Understanding the Normalization of Plantation Agriculture: The Case of Hass Avocado in Colombia

Abstract

Plantations are not inherently normal, yet they have been normalized within traditional agricultural landscapes. This is the premise through which we explore why plantations thrive despite numerous social and ecological drawbacks. Accordingly, the aim of this paper is to present a framework to elucidate why Hass avocado plantations succeed, using Salamina, Colombia as a case study. We argue that these plantations prosper through a process of normalization, driven by the dynamic interplay between social structures and human agency in agriculture. Our theoretical framework regarding normalization unfolds in three stages: prescription, implementation embeddedness, and integration. To reach this outcome, we first build a theoretical foundation based on realist social theory and subsequently conduct a primarily qualitative case study, focusing on neighboring respondents to plantations for understanding the process of introduction, development, and persistence of these plantations in the landscape. Additionally, we consider supplementary interviews and secondary information to understand the context of Hass avocado expansion. We found that while normalization may appear to involve passive conformity, our analysis highlights the critical role of human agency. As our study demonstrates, agency fosters reflection and sustains various forms of resistance and counterbalance against systemic pressures. This recognition underscores the potential for proactive engagement and transformative action within agricultural systems, challenging and reshaping the prevailing norms.

1. Introduction

Plantations are significant catalysts for agrarian change [1]. Over the past two decades, the globalization of neoliberal policies, including structural adjustment programs [2,3], has positioned plantations as central to shaping the political economies driving agrarian change and development policies [1]. Plantations have evolved into key initiatives within agrarian capitalism [4] and have been strategically leveraged by states [5] and international bodies [6]. In this study, we highlight Hass avocado plantations because the expansion of avocados in producing countries has brought about multiple socio-economic and environmental impacts mainly in the Global South, including deforestation, water resource contamination, soil degradation, and social conflicts driven by the dominance of corporate producers (

Table 1. General perspective on the implications of Hass avocado worldwide.

Source	Country	Impact	Cause
[7]	Chile	Social equity and the environmental aspects of water resource management.	The institutions were transformed to allow water rights to be freely traded with few restrictions.
[8]	Chile	Conflict over water resources for irrigation.	Social power, discourse, and nature’s agency.
[9]	Mexico	Invisibility of local agrarian movements.	Transnational agrifood supply chains that undermine local markets and agroecosystems.
[10]	Mexico	Process of conversion of natural forests to avocado orchards.	Forest cover loss facilitated by policy changes that affected land tenure rules and existing community forestry programs.
[11]	Chile	Soil erosion.	Current growing practices completely suppress groundcover vegetation.
[12]	Mexico	Negative effects on topsoil.	Changes in areas covered by temperate forests to grow avocado.
[13]	Chile	Politicization of conflicts over water access.	Processes of accumulation of capital by dispossession.
[14]	Mexico	Avocado production has provoked conflicts over landownership and over illegal logging in nearby areas.	Diverging patterns correspond to different processes and temporalities.
[15]	Colombia	Invisibility of local agrarian movements.	Opportunities for capital accumulation are transmitted through global markets and shape regional agricultural practices.
[16]	Mexico, Chile	Deforestation and high levels of water consumption.	Global demand and increasing prices.
[17]	Chile	Aquifer depletion.	Increasing of avocado growing area.
[18]	Mexico	Implications on food security.	Researchers identified and captured social, economic, and policy issues as multi-level influences.
[19]	Mexico	Impacts on local livelihoods, communal rights, and public health.	Global demand and increasing prices.
[20]	Mexico	Forest loss.	Global demand and increasing prices.
[21]	Mexico, Peru, Chile	High levels of water consumption.	The large disparity between developed and developing countries, with the former being net importers of water and the latter large net exporters.
[22]	Mexico	Environmental effects on biodiversity, soil, and hydrological systems stem from deforestation and forest fragmentation that result from avocado expansion.	Global demand and increasing prices.
[23]	Mexico	Biodiversity degradation and forest loss.	Global demand and increasing prices.

).

Hass avocado production has led to numerous socio-environmental conflicts, including extensive deforestation and land appropriation, sometimes by drug cartels, especially in Michoacán, Mexico. In Chile, water use for avocado crops has also restricted access to water for local populations. Although exact water usage data for avocados vary (estimated between 600 and 2000 L/kg), production increases from 0.4 Mt in 2000 to 1.9 Mt in 2016 have significantly raised virtual water (refers to the amount of water embedded in Hass avocados that is effectively traded from the producing regions to the consumer areas) trade, stressing already water-scarce regions [21]. Avocado cultivation is also linked to environmental concerns such as deforestation, soil erosion, and reduced hydrological regulation, especially in Mexico [20,24].

Therefore, by analyzing Hass avocado plantations in Colombia, we address why these plantations thrive despite their social and ecological implications [7,8,9,14,15,22]. While the extensive literature has analyzed the conditions under which plantations drive agrarian changes, one aspect needing deeper exploration is why plantations thrive in traditional agricultural landscapes. Economically, plantations are seen as efficient production systems benefiting from economies of scale and effectively addressing coordination challenges [25,26]. However, these arguments do not fully explain why plantations persist despite significant social and environmental disruptions [27,28,29].

Several reasons for the persistence of plantations have been identified. Castellanos-Navarrete et al. [1] argue that plantations persist due to their ability to integrate smallholders into value chains. Alonso-Fradejas [4] highlights that state-titled land controlled by plantation agribusinesses makes corporate acquisitions legally acceptable, establishing patronage-based relationships. Manuschevich et al. [30] suggest that a lack of nostalgia for transformed landscapes results in indifference, while rural villages benefit from the improved services and infrastructure produced by plantations [5]. Kröger [31] points to primary accumulation and dispossession mechanisms as key drivers.

Despite these insights, there remains a lack of clarity on how incorporating plantations as a development strategy manifests in local agricultural landscapes and the processes underpinning their permanence. This article proposes that the proliferation and permanence plantations in traditional agricultural landscapes is due to their normalization. In this paper, normalization is understood as a temporal and conflicted process involving structural aspects that define what becomes normalized and is driven by the agency of the social actors present in the agricultural landscape.

Following this context regarding the implications of Hass plantations, we assume that normalization, influenced by structural factors and mobilized by human agency, explains the persistence and proliferation of these plantations. This means that, although the introduction of avocado plantations is disruptive, over time, they become a routine system that reproduces global agricultural production trends.

2. Understanding Normalization

2.1. Morphogenetic Approach

The process of normalization proposed in this paper is based on the Morphogenetic Approach, rooted in realist social theory [32]. This meta-theoretical framework serves as the foundation for exploring diverse social phenomena, highlighting the dynamic interplay between social structures and human agency across distinct stages. (From a critical realist perspective, social reality emerges from the dynamic interplay between social structures and human agency. Social structures, understood as enduring, objective features of the social world, shape and constrain human actions. However, human agents, through their actions and interactions, have the capacity not only to reproduce but also to transform these structures. Agency refers to the human capacity to act intentionally and make choices, while social structures are the underlying systems in which individuals occupy roles and positions, endowed with certain powers and liabilities.) These structures and agents, each with unique attributes and causal powers [33,34], interact in a synergistic relationship [32]. The Morphogenetic Approach introduces three analytical stages:

T¹—Structural conditioning: In this initial phase, the combined outcomes of previous actions form the basis for future developments. Here, we consider the global and local structures that can either restrict or enable human agency.

T²–T³—Social interaction: Although structural conditioning influences social interaction, it does not fully dictate it during these intermediate phases. Social structures impose limitations on human agency without completely determining or prescribing it.

T⁴—Structural elaboration: This stage highlights that social interactions, influenced by human agency, leading to the transformation or reproduction of previously established social structures (T¹), making them dynamic and flexible and often resulting in unexpected consequences.

Structural elaboration provides a dual perspective on society. One lens focuses on preserving established interests, while the other emphasizes dynamic social transformations, representing shifts and evolution [32]. According to Danemark et al. [35], the existence of a social structure precedes any actions aimed at preserving or altering it. The structure must be in place before any attempts at change or maintenance can occur. Structural elaboration follows the actions that create it, meaning that the reproduction or transformation of a structure results from agents’ activities, which must precede the elaboration.

In this context, normalization and the Morphogenetic Approach are intertwined in a dynamic interplay between structural conditions and human agency, offering a nuanced understanding of how plantations become entrenched in traditional agricultural landscapes. The Morphogenetic Approach describes structural conditioning, which lays the groundwork through pre-existing global and local policies and discourses favoring plantation agriculture. Within this framework, human agency operates during the phase of social interaction, where actors such as states, farmers, policymakers, and corporations negotiate and adapt to these conditions, thereby influencing the acceptance and proliferation of plantations. This interactive process leads to structural elaboration, where plantations undergo normalization, becoming integrated into the agricultural system as a routine component. This reflects broader economic trends and social transformations. Normalization is thus viewed as a temporal process driven by the ongoing dialectic between structures and agency, aligning with the stages of the Morphogenetic Approach to elucidate the persistence and dominance of plantation systems in agrarian settings.

While the Morphogenetic Approach offers a general framework for understanding the process of normalization, it is crucial to complement it with existing theories found in the literature that focus on understanding normalization processes. Theories from cognitive studies [36] and implementation sciences [37] provide analytical insights for our approach. Therefore, in this section, we aim to synthesize the Morphogenetic Approach with pertinent aspects emerging from these theoretical perspectives.

2.2. Normalization: What and How

According to Bear and Knobe [36], the traditional concept of “normal” refers to what is typical or average. However, the authors introduce the idea that prescriptive factors also significantly influence perceptions of normality. Thus, normality encompasses not only what is standard in different contexts (descriptive considerations) but also judgments about the goodness or badness of those situations (prescriptive considerations). Normality, therefore, lies at the intersection of being both on the ideal side of average and the average side of the “ideal” [36]. Their theory of normality argues that entities are deemed “normal” based on perspectives involving “gradability” and “concept prototypes” [36]. Gradability allows people to characterize entities based on degrees along a scale, where reaching a threshold defines a standard. Prototypes, on the other hand, serve as ideal examples of how an entity should be, incorporating both the frequency of occurrence and its inherent goodness or badness. (The authors provide a picturesque example to explain these two sides: “Though a 35-year-old barista who has a daughter with children of her own meets the criterion for being a grandmother, there is a sense in which this woman is a worse example of a grandmother than a much older, retired grandmother. (p. 3)” …[ ]… “Specifically, when people are assessing what is the prototypical grandmother, they are not just thinking about what is an average grandmother, but they are thinking about what is a normal grandmother. (p. 3)” …[ ]… “As a result, a completely average grandmother may actually be judged to be less prototypical than a slightly less average but more ideal grand-mother because the latter is considered more normal ([36], p. 3)”).

Moving beyond the concept of normalization [36], the next step involves understanding how the normalization process unfolds. Here, integrating concepts from the Normalization Process Theory (NPT) within implementation sciences [37,38] becomes crucial. The NPT provides insights into the social processes involved in implementing new practices, analyzed through implementation (actualizing practices), embedding (integrating practices into routines), and integration (sustaining practices). This theory emphasizes human agency by integrating principles of action network theory [37].

Bear and Knobe [36] found that the interaction between the average and the ideal does not always fully explain judgments of normality across various case studies. They suggest that other factors, possibly stemming from distinct sources beyond descriptive or prescriptive considerations, also influence people’s assessments of normality. This is where Archer’s framework becomes valuable, offering additional insights, such as structural conditioning, filling this gap. Moreover, by integrating the Normalization Process Theory into the Morphogenetic Approach, we address criticisms related to ontological and epistemological aspects often focusing on voluntarist approaches that prioritize agency over structure, particularly within action network theory [39].

In our research, we emphasize the role of social structures as the missing element in normalization theories, influencing what is deemed “normal” within agricultural landscapes. Social structures, as identified by [33,35,40], possess genuine causal efficacy. These structures encompass the influential forces of social groups adhering to accepted norms [41]. Lawson [42] underscores how individuals shape their behaviors within shared social structures that permeate their communities, establishing norms implicitly acknowledged across the community.

Our argument centers on the concept of “Normalization” within the morphogenetic cycle, which we posit as an outcome shaped by social structural conditioning (Figure 1). Normalization, in this context, comprises two dimensions. Firstly, it emerges through both the structural conditioning and social interaction stages in the elaboration of social structures. Here, social interactions provide the milieu where normalization occurs, enabling the practical application of prescriptive ideas within the pre-established conditions set by social structures. The outcomes of the morphogenetic cycle suggest that situations deviating from the descriptive average may be less prototypical than those aligning closer to the “ideal” within structural contexts (following Bear and Knobe’s arguments). Structural conditioning, being foundational, significantly influences the prescriptive aspect of the normalization process. Secondly, normalization functions as a process that characterizes outcomes throughout the morphogenetic cycle as “normal”.

In our proposition, the structural conditioning stage provides the foundational elements that define the “ideal” or prescriptive dimension within the normalization process. Moving into the second phase of the Morphogenetic Approach, we encounter the elements proposed by the Normalization Process Theory (NPT), implementation, embeddedness, and integration, which unfold through social interactions. Importantly, in this context, implementation does not solely entail deliberate, voluntarist actions aimed at consciously introducing something new. Instead, it can also emerge as responses to the constraints and opportunities established in the initial phase (structural conditioning).

2.3. Normalization and Agrarian Dynamics

While a small-scale, biodiverse, and locally focused farming approach may technically meet the criteria of an effective production system [43,44], there is a more nuanced perspective to consider. In some contexts, this small-scale model may be viewed as a less ideal example of a production system compared to a larger-scale, globally oriented agribusiness model. The distinction arises because, when evaluating a prototype production system, agents are not just considering what average (such as small-scale farming) is; they are also contemplating what is considered normal (prescriptive). A production system that is less average but more closely aligns with the “ideal” may be deemed more prototypical because it represents the norm. This is often the case for corporate-led plantations, which embody the new agriculture [45]. Therefore, we explore the conditions that elevate the plantation model to the status of an ideal prototypical production system. In this sense, the following sections describe each of the stages of the normalization process.

2.3.1. Structural Conditioning

We argue that the current agricultural structures are driven by the neoliberal food regime. According to Tilzey [46], food regimes are historically specific patterns of agriculture and food production shaped by political and economic power dynamics. These regimes emerge from the interplay between state policies and market forces. State intervention and regulation have been crucial, especially in the shift from state-led to neoliberal regimes. Policies and reforms under neoliberalism significantly influence market behavior and power dynamics [46,47,48]. The growing dominance of multinational corporations in food production and distribution is particularly evident in this regime. These neoliberal policies often increase social inequalities and harm the environment, and plantations are the spearhead.

Plantations, beyond being a production system characterized by large-scale monocrops, act as a conceptual framework that helps interpret the developmental histories from the local to global scales and highlights the contemporary influence of plantation logics on agrarian landscapes and livelihoods [49]. According to Wolford [43], plantations embody three distinct dimensions: they function as a social system, an imperative, and an ideal. Plantations have profoundly influenced rural livelihoods, relationships, and communities worldwide, often integrating or overtaking other productive forms such as small-scale farming and peasantry within the food regime. They contribute to large-scale production by providing cost-effective labor and commodities, frequently through contractual arrangements, and by fostering a demand for cheap food [50,51].

The notion of plantations as an imperative suggests that they are viewed as the only viable method for expansion, exploitation, and management in shaping the contemporary world system [52]. More concerning, as Wolford highlights, is the discursive ideal of modernity, efficiency, and economic growth associated with plantations. According to Svarstad and Benjaminsen [53], discourses wield power by establishing narratives around specific cases, such as plantations. This ideal challenges core Western conceptions of the organization of nature, economy, and society [43,50]. We argue that plantations, under the neoliberal food regime and closely aligned with industrial capitalism, are intricately woven into cross-scale agrarian transformations [54].

2.3.2. Social Interactions

The comprehensive food value chain includes various stakeholders such as corporate producers, small-scale farmers, peasants, the processing industry, sellers, consumers, governments, and regulatory agencies, all playing integral roles in overseeing the entire process [55]. Food systems operate at the intersection of critical factors like food security, nutrition, human health, environmental sustainability, climate change, and social justice [56]. Within this intricate chain, social interactions (T²–T³) are central, serving as the backdrop for significant exchanges. This is where the privatization of companies and property rights, market liberalization, and economic integration into global food systems have occurred, leading to profound changes [57] and implementing specific approaches to agricultural development.

Following this process (Figure 2), the conditions set by the plantation food regime exert a global influence on the entire food chain. Plantations promote a dominant normative approach to agricultural practices, significantly shaping food production and consumption [46,58]. When examining production processes, substantial distinctions emerge between the Global South and North. Changes in forests, farmlands, and water resources are driven primarily by the need to support an increasing population [59]. In regions of the Global South, particularly those lacking oil and natural gas reserves, agricultural land is the most vital natural resource [60]. These economies are rapidly expanding their agricultural land base by converting forests, wetlands, and other natural habitats [28,60]. For instance, in the Global North, the agricultural land area decreased by over 412 million hectares (34%) between 1995 and 2007, whereas countries in the Global South saw increases of nearly 400 million hectares (17%) [61].

In Latin America, this phenomenon is characterized as agroextractivism, implemented through large-scale plantations that deplete environmental fertility and biodiversity [62,63]. This system relies heavily on intensive industrial inputs, such as modified seeds, agrochemicals, mechanization, and landscape transformation [64,65]. Its introduction into traditional land use disrupts power dynamics, ecosystem health, and land ownership [62]. The shift from family farming oriented toward local consumption to large-scale production for global markets characterizes this transformation [66]. Agroextractivism has mainly focused on flex crops like palm oil, sugarcane, and soybeans, raising concerns about environmental degradation, power imbalances, and inequality [62]. This practice has expanded to include various crops such as agave, onions, potatoes, pineapples, forestry, and Hass avocado [62,67,68,69].

What stands out in these interactions generated by agroextractivism are the various struggles and processes aimed at addressing its implications [4,62]. Plantations often result from fiercely contested land conflicts [44]. However, the political–economic system centered on plantations imposes constraints that shape the extent to which the local population, particularly the peasantry, can engage in political struggles. These constraints facilitate the integration and routine adoption of plantation-based practices (e.g., large-scale landscape transformations, the proletarianization of peasants, agronomic practices, etc.). Normalization occurs through the confluence of structural conditions and the outcomes of human agency in the following dimensions:

• Corporate production extracting and depleting through plantations;
• Rural inhabitants integrating the mechanisms of agroextractivism as labor;
• Political actors and policies supporting agroextractivism;
• Configuration of institutional arrangements dictating what is or is not considered accurate under T¹ (an average agricultural landscape is less normal than a prototype landscape);
• Consumers pushing for commodities;
• Conflicted spaces pushing and pulling in the agricultural landscape.

2.3.3. Structural Elaboration

As social interactions develop within the framework of the plantation imperative and ideal, the subsequent process involves the reproduction and integration of social structures (Figure 2). Consequently, the constraints introduced in T¹ hinder the potential for transformative changes in the subsequent phase of structural elaboration (T⁴). This phase, where specific agrarian dynamics occur, inadvertently perpetuates the initial structural conditioning, such as the neoliberal food regime. Moreover, the process of normalization progresses through various stages. Initially, structural conditioning is accepted as normal (N⁰). This leads to social interactions being perceived as normal (N¹), which eventually imbues structural elaboration with the status of normality (N²). Consequently, this cycle reinforces N³ as an unintended outcome, resulting in the reproduction of T¹.

3. Methods

In this section, we examine how the establishment and growth of Hass avocado plantations have led to a process of normalization within a traditional agricultural landscape in Colombia. We begin by introducing the case and outlining its key characteristics. Following this, we explore the stages of introduction, growth, and normalization of Hass plantations to illustrate the process depicted in Figure 2. Our data are drawn from field observations, secondary sources, contextual insights, and in-depth interviews, supported by reflective analysis based on [69].

As a general approach, we address empirically the three proposed stages presented in Figure 2 in the following fashion:

• T1—Prescription: agricultural policies and discourses that promote foreign investment in plantations.

In the first stage, structural conditioning, the research examined how agricultural policies and discourses at the national and regional levels facilitated and encouraged investment in avocado plantations. This involved analyzing policy documents, government incentives, and international trade agreements that create a favorable environment for large-scale agricultural investments.

• T2–T3—Implementation embeddedness: adaptations and resistances of the local peasantry to the introduction of avocado plantations.

The second stage, social interaction, focused on the responses of local farmers to the introduction of avocado plantations. This involved fieldwork to collect data on how local communities adapted to or resisted these changes.

• T4—Integration: changes in land ownership structure and local agricultural practices.

The third stage, structural elaboration, analyzed the long-term impacts of the introduction of avocado plantations on land ownership and agricultural practices. This involved examining changes in land tenure systems, shifts in agricultural methods, and the broader socio-economic transformations resulting from the integration of monocultures.

A Case Study

Salamina, a small municipality in northern Caldas, Colombia (Figure 3), has a century-long history of peasant agriculture predominantly focused on coffee and plantain production. In Salamina, Caldas, traditional coffee farming on steep slopes has historically supported rural livelihoods, but economic challenges, including declining coffee prices and rising costs, have led to a 28% reduction in coffee-growing areas [69]. As a result, Hass avocado cultivation has surged, particularly replacing pastures and some coffee fields. By 2023, approximately 2696 hectares were allocated to avocados, with land averaging 158 hectares per property—primarily under large companies investing in the region’s affordable and suitable land. This shift has increased land concentration, with foreign investment driving up land prices and limiting access for local farmers. Furthermore, the intensive conversion of land into avocado plantations has raised environmental concerns, particularly regarding water resource use and ecosystem disruption, prompting calls to examine equitable access and exclusion within this evolving agricultural landscape [69].

Considering the current implications of corporations having Hass plantations, we conducted an explanatory qualitative research study, employing a cross-sectional explanatory case study approach. According to [70,71], a case study has the following conditions:

(a)

A case study served as the empirical framework;

(b)

The case study focused on a contemporary case;

(c)

The contextual backdrop played a significant role;

(d)

The case study aimed at elucidating causal links within real-world interventions.

Regarding the methods employed, we conducted a literature review, engaged in on-site observations, and conducted semi-structured interviews to gain insight into the dynamics related to Hass plantations. We interviewed a representative of small-scale avocado producers, a former landowner who sold their farm to an avocado company, an environmental consultant for avocado enterprises, and a regional government representative. Each stakeholder provided valuable insights into the dynamics of the Hass avocado industry. However, we placed particular emphasis on the perspectives of local stakeholders to ensure a balanced analysis that highlights the local implications of industry growth.

We applied a theoretically driven process for selecting cases (sampling units), aligning with the principles of realist sampling [72]. The selection of cases in this research, as per Emmel, “is not akin to an analytic inductive strategy aimed at representing a population. Instead, it is focused on unveiling mechanisms, refining theories that explain social processes”. Here, we aimed to explore how and why avocado plantations become normal in the local traditional agricultural landscape from a local perspective. The case selection followed a purposeful sampling approach, employing a snowball-network strategy to identify farmers meeting specific characteristics:

• People living in rural areas next to Hass plantations.
• Peasants who have competing claims regarding large-scale avocado growers (day-to-day exposition to plantations).
• Peasants who are spread out in different areas of Salamina’s rural region (related to different Hass plantations over the municipality).
• Peasants who are knowledgeable about the historical dynamics of their living villages.

We selected six cases (Figure 3) and conducted interviews between November 2022 and March 2023, making five visits to the area. We obtained written and informed consent from all participants regarding our research and data handling procedures. To ensure accuracy and reliability, we conducted a second round of discussions with the interviewees. During these follow-up discussions, we presented the transcription outcomes and a general conclusion derived from the initial interviews, employing a practice known as interview member validation [73]. The Ethical Committee of Universidad la Costa, Colombia approved this research.

4. Results

Traditionally, land ownership in the Salamina municipality has been divided into two main categories: large pastures owned by affluent individuals and peasant-oriented farming systems focused on coffee and plantain cultivation in hilly areas with limited technological and financial resources. However, a significant shift occurred in 2018 with the introduction of large-scale Hass avocado cultivation. While the Hass avocado had been grown on small farms in the region for some years, the entry of corporations primarily from Chile and Peru brought about a disruptive transformation in the local agricultural landscape [69].

According to a representative of the local government, “Although it is understood that the introduction of Hass avocado produces some problems, in general, it also produces economic development and employment generation. Therefore, the aim is to promote small producers to meet the requirements for exporting. In addition, there is the aspect that avocado crops can capture CO₂”.

Recent developments in Salamina show a marked increase in corporate investments, characterized by extensive land acquisitions dedicated to Hass avocado cultivation. Concurrently, there has been a gradual decline in coffee cultivation areas and livestock units (see [69], for details). Corporate investments involve acquiring vast land parcels previously held by cattle ranchers, resulting in the transformation of over 2000 hectares in just six years.

The surplus labor force, previously employed in coffee picking, has shifted to work in the Hass avocado sector [69]. This shift has been facilitated by the decline in coffee farming due to falling coffee prices and rising production costs, which have reduced the coffee cultivation area. When comparing trends in permanent crops in Salamina, it is evident that most important crops decreased, except plantain, which is mostly for self-consumption, and Hass avocado, which has seen a boom. Notably, while Hass avocado increased over 500% (Suarez [57] reports that in 2019, Hass avocado covered less than 400 ha; in 2023, it reached more than 2500 ha), plantain increased by only 0.25%. Coffee decreased by 1.86%, strawberry by 90%, sugarcane by 6.4%, and other varieties of avocado by 96%.

A notable shift in avocado production practices is evident, particularly in recent years. Municipal data reveal that until 2010, the town predominantly engaged in small-scale cooperative production of various avocado varieties for national and local markets, covering an average of 44 hectares from 2010 to 2018. However, the commercial surge of the Hass avocado triggered two significant phenomena. First, there was a steep decline in the cultivation of non-Hass varieties between 2019 and 2022, plummeting from 211 hectares to just 5.4 hectares. Second, there was a substantial influx of the Hass variety, with corporations primarily from Peru and Chile establishing plantations. In 2019, these plantations added slightly over 2000 hectares to the municipal total, growing to 2500 hectares by 2022 [69].

As one small avocado grower noted, “for 16 years, Hass avocado has been produced on a small scale. But two years ago, Chilean companies came to produce for export. Previously, people worked on a small scale with government incentives. Caldas was experiencing a depreciation of coffee, so they sought to boost the economy, and the avocado boom was the way. Initially, there was not good acceptance of the large companies by society because they seemed very aggressive and changed the economic and cultural dynamics. However, people have realized that this has been a blessing; otherwise, we would be starving. They have been a source of employment and have done important social work. We small and large producers have no problems. They export, and we sell locally. They have not affected our dynamics. Large extensions cause great damage. Obviously, large-scale production generates ecological impacts, but well, you win some, you lose some”.

A critical outcome of this transition in land ownership is that Hass avocado growers now control substantial areas linked to water supply, causing social unrest primarily due to water loss and pollution [74]. This discontent arises from Salamina’s history of water shortages, especially in meeting urban residents’ needs. Consequently, local peasants’ ability to derive benefits from their landscape is hindered by unequal access to essential resources [69]. These disruptions have precipitated rapid transformations in the traditional agricultural landscape, allowing corporate growers to gain control over water and soil resources. This imbalance significantly affects local peasant communities. The regional environmental authority, in conjunction with affected peasants, has reported and taken punitive measures against environmental degradation, particularly water pollution and deforestation [69]. However, these measures have proven inadequate in mitigating plantation impacts.

Moreover, Salamina exhibits a stark asymmetry where both peasant agriculture (A) and large-scale Hass avocado producers (B) derive advantages from the landscape. This inequality does not result from a fair competitive process between A and B but from a disadvantaged context for A. The following propositions warrant detailed analysis:

a.

Land access dominance: B enjoys superior access to and use of land compared to A, a key driver of observed disparities.

b.

Exploitative extent and transformation: B engages in extensive exploitation of Salamina’s landscape, resulting in broader and more profound transformations with significant ecological consequences.

c.

Diverse resource use goals: B utilizes Salamina’s landscape for purposes vastly different from those of A, influencing land use patterns and ecosystem functioning.

d.

Support and policy disparity: B benefits from greater support and favorable policies for land use compared to A, exacerbating inequality.

e.

Benefit discrepancy: B gains substantially more from Salamina’s landscape compared to A, highlighting a disparity in access and benefits derived, to the detriment of A.

Following in-field observations, a review of secondary sources, and semi-structured interviews, we present a comprehensive view of how the normalization of Hass avocado plantations takes place in dynamics in Salamina. Several key factors have enabled the proliferation of these plantations: Firstly, the global demand for Hass avocados, particularly from the Global North, has driven agricultural production in the region. This demand has fostered an economic rationality focused on agro-capitalism, where specialization in a single, highly profitable species simplifies ecosystems and aligns with market signals [75]. Additionally, Salamina’s unique environmental characteristics, including its topographical, hydrological, and soil properties, provide optimal conditions for growing Hass avocados [69].

However, this shift has also been facilitated by the lack of state support for local farmers and small-scale producers, leading to rural disenchantment and abandonment in the Colombian coffee region [76]. Two conflicting perspectives further complicate the situation. On the one hand, there is complementarity between development and environmental authorities in promoting Hass avocado cultivation (see Appendix in [69] for further information on the actors and agencies promoting Hass avocado in the area). On the other hand, there is institutional weakness in dealing with the wider impacts of these plantations [69]. This duality reflects both the economic opportunities and the socio-environmental challenges posed by the rise of Hass avocado plantations in Salamina.

4.1. Understanding Normalization in the Field

Prescription

In recent years, Colombia has placed a strong emphasis on promoting Hass avocado cultivation, especially through the National Development Plan 2018–2022. This initiative, supported by rural capitalization incentives and the establishment of the first private capital fund for Hass avocados in 2020, has led to a substantial increase in avocado production nationwide. National strategies to enhance Hass avocado production include four main initiatives: sanitary diplomacy, contract farming, production planning, and the national agro-logistics plan. Additionally, the Ministry of Agriculture provides sector-wide incentives such as special credit lines for establishing, maintaining, and managing avocado plantations, along with agricultural insurance to protect against climatic and pest-related risks.

Regionally, specific policies have catalyzed significant changes in key avocado-producing areas like the Department of Caldas, now Colombia’s second-largest Hass avocado producer. The region’s production has surged due to regional policies like Ordinance 734 of 2014, which aims to expand avocado cultivation to 20,000 hectares by 2035 and increase productivity to 14 tons per hectare. In 2018, Resolution 6509 from Caldas’ departmental agriculture secretariat provided guidelines to prevent deforestation by promoting Hass avocado expansion mainly in pasture areas [69].

The regional government has shown a keen interest in promoting Hass avocado through formal institutional arrangements that support both small- and large-scale producers. These initiatives include training, export-oriented practices, and environmentally friendly guidelines. Under the Ministry of Rural Development’s guidelines, Hass avocado is promoted as embodying sustainable development principles.

In Colombian discourse, Hass avocados are celebrated as “green gold”, the “flagship fruit”, or even the “national pride” due to their significant production and export growth. Nationally, the Ministry of Agriculture highlights the importance of supporting peasants in maintaining land ownership. By purchasing avocados directly from producers and connecting them to international markets, the initiative seeks to diversify Colombia’s export portfolio. However, it is essential to acknowledge the varying capacities of different peasant groups to cultivate Hass avocados, especially in areas like Caldas where production costs are high (information provided by the Government of Caldas).

Despite the challenges, Hass avocado cultivation is promoted as a key development strategy in Colombia, particularly in Caldas and Salamina. The sector is recognized for generating employment and income. Regional environmental authorities also promote Hass avocado plantations as models of sustainable development, citing practices such as effective water management and responsible handling of rainwater on slopes. However, this narrative often overlooks the environmental impacts highlighted by various sanctions within the region [69], reinforcing Hass avocado production as a major regional strategy.

These structural conditions in the area provide a favorable environment for the emergence of a plantation-based economy in Salamina. First, historical land accumulation (

Table 2. Structural enablement for agroextractivism in Salamina.

Item	Experience
A	Well, the big avocado growers arrived, well, first, because of the desire of the farm owners to sell land. Because there were some very large cattle lands over there. Then the owners, well, when they received offers for their land and they sold. [Key_informant_2]
B	When the avocado plantations arrived after a time of armed conflict that displaced the people of the village, the avocado growers bought those farms. These lands had forests and vegetation that needed to be preserved, but buyers came and established crops in these highlands. [Key_informant_1]
C	I do not know if there are any regulations, or the authorities are also very permissive in front of the disproportionate expansion of these issues and the truth is that there is no regulation for the accumulation of land in Colombia. [Key_informant_2]
D	The topic was the socialization of the environmental subtraction of Law 2 *, which they are requesting before the national environmental ministry in order to carry out new infrastructure works [for avocado growing]. [Key_informant_2]
E	Well, for me, as for us, as soon as October of last year, they entered the village. Even I was getting angry as a community leader. Because they should not have gone without an invitation to me, that they were going to go into the trail; as if to say, that is like violating the autonomy; how they were going to get to the trail. [Key_informant_5]
F	They [corporate growers] did not recognize the value of the land as that spirit apart, that spirit, that tradition, that culture, the magic it harbors, just to produce. [Key_informant_6]

* Law 2nd 1959 defines conservation strategies around Colombia. Permission from the national environmental authority is required to use these areas for purposes other than conservation.

row A) has resulted in large pastures that concentrated land ownership in the hands of a few. Second, the legacy of armed conflict (Table 2 row B) has altered land occupation dynamics, creating the perception of rural life as challenging. Third, the absence of clear land use regulations (Table 2 row C) has created conditions conducive to land grabbing. Conversely, expansive land use regulations (Table 2 row D) that permit the expansion of productive areas can exacerbate plantations. Additionally, top-down rural development policies (Table 2 row E) often prioritize strategies without local approval or involvement, further intensifying plantations. Finally, a capital-centric economic system (Table 2 row F) promotes large-scale land occupation and extractive land use practices, fostering a new dynamic of land use and economic activity.

4.2. Implementation Embeddedness

We have identified several influential actors in Salamina who possess both political influence and financial resources. Observing the increasing prevalence of Hass avocado cultivation in neighboring municipalities, these actors actively advocated for introducing this activity into rural Salamina (

Table 3. Implementation and embeddedness of Hass plantations in Salamina.

Item	Experience
A	The commission merchants who earned the money were heavily involved in this affair. They became immensely rich. Yes, they had a lot to do with these matters and other people out there that I don’t know their names, but if I found out, they also had a lot to do with it. [Key_informant_6]
B	Because people get very excited about money. [Key_informant_3]
C	And the truth is that Curubital has not disappeared as a village because this company, in the end, as I said, is very limited in its working capital. It does not have the potential of these other companies that from the very first moment they arrive, one sees the movement of machinery, they break roads everywhere. [Key_informant_2]
D	So, they make deep holes and then, through those ditches, at this moment a downpour falls, washes all that poison and all that drainage goes to the source of the gully that serves as our source. [Key_informant_3]
E	They [corporations] don’t care about that [water]. The water is polluted. The chemicals they spread in the environment are supremely strong. [Key_informant_4]
F	They showed Hass avocado as an alternative for agriculture and it is not bad. The bad thing is to monopolize this type of industry. [Key_informant_1]
G	We were very impacted by something external, besides, at that time, we heard about the water problem in Chile because of the Hass avocado monoculture and the concern was increased because the owners of these avocado plantations were Chilean and one company that arrived here was a subsidiary of those from Chile. [Key_informant_1]
H	I submitted a complaint [to environmental authority], because the avalanche that came down from the road [made by corporate growers] damaged the sand traps tanks [for water consumption]. [Key_informant_5]
I	So, I have been preparing myself especially in terms of legal advice, legal what can I do, however, how to defend myself against them [corporate growers]. [Key_informant_2]
J	They first have to respect and find out how things on the village and respect the local organization. [Key_informant_5]
K	And we also have to understand that there are other people in the community who have good jobs in the avocado industry. So, they keep muted too, because that was an opportunity for many young people. [Key_informant_6]
L	Because we get a lifestyle that the people are already used to, because the people were not like that. The salaries of the people were not, no, they were not normal [before corporate growers]. [Key_informant_6]

row A). This led to a dynamic we refer to as “actor-based embeddedness”, where rural landowners willingly sold their lands, not under duress from corporate growers but for immediate financial gain (After conducting fieldwork and follow-up research, we found no reports of direct pressure from corporations to sell land. As detailed in Suarez [69], most of the land that became corporate property previously belonged to large pasture owners who used the land less intensively. According to an ex owner of land, the motivation to sell stems from the state’s abandonment (structural conditioning), leaving farmers burdened with loans and unproductive land. Tired of this struggle, one farmer relieved himself of the obligation by selling his farm, as it was no longer yielding any produce. He was one of the first to make this decision.), given the constraints for maintaining production on the lands (Table 3 row B). A third dynamic emerged, characterized by the influence of corporations in the area, particularly in employment generation. Building on these factors, corporate growers expanded their influence further, fostering a process of recognition and projection that reinforced the consolidation of Hass plantations in the region.

Within the process of consolidation, the relationship with the landscape plays a crucial role. This consolidation begins with the initial conditions that corporate growers faced upon arriving in Salamina, including navigating various environmental regulations and acquiring substantial tracts of land. Despite these challenges, they established their plantations as planned. After addressing land and legal compliance issues, corporate growers adapted the landscape to meet the requirements of large-scale plantations (Table 3 row C). This adaptation triggered various environmental impacts, primarily affecting the land (Table 3 row D) and water resources (Table 3 row E).

These processes of landscape degradation have generated repercussions that extend beyond the plantations, placing pressure on the wellbeing of the local population. As locals contend with the degradation of the landscape and its associated consequences, a complex and contentious process unfolds, highlighting the broader social and environmental impacts of corporate-driven agricultural expansion.

We also uncovered a crucial aspect regarding empowerment and reflexivity within the context of Hass avocado plantations (Table 3 row F). This involves recognizing both the positive and negative impacts associated with these plantations (Table 3 row G). Environmental consequences, both locally and internationally (e.g., in Chile), prompt reflections on the broader implications of Hass plantations (Table 3 row H). This process includes formal complaints about the plantation’s effects (Table 3 row I) and acknowledgment of the need to prepare for potential legal challenges arising from these impacts. Moreover, there is a recognition related to the importance of involving local communities in the introduction of these projects (Table 3 row J).

Despite initial conflicting and conscious reactions among the populace, resistance gradually diminishes through ongoing interactions with corporate growers. This observation highlights a dual reality in the region. On one hand, communities face adverse impacts stemming from the plantations, while on the other, they benefit from employment opportunities (Table 3 rows K, L) and adopt new lifestyles that offer wage-earning possibilities. Corporate entities have also implemented social responsibility initiatives, as noted by Key Informant 5, which include recreational activities, gifts, games, and efforts aimed at enhancing social cohesion within local villages. These initiatives have fostered positive sentiments toward the corporate presence in the community.

As expressed by Key_Informant_2, “Like everything else, as I said, this ended up becoming embedded in people’s DNA. Nobody cares anymore. I don’t care if they break the mountain or not”. This sentiment reflects the complex process of adaptation and acceptance that has unfolded in the area amidst the introduction and expansion of Hass avocado plantations.

4.3. A Normalization Process

As previously shown, the Hass plantations have elicited concerns because of their extensive scale and the nature of plantation-based production activities. This apprehension encompasses the various levels of worry experienced by local residents as the Hass exploitation unfolds (Figure 4). After considering the structural conditioning imposed by prescriptive policies and discourses aimed at plantations, we categorized the normalization of plantations in Salamina into three distinct sequential stages:

(1)

Introduction of the plantations (implementation): This marks a phase in the normalization process, with a focus on reinforcing Hass plantations. This phase is driven by a combination of structural conditioning and agential forces, including various actors actively working to consolidate Hass avocado plantations in the region.

(2)

Push–pull dynamics (embeddedness): A dynamic interplay between pushing and pulling forces characterizes the second stage. It involves active participation and reflection on the implications of Hass plantations. The pulling agency represents an effort to mitigate the negative consequences of plantations, potentially mobilizing against these impacts.

(3)

Sustaining (integration): The final stage pertains to the ongoing existence of Hass avocado plantations. At this point, there is a gradual reduction in apprehension regarding corporations, reinforcing the status quo of agroextractivism and, unintentionally, the plantation food regime.

Figure 4. Normalization process in Salamina. A₁ > A₂ where A₁ is the first moment of higher apprehension given the novelty of the change, and A₂ is the second moment of less apprehension after the normalization process with space for agency (e.g., struggles, complaints, etc.).

Figure 4. Normalization process in Salamina. A₁ > A₂ where A₁ is the first moment of higher apprehension given the novelty of the change, and A₂ is the second moment of less apprehension after the normalization process with space for agency (e.g., struggles, complaints, etc.).

We would like to emphasize the pivotal role of human agency in this context. The normalization process described does not signify the end of agrarian struggles, nor does it imply that communities simply accept the new dynamics brought about by plantations [44,77]. Instead, as illustrated in Figure 4, there is a transition from an initial A₁ state to a subsequent A₂ state. This transition does not mean the end of local capacities to engage in struggle. For instance, some individuals may take proactive steps such as preparing for legal action or filing complaints with environmental authorities (Table 3 rows H, I). These actions contribute to the consolidation of an agency that holds the potential for structural elaboration and instigating change [32,35].

5. Discussion

5.1. Agrarian Change and Normalization

In Colombia, the normal descriptive (74%) of the agricultural sector comprises small-scale production units, each covering less than 5 hectares. These units occupy only 2.0% of the rural area identified in the Colombian agricultural census. Production units larger than 100 hectares account for only 2.4% [78]. No matter this descriptive normal, the prescriptive influence of the plantation food regime marginalizes small-scale and peasant agriculture and consistently creates a narrative that portrays smallholders and peasants as lacking in agricultural capacity and productivity. This narrative serves the purpose of land accumulation and asserting control over resources [79], because corporations and agribusinesses often equate plantations with job creation and local development [80]. For instance, in the Colombian palm oil sector, it is estimated that 72% of the national oil palm area is found in large-scale plantations [1].

The case of Salamina is interesting since it depicts a fast transition from a traditional land use and related labor dynamics based on coffee, plantain, and pastures, towards the incursion of a plantation-based system [69]. Hence, the dynamics, as depicted in the case study, reveal a decrease in traditional avocado varieties, with corporations assuming control of Hass cultivation on extensive plantations spanning 2500 hectares. Here, as suggested by [43], plantations, performing through Hass avocado plantations, have become a social system, an imperative, and an ideal in Salamina. These aspects have produced an important agrarian change that could be understood as the next expression, adapted from [42]:

Given Y₀, in C, if X then Y₁

In the context of the current food regime, which imposes structural conditioning (Y₀) as an imperative, representing both an ideal and a social system [43,48], and within the broader framework of the political economy characterized by re-primarization, as often seen in Latin America [3], a significant transformation unfolds. This transformation occurs in traditional agricultural landscapes (C) that have lacked a plantation-based economy. It begins with introducing agroextractivist strategies, exemplified by large-scale commodity production [62]. This strategic shift triggers a profound process of agrarian change (X). This agrarian change encompasses various facets, including shifts in land use, agricultural practices, labor dynamics, and economic structures. The outcome of this transformative process is the establishment and normalization of plantations (Y₁) and produces cycles of normalization again in C and X (Figure 2).

5.2. Normalization of Plantations and Other Forms of Normalization

Our approach introduces critical analytical components to understand the process of normalization in agricultural landscapes. While existing concepts like landscape amnesia and creeping normalcy highlight how individuals adapt to gradual environmental changes [81], they often overlook how significant transformations become accepted as normal through incremental, sometimes imperceptible, changes [82]. These cumulative actions often lead to unsustainable environmental losses [83].

In this paper, we present three key points. First, we argue that achieving a state of normality does not necessarily require prolonged gradual change. Rapid shifts in agricultural landscapes, exemplified by the introduction of Hass avocado plantations in Salamina, can illustrate this process effectively. Second, normalization is not solely about individual acceptance but is shaped by structural conditions that operate through a morphogenetic process (see Figure 3). This perspective aligns with the understanding that global food systems’ structural tendencies establish the prevailing norms of capitalist agriculture today [84,85], despite these norms not being inevitable [86]. As Giménez and Shattuck [87] emphasize, the global food crisis is integral to the normality underpinning the food regime.

Lastly, while existing approaches focus on describing “what” constitutes normal, we extend this by outlining a framework to comprehend the process of normalization within agrarian contexts (see Figure 4). Our research resonates with Chapman’s [88] concept of the “empire of normality”, which explores how what is deemed normal results from specific historical and economic conditions, particularly within the capitalist mode of production. This perspective is highly relevant to the case of avocado plantations, illustrating how current conditions prescribe new norms in traditional agricultural landscapes and offering insights into the developmental processes within agrarian settings.

5.3. Normalization: Some Limitations

First, the focus of this normalization process has primarily revolved around understanding agrarian and landscape changes within the Global South context, such as in Colombia. To gain a more comprehensive view, further research should apply the normalization lens to a different and nuanced context. Second, it is essential to acknowledge that the approach presented here predominantly considers situations where traditional landscapes have been rapidly altered by introducing new land uses, like plantations. However, it does not account for the trajectories of change in regions with an established history of plantation-based economies. Finally, the approach focuses on the process of reproducing social structures, but it does not delve into the aspect of transformation and how a transition toward sustainability can be addressed. Further research should explore this dimension.

6. Conclusions

Salamina currently faces a significant challenge. There is an urgent need to create opportunities for farmers to access the resources required to meet their daily needs. This challenge also entails building solutions from local actions and possibilities in a way that promotes autonomy, rather than perpetuating the neoliberal discourse that claims “there is no alternative”.

We want to stress that normalization is a process and not a product, and it invites us to reject the idea that what is prescribed as normal is an ideal state, particularly in the context of Colombia. This recognition highlights the potential for proactive engagement and transformative action within agricultural systems. While normalization may appear as a process where individuals passively conform and replicate existing structures, our analysis underscores the enduring role of human agency. As demonstrated in this study, agency provides space for reflection and sustains various forms of resistance and counterbalance, particularly against pervasive systemic pressures.

The farmers of Salamina possess agency, but it is limited, creating challenges for meaningful change. Achieving transformations that support local interests and capacities requires strengthening the agency of peasants not just as individuals, but also as a social class striving for its survival. Policy changes could be instrumental here.

A key factor limiting peasant agency is the prevalence of large-scale plantations. These plantations are not just a form of agriculture focused on monocultures; they also represent a powerful social system. While they prioritize efficiency and maximize economies of scale—efficiently integrating land and labor into an exploitative production cycle—their approach is not all-encompassing. Even as plantations expand across Salamina, they exclude certain actors in the agricultural landscape. Many peasant communities nearby are both left out of and uninterested in this large-scale exploitation model, fueling discontent and conflict over land use. Future research should delve deeper into issues of access and exclusion to better understand these tensions.

The approach presented here marks a significant advancement in our comprehension of why plantations thrive within traditional agricultural settings. Going beyond conventional economic perspectives, our framework integrates structural factors to elucidate the normalization process. Drawing insights from cognitive sciences, implementation sciences, critical agrarian studies, and sociology, we offer a comprehensive understanding of how and why these transformations occur.

It is crucial to acknowledge the epistemological foundations of this research, rooted in recognizing the limitations of knowledge. This perspective emphasizes the need to explore normalization across diverse contexts, incorporating multiple knowledge systems and employing advanced methodologies to navigate the complexities of this intransitive domain of science. Embracing such a broad perspective enhances our grasp of the intricate dynamics shaping agrarian landscapes.