3.1. Socio-Demographic Data
Table 1 presents the sociodemographic characterization of the sample. For socio-demographic variables with more than two categories (highest education level, place of residence, marital status, employment status, eating practices), some categories were underrepresented; thus, to interpret the analyses clearly, and produce more stable results, categories were collapsed. For each variable, two categories were created. Specifically, regarding educational level, participants were divided into groups of those who finished elementary/high school (
n = 962) and those with higher education (
n = 510). Based on the place of residence, participants were categorized as rural/suburban (
n = 616) or urban citizens (
n = 856). Concerning marital status, participants were treated as married/cohabiting (
n = 692) or unmarried/divorced/widow/widower (
n = 780). With respect to employment status, participants were coded as employed/student with a job (
n = 903) or unemployed/student/retired (
n = 569). Regarding eating practices, groups of those who practice specific eating practices (
n = 270) and those who follow general principles of healthy eating (
n = 1202) were created. Concerning the habit of smoking, categories were not collapsed because there were enough participants in each category and it is questionable whether collapsing some categories (e.g., participants who used to smoke with participants who have never smoked) could be justified. Most of the participants have never smoked (
n = 535), followed by active smokers (
n = 483), those who used to smoke (
n = 269), and occasional smokers (
n = 185). Finally, regarding responsibility for food supplies, most of the participants were responsible for food purchase (
n = 1167). The full presentation of the socio-demographic data can be found in
Table 1.
3.2. Descriptive Data
Descriptive data for environmental and political determinants of food choices on the whole sample of participants are given in
Table 2. In general, participants report a neutral rate of agreement with the items, with the exception of items related to food waste and food origin, for which they express a moderate amount of agreement. These data refer to the average of all scores obtained for each of the items, and allow analysis of the trend considering the whole dataset, i.e., the global sample accounting for the Croatian population. Further analysis is shown below of the influence of sociodemographic variables on the environmental and political determinants of food choices.
Overall, these results indicate that environmental and political determinants do not play a significant role in the food choices of the participants. Although a similar survey conducted in Portugal [
27] found that environmental and political factors influenced food choices, the results correspond to the findings of other studies conducted in Croatia. A survey published in 2012 showed that the concern for the environment for Croatian citizens was not significant [
33]. Among the economy, health care, poverty, crime, education, immigration, and terrorism, the environment was recognized as the most important issue by 2% of participants. The majority of the respondents (42%) thought that there were more important things to do than protect the environment. Although largely aware of environmental problems, 65% of participants were unwilling to reduce living standards for the benefit of the environment. Moreover, Croatia’s citizens gave preference for the state to play a crucial role as a control and sanction authority, choosing fines and tax systems as interventions into individual behavior. Although many efforts have been made to implement EU environmental policy and law since joining the EU, many challenges remain, including citizen engagement [
34]. Similarly, a recent study found that only 3% of Croatian consumers took into account information on corporate social responsibility when buying food (a dominant factor that influences food purchase decisions was quality (69%) [
35]. Furthermore, most of the participants reported a neutral rate of agreement with the statement that they obtained information about the corporate social responsibility of food producers before purchase.
These results suggest that avoiding food waste by taking care of quantities during cooking and eating domestic food are more important to the participants in comparison to other examined behaviors and attitudes (
Table 2). However, further research is needed to examine which factors shape an observed attitude and behavior. Namely, it is possible that the intent to avoid food waste and the importance of eating food produced in Croatia observed in this study are related to motives other than protecting the environment, such as saving money or social concerns. Complex consumer behaviors (planning, purchase, storage, and cooking) influence food waste, reasons may be personal or product-specific, and motives for reducing food waste are various [
36]. For example, a survey performed as a part of the Waste & Resources Action Program in the United Kingdom revealed that the most motivating factor was the possibility of saving money, followed by efficient home management, feelings of guilt, eating the healthiest diet possible, reducing the impact on the environment, and food shortages in other countries [
37]. According to a study exploring food waste drivers in Croatian households, the majority of participants considered food waste a financial loss [
18]. Many studies indicate that poorer households waste less and the 2013 Flash Eurobarometer survey revealed that a lower percentage of food waste occurs in countries with a lower income per capita [
36]. Because Croatia is among the poorest countries in the EU [
38], it is possible that avoiding food waste is mainly motivated by saving money. This assumption, that the main motive for avoiding food waste is not the protection of the environment, is also based on the result that shows the low importance of avoiding food waste in restaurants (
Table 2).
Consumer ethnocentrism, corresponding to the preference for domestic products over imports, is related to various affected, cognitive, and behavioral reactions [
39]. Political and economic factors are often more important than environmental. Therefore, commercial or state-led “buy domestic” campaigns often mention protecting domestic jobs and the national economy, not environmental protection [
40]. Correspondingly, the “Let’s Buy Croatian” campaign led by the Croatian Chamber of Economy calls for promotion and development of a prosperous and competitive Croatian economy and highlights the importance of saving jobs [
41]. Results of the Croatian study published in 2012 indicate that participants preferred domestic products, but motives were not investigated [
42].
3.3. The Relationship between Socio-Demographic Data and Environmental and Political Determinants of Food Choices
An overview of research on determinants of pro-environmental behavior reveals that the impact of socio-demographic factors is not consistent, as expected considering the wide range of environmental problems; differences in time, money, and magnitude of lifestyle changes needed to adopt a certain behavior; and a multitude of other, interdependent factors [
43]. Therefore, because the questionnaire covers various aspects related to food choices, it is in accordance with the expectations that socio-demographic factors have different impacts (
Table 3).
Socio-demographic factors that influence food choices in this study are age (
Table A4,
Appendix B), gender (
Table A5,
Appendix C), education level (
Table A6,
Appendix C), marital status (
Table A7,
Appendix C), responsibility for food supply (
Table A8,
Appendix C), eating practices (
Table A9,
Appendix C), and smoking (
Table A10,
Appendix C). These results show that there are no statistically significant differences in environmental and political determinants of food choices based on the place of residence (
Table A11,
Appendix C) and employment status (
Table A12,
Appendix C).
The age of the participants positively impacts avoiding food waste and eating domestic food: with the increase in age, participants try more to avoid excessive food waste and have a higher preference for domestic products. However, these effects are small in size. The amount of explained variance dependent on age is 2.6% for the avoidance of excessive food waste (value of correlation is 0.16) and 5.3% for preference for domestic products (correlation is equal to 0.23) (
Table A4,
Appendix B). The observation that older people waste less food is in accordance with several recent studies. For example, a study about food waste at the household level in the Netherlands revealed that increasing age had a diminishing impact [
44]. Furthermore, according to the ANIBES study, household plate waste generated by Spanish consumers [
45] and the amount of food waste (mostly generated by cooking excessive amounts) in Hungarian households decreases with age [
46]. In contrast, in some studies age did not have significant influence [
47,
48]. Moreover, a study on food waste in households in the Czech Republic showed that the people who waste food the most were those older than 65 years [
49]. The explanation for these observed differences may be that different causes of food waste (e.g., impulse buying, lack of planning, understanding of date labels, and knowledge of proper storage practices) are affected differently by age. The finding that older participants have higher levels of ethnocentric tendencies is in line with the dominant results found in the literature [
50].
There are different findings in the literature regarding the role of gender on pro-environmental behavior. This effect depends on environmental issues and whether attitudes, knowledge, concern, or behavior are investigated [
43]. In this study, women score more highly on items regarding food preparation/packaging, food waste, and respect of animal and human rights, indicating they put more weight on these specific environmental and political determinants of food choice than men (
Table A5,
Appendix C). However, it should be noted that the average difference in scores is low (around 0.2 points on a 5-point scale), which suggests that gender differences are not substantial. Nonetheless, significant differences were found between genders for most items, with the exception of the item about food waste at restaurants. In general, both men and women gave neutral answers (average score on most items is around the neutral point of 3), with the exception of items concerning food waste and food origin. On these items, participants tend to agree to some extent with the item’s content (with women agreeing more than men).
Many studies suggest that women are more concerned about the environment than men [
43,
51,
52]. Women’s roles as caregivers and nurturers [
52] have been related to stronger environmental concern. However, it appears that in modern households this difference diminishes or disappears because gender roles are more blurred [
51]. The results suggest that women also tend to be more concerned about animal welfare in accordance with many studies revealing that women show higher levels of positive behaviors and attitudes toward animals (see, e.g., in [
53,
54,
55,
56]). Various explanations have been offered, including hormonal and genetic differences, and women’s social role and structural location in society [
57]. Similarly, studies show that women are more likely to buy or boycott products in accordance with their ethical, environmental, and political values, and their role as caregivers has been offered as an explanation [
58]. Regarding food waste, according to the literature, gender has different influences on practices. Some studies found that men are prone to wasting more food than women [
36,
59,
60,
61], others stated that gender had no significant influence [
44,
46,
47,
49], whereas some studies revealed that women wasted more food than men [
48,
62]. It seems that there is a conflict between good-provider identity or a “good mother” behavior and awareness of the negative consequences of wasting food [
63]. A recent study performed in Romania found that the effect of gender on food attitudes and behaviors was different depending on age group, probably reflecting the fact that the role of women changes with age [
64].
We found that participants with a higher education tend to avoid food waste and excessive packaging, and are more concerned about animal welfare, in comparison to participants who finished elementary or high school (
Appendix C). However, educational differences are not strongly pronounced because the average difference between participants from the two groups is around 0.2 points (
Table A6,
Appendix C). Similar to the findings concerning gender differences, participants from both categories tend to give neutral answers, with the exception of items regarding food waste and food origin. Many studies show that people with higher education are more aware and interested in, and possess a better knowledge of, environmental issues [
43]. However, some studies revealed that there is a gap between the possession of knowledge and awareness and certain behaviors [
43]. The effect of education, in which participants with higher education show a more positive attitude towards animal welfare, is in agreement with other studies [
55,
65,
66,
67]. Similarly, packaging material reduction has been recognized as a method to reduce environmental impact by environmentally conscious people, particularly those with higher education [
68]. Regarding food waste, literature data are not consistent. A higher level of education did not influence food wasted in Finnish [
48], Philippine [
47], and Dutch households [
44]. A study of EU-27 individuals’ food waste behavior published in 2015 found that people with higher education tend to throw away a larger amount of food [
36]. Similar results were obtained in recent studies performed in Poland [
61] and Hungary [
46]. On the contrary, according to recent studies, people with a university degree wasted food less often in Czech [
49], Egypt [
69], and Lebanon [
70].
Regarding marital status, significant differences were found for items 1 to 3 (environmentally friendly foods, avoid waste at home, and preference for domestic products), with married people or cohabiting showing higher accordance with the items’ contents. This finding that participants who are married or cohabitating care more about reducing food waste in comparison to those without a life partner (
Table A7,
Appendix C) is in agreement with a study showing that, as the number of Croatian household members increases, the amount of food waste decreases [
18].
Participants who are responsible for food supply agree more with the content of most of the items. The exemption is an item dealing with respect of animal rights, for which a statistically significant difference in the rate of agreement is not present (
Table A8,
Appendix C). Differences between the two groups of participants are not strongly pronounced (the average difference is around 0.2 points;
Table A8). In general, participants from both groups gave neutral answers, with the exception of items concerning food waste (participants from both groups tend to agree to some extent with the item’s content), food origin (in particular, participants responsible for food supply tend to agree to some extent with the item’s content), and restaurants’ recovery policy of food surplus (in particular, participants who are not responsible for the supplies tend to agree less with the item’s content).
Participants who follow specific eating practices agree more with the content of most of the items (
Table A9,
Appendix C). Exceptions are items related to food waste and food origin, for which a statistically significant difference in the rate of agreement is not present. Differences between the two groups of participants are not strongly pronounced (the average difference is around 0.3 points;
Table A9). For most of the items, participants gave neutral answers, with the exception of items dealing with food waste and food origin, for which participants from both groups gave answers that were not neutral. In this sample, following specific eating practices mostly means following plant-based diets, and therefore it could be expected that those participants express more concern about the environment and animal welfare. Research shows that, in addition to health, the most commonly reported motives for a plant-based diet are lowering the environmental impact and respecting animal rights [
6,
71,
72].
The obtained results indicate that smoking is negatively associated with examined pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors. Results of the one-way ANOVA (
Table A10,
Appendix C) reveal statistically significant differences among groups of participants on all items, with the exception of the item related to food preparation/packing. To determine the groups for which differences are present, post hoc group comparison with Tukey’s test was performed. On all of the items (2–7), participants who have never smoked score higher than active smokers (all
p < 0.01), but do not differ on any item from the participants who used to smoke and occasional smokers (all
p > 0.05). Furthermore, participants who used to smoke, on all items (except the item asking about restaurants’ recovery policy of food surplus) score higher than active smokers (all
p < 0.01), but are not statistically different from occasional smokers (all
p > 0.05). Finally, active smokers do not differ in scores in comparison to occasional smokers (all
p > 0.05). All of the differences are not strongly pronounced (around 0.3 points;
Table A10). Recent studies indicate that wellbeing and life satisfaction positively affect pro-environmental behavior [
73]. Furthermore, smoking behavior has been associated with psychosocial stress [
74], and sustainable food consumption behavior is often related to a healthy lifestyle [
75].