Thirdly, it puts forward the role of the channel of land transfer affecting farm household income inequality and tries to solve the problem of endogeneity, which provides help for academics in the causal identification between the two variables and theory construction. Fourth, it provides a case study in developing countries to study income inequality.
2. Theoretical Analysis and Research Hypothesis
For farm households, land is the primary means of earning a living and often the main means of accumulating and transmitting wealth from one generation to the next [
38]. Therefore, land rights changes are of particular importance to farm households. According to the concept of livelihood diversification proposed by Ellis, restricted land markets can hinder the process of livelihood diversification for farm households [
39]. Therefore, the impact of land transfers on income inequality among farm households is likely to occur mainly through the promotion of livelihood diversification. On the one hand, land transfers can change the way farm households allocate their labor and increase livelihood diversification. For example, farm households involved in land transfer will be more willing to migrate to the city [
40] and more inclined to get jobs in the non-farm sector, accelerating the transfer of surplus agricultural labor at the macro-level. In this process, factors of production such as labor are allocated from the agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector, so the non-agricultural income of farm households will increase, and livelihood diversity will be enhanced. Coupled with the fact that low- and middle-income farm households are more dependent on land and have a smaller income base than high-income farm households, the increase in the income of low- and middle-income farm households involved in land transfer will be more pronounced. On the other hand, even if farm households involved in land transfer do not choose to move to the cities, they can still engage in other local production activities; for example, they can invest the capital gained from land transfer in farming, various entrepreneurial activities, or even part-time jobs. This group of farm households is transitioning from low-value-added crop cultivation to higher-value-added livestock, aquaculture, fisheries, entrepreneurship, and other livelihood activities to increase the efficiency of agricultural production [
41]. In the process, they have increased their sources of income and diversified their livelihoods. However, it is essential to note that land transfers in may be less effective than land transfers out. Theoretically, the participation of farm households in land transfers is bound to help maximize net incomes by increasing their incomes. Still, the challenges faced by different transfers are different in reality. Generally speaking, the outcome of land transfers out is not very different from what was expected at the time of decision-making. In contrast, land transfers are subject to several uncertainties (e.g., natural disasters and planning adjustments) that go beyond what was expected. This may be such that the marginal returns to agricultural production are less than the marginal costs of land production, which results in the transfer not maximizing net income, indicating uncertainty about the income gains of the transferring farmers. Compared to the farm households whose land has been transferred out, those whose land has been transferred in are more constrained by natural conditions. This is because farm households whose land has been transferred out can choose to work in the city and earn more non-farm income. In contrast, the longer benefit cycle of agriculture makes it difficult to compensate for the non-farm income gained from working in the city in the short term. More importantly, farm households whose land is transferred have a larger area to cultivate, spend more time on agricultural labor, and have less energy and time to spend on entrepreneurship and other business activities. According to Eswaran et al. [
42], only when the cultivated area exceeds a certain threshold will farm households choose to hire labor for farming based on rational considerations. Otherwise, it will only increase land inputs. Farm households whose land is transfer in are more susceptible to financing constraints. Still, land transfer in is also an investment behavior (households need to spend money to rent land from other households). Therefore, it is difficult for financing-constrained farmers to make other investments and reduce their risk appetite when land is transferred in. It is difficult for farm households whose land is transferred in to profit from other sources, which is not conducive to livelihood diversification.
Hypothesis 1 (H1a): Land transfer can reduce income inequality in farm households.
Hypothesis 1 (H1b): The effect of land transfer out is higher than that of land transfer in.
Entrepreneurship is an essential channel for farm households to increase their income. Previous studies have shown that entrepreneurship can alleviate rural poverty, increase farm households’ income, reduce the urban–rural income gap [
43], and reduce income inequality. Land plays an essential role in farm households’ entrepreneurship, and the network of social, political, economic, and cultural relations on land resources is a fundamental element that affects farm households’ entrepreneurship. We believe that land transfer has a good effect on entrepreneurship. Land transfer can reduce the income inequality of farm households through the role channel of farm households’ entrepreneurship, mainly in the following two aspects: First, land transfer influences the investment willingness of farm households [
32] and provides partial financial support for entrepreneurship. Due to the profit-seeking nature of finance, farm households are more susceptible to financing constraints and find it challenging to start a business [
44]. The funds obtained from the land transfer will increase the availability of credit to farm households, and farm households will have a more optimistic view of the market, increase their risk appetite, and be more likely to engage in entrepreneurial behavior. Second, land transfer affects the allocation of labor resources in farm households [
45], freeing the household’s population from the land and providing time and labor for entrepreneurship. Since workers will pursue utility maximization after carrying out land transfers, farm households gradually withdraw from agriculture and become more involved in higher-paid non-farm work. The labor force of farm households allows families to choose employment in a broader range, which improves the efficiency of household labor resource allocation and is conducive to entrepreneurship by farm households [
46]. Based on the above analysis, research hypothesis 2 is proposed.
Hypothesis 2 (H2): Land transfer will reduce the income inequality of farm households through entrepreneurship as a channel of action.
The existing literature states that various characteristics of farm households affect their income and may also affect the probability of their entrepreneurial behavior [
47,
48]. Farm households need access to information through the Internet when they are engaged in land transfer. If farm households obtain more information about agricultural inputs, their investment strategies may change and effectively promote land transfer out and in [
49]. Access to information can also change the allocation of production and cropping structure factors, thus increasing agricultural productivity [
50]. Farm households who do not use the Internet are disadvantaged in their ability to access market information and have less competitiveness in land transfer. Compared to urban areas, individuals in rural areas will be more familiar with each other, and transactions occur in rural areas so that social capital may be very important. Farm households will be more inclined to invest in modern agricultural factors of production if they have a high social capital index [
51]. The informal system formed by social capital may affect farm households’ land resource allocation decisions. More robust social capital means more vital trust between the two parties, which can help farm households effectively reduce the transaction costs of land transfer, which is conducive to the conclusion of the land transfer transaction and promotes the long-term participation of farm households in the land transfer [
52], and the decline in transaction costs makes it more likely that farm households will be able to obtain benefits in the process of land transfer. Social capital can also increase the performance rate of land transfer contracts because individuals with more robust social networks have higher losses due to reputation decline in the event of non-performance. Farm households are intrinsically incentivized to fulfill contractual agreements to keep their reputations from declining. Trust between the two parties to the transaction will reduce moral hazard and lower the probability of opportunistic behavior [
53]. Therefore, we believe that farm households who use the Internet and have more substantial social capital may gain more from the role of land transfer in terms of income inequality. Based on the above analysis, research hypothesis 3 is proposed.
Hypothesis 3 (H3): Farm households who use the Internet and have more substantial social capital will gain more in the role of land transfer in terms of income inequality.
6. Conclusions and Policy Implications
Based on data from the 2018–2020 China Family Panel Study (CFPS), we empirically investigate the impact of land transfer on income inequality of farm households by building an OLS model and draw the following conclusions: First, land transfer significantly reduces income inequality of farm households. This conclusion remains robust after using different estimation methods and considering endogeneity issues. Additionally, the role of land transfers out is greater than the role of land transfers in. Second, the impact of land transfer on farm household income inequality varies by region: in terms of east, center, and west, farm households in the east and west gain more from land transfer than those in the center. From the south and north perspectives, farm households gain more from land transfer than in the south. From the perspective of food-producing areas, farm households gain higher returns than those in non-food-producing areas. Finally, entrepreneurship, using the Internet, and social capital are important mechanisms by which land transfer affects income inequality among farm households. The effect of land transfer on farm household income inequality is transmitted through the mediating variable of entrepreneurship. However, whether or not farm households use the Internet and whether or not they have stronger social capital have an impact on the effect of land transfers on income inequality. Farm households using the Internet and with stronger social capital will gain more from land transfer.
Based on the above conclusions, the following policy recommendations are put forward: (1) The government should continue to promote land transfer in rural areas, treat land transfer as a fundamental project, improve the market system for the transfer of rural land property rights, and enhance the efficiency of rural land factor allocation. A social insurance system related to various land transfer modes, such as agricultural insurance and subsidies, should be established and improved to fully protect the interests of farm households. At the same time, agricultural enterprises are encouraged to develop moderate-scale operations through land transfer, enhance agriculture’s competitiveness and development quality, and assist farm households in increasing their income and realizing common prosperity. (2) Adequate research and adherence to local conditions: Rural situations vary greatly, and guidance and policy support should be provided by region and category. The government should give full consideration to the land resources and diversification conditions of each village and combine them with the economic development trend of each region to guide the centralized development of rural land, transfer it in an orderly and reasonable manner, and promote the movement of capital, technology, and other factors to the countryside. For villages with sufficient natural resource conditions, services should be optimized, basic conditions should be set, and public opinion should be fully respected. However, for regions unsuitable for land transfer, the transfer should not be forced through administrative orders because of the pursuit of political achievements. (3) Make full use of digital technology for publicity in land transfer. The government can popularize relevant policy information through videos on the Internet, TV, and cell phones. Through multi-faceted, deep-level publicity, the villagers’ awareness of each land transfer model is increased, thereby increasing the support for the land model.