2.1. An Overall Look at the EU Policy to Support the Start-Up of Young Farmers
Eurostat data [
17] show that in the UE overall, the share of farmers under the age of 40 is only 11%. The current generational turnover in the European agricultural sector is not sufficient for ensuring its continuity, and the aging of the farmers is undermining its vitality [
4,
15,
18,
19,
20,
21].
The EU-RDP start-up aid addresses the issues of excessive aging and scarce generational renewal in EU agriculture [
15]. Specifically, it aims at fostering the entrance of young farmers in order to assure continuity and to enhance vitality to the primary sector [
4,
22]. Newly formed farms are valuable as such because they contribute to contrast/offset closures and to rebalancing the age structure of farmers. Furthermore, many authors affirm that young farmers also add vitality to the sector thanks to their more pronounced managerial attitude and higher propensity to innovate and to network [
7,
8,
10,
11,
12,
16].
The issue gained attention within the CAP in the early 1980s (Directive 81/528/EEC) when the aid in favor of the modernization and productivity of farms run by young farmers was introduced. Therefore, the subsequent CAP reforms progressively recognized the centrality of the issue and placed measures in favor of young new entrant farmers within the frame of the rural development policy. Starting with Agenda 2000, the CAP put a real emphasis on generational turnover, and the measures targeted to young farmers were included in the policy covered by the second pillar, where they progressively developed. In that period (2000–2006), the scheme of support for generational turnover (Regulation (EC) 1257/1999) was simply drawn as an aid for the first settlement of a young farmer as the head of a farm, under the condition that adequate professional knowledge and skills were exhibited, plus under the condition that the profitability of the new farm was demonstrated [
23].
Significant revisions in the architecture and functioning of the measure occurred within the two following programming periods: 2007–2013 and 2014–2020. The two periods represent the focus of this analysis because the sampled population on which this analysis is based had access to the start-up measure throughout these years. Regulation (EC) 1698/2005 substantially increased the value of the settlement premium and, to support the creation of competitive farms, confirmed the request of young farmers with professional skills and knowledge; it also ensured the elaboration of a detailed business investment plan—describing the territorial context, the objectives and program of interventions, financial investments, services, and necessary training, etc.—which was helpful in assessing the merit of each submission. Even more relevant, the new scheme introduced the so-called “package of measures”, aimed at supporting the young farmers in simultaneously accessing other measures within the RDPs, such as the investments for competitiveness, innovation, environmental sustainability, and the diversification of farm activities, all in eventual combination with the early retirement scheme.
A further significant boost to start-up policies for young farmers came from the CAP 2014–2020 programming period (which is the last relevant for this analysis), when the measure for young farmers (sub-measure 6.1; Regulation (UE) 1305/2013) was placed in the framework of a more extensive package of six sub-measures, more generally aimed at promoting the development of agricultural holdings and enterprises. The main differences introduced were represented by (a) a further increase in the premium (up to a value of EUR 70,000), to be fully paid in five years and which is subject to the correct implementation of the business plan (for the 2000–2006 programming period, the value of the premium was equal to EUR 25,000, increasing to EUR 30,000 in the case of consultancy services; then, in the following period (2007–2013), the basis of the premium was set at EUR 40,000 [
23]); (b) the introduction of a youth sub-program as a sort of development of the package of measures, providing an increase in the value of the assigned premium in the case of the integration of multiple measures deemed to support generational change (i.e., investments, off-farm activities); (c) advice and assistance services, cooperation with other enterprises, and so on; d) the participation of the first CAP pillar in supporting the new established young farmers, with the introduction of a mandatory decoupled payment (Regulation (UE) 1307/2013) specifically addressed to enhance the income in the initial period of farm’s management (both MSs have assigned a similar share of the national ceiling for direct payment to this payment: 1% in Italy, elevated up to 2% in 2019, and 1–2% in Poland. However, the method for calculating the annual payment is quite different [
24]).
2.2. Factors Influencing the Adoption of Changes at Farm Level
The positive impact of innovation on efficiency, competitiveness, and growth is well assessed in the literature, especially with respect to agriculture, which tends to be slow in the adoption of technical progress due to its small scale, the low education levels, the high average age of farmers, and the prevalence of family farms largely relying on traditional know-how [
25,
26,
27]. In fact, agriculture enjoys a low rate of innovation, and technical progress is mainly exogenous both on the farm and on the sector level. This is the reason why Fuetsch et al. [
25], adopt an extensive definition of innovations in agriculture that encompasses changes introduced at the farm level. For example, diversification activities introduced by the farmers are usually regarded as innovations. From a slightly different perspective, Huttunen [
13] and Läpple et al. [
16] affirm that innovation and networking are synergic and that both, besides pushing farm outcomes, are, more widely, capable of fostering rural development.
In a sector such as agriculture which faces difficulties in catching up with technical progress, the involvement of young farmers plays a relevant multifaceted role. Hamilton et al. [
28] argued that young farmers are more inclined to enact changes and innovations. In the same streamline, Fuetsch et al. [
25] analyze the higher propensity to changes in younger farmers. Many other contributions confirm the role of age in the farmers’ attitude towards innovation [
10,
16,
29]. All in all, it is generally agreed that young farmers push the adoption of technical progress, thus favoring the modernization of the sector, its productivity, diversification, environmental impact, and so on and so forth. However, if, on the one side, the presence of young farmers positively contributes to the innovation capacity of the sector, then, on the other side, it is also true that many obstacles to innovation, which characterize agriculture, are among the factors that hinder younger farmers from entering the sector. In fact, managers who enter the sector quite often need to boost their farm and change things in order to increase profitability [
3,
30]. Summing up, it is clear that a sort of vicious circle arises within the primary sector when in need of new entrants that are capable to boost innovation; but, at the same time, the sectoral features, among many other existing barriers, make it difficult to innovate and thus discourage new entries of both younger and older persons.
In light of the above, it is clear how policies aimed at encouraging young people to settle as farm managers have not only merited the contrast between the reduction and aging of agriculture, but can also contribute to speeding up the adoption of innovations and, more generally, to enhancing its economic viability. The debate about the effectiveness of the EU-RDP start-up aid in fostering new entries is ongoing. For example, Gkatsikos et al. [
31] affirm that, according to empirical evidence generation, renewal policies support rural economies notably in terms of output production and employment, while benefits are lower in terms of income generation. Differently, Liontakis et al. [
22] conclude that the EU-RDP start-up aid has proven to be effective in aiding young farmers’ settlement. Relevant to the theme of this paper, these cited authors affirm that a change in the rules for receiving this aid, and particularly the introduction of more selective access requirements, even if coupled with an increase in the support, would result in reduced effectiveness in helping them to innovate after settlement. Their conclusion appears particularly relevant when recalling that the higher attitude and capacity of younger managers to innovate, network, and enhance overall farm efficiency, directly and indirectly, contributes to the rationale of the EU policy for sustaining the entrance of young farmers and frames its overall logic [
4].
However, besides policy incentives, many factors can impact the capacity to introduce changes in the farms. At the micro level, characteristics of the farm itself, together with features of the farm manager and of its family can have this effect. Also, the environment in which the farm operates has an impact both at the country and at the local level. A brief review of these factors will help in understanding the rationale of the models’ build to perform our analysis, as described in
Section 3.
To start with, farm size is commonly acknowledged as a major feature affecting the propensity to innovate [
8,
10,
12,
16]. In particular, larger farms enjoy a higher innovation rate due to relatively larger capital availability and scale effects related to fixed costs of the innovation investments [
32].
As for being embedded in networks, this has been shown to be beneficial, if not even strictly necessary, for many different reasons. First of all, it allows for efficiency gain through enlarging the farm operational scale [
33] and helps building countervailing power via collective actions [
34]. This is clearly particularly relevant in highly fragmented sectors, such as agriculture, worldwide. Furthermore, connecting with partners along the chain leads to deeper and long-lasting coordination, which is required for experimenting new products and new ways of producing. This is particularly due to the increasing segmentation of the production processes and to the many and strong idiosyncrasies which feature in the agricultural sector. In addition, the increasing demand for high-quality products, timely delivery, customized goods, and so on and so forth points to the necessity for strict coordination and stable networks to be formed among the different stakeholders involved in production [
3,
35,
36]. Lastly, it is relevant for the scope of our analysis that farms better embedded in a thick net of relations are also more likely to adopt innovations [
14,
37]; thus, the two main focuses of the analysis are intertwined and synergic.
Beside the role of the farmers’ age, which has been already discussed above, there are other relevant farmers’ features which affect their innovation capacity. Dimara and Skuras [
12], in particular, consider age together with education as part of the farm human capital that allows for acquiring and processing complex information which paves the innovating process. Education enhances farmers’ capabilities to understand the potential of the innovation and to correctly manage the new processes in order to get the most out of it. The increasing complexity of many new technologies, particularly ITs (Information Technologies), probably enhance the role of education in the farmers’ propensity to adopt innovative processes. Many authors evidenced farmers’ education as a critical determinant of innovation, showing that the most educated ones are more inclined to invest in new products and technologies and enter new markets, networks, and so on [
38,
39,
40]. All in all, education is seen as a favoring factor in adopting innovations in many contributions on the topic [
8,
16]. Similar effects have been found to be linked to the degree of experience in managing the farm. Experience in its broad meaning is related to age, but, in a narrower sense, depends on the time spent in the professional position. Ghadim and Pannel [
11] and, later on, Sauer [
8] pose that experience is among the innovation drivers, and this is especially true in the agricultural sector where idiosyncrasies are pervasive, meaning that informal knowledge and tacit communication are core in building competences, including those that allow generating innovations.
Regarding farmers’ gender, and more generally the so-called gender gap among entrepreneurs in different sectors, several studies, looking at different countries and different socio-economic contexts, confirm that females generally exhibit worse performance. However, this is mediated by a series of factors such as limited access to resources and factor endowments, lower education, less pronounced networking capacity, and different motivations and attitudes, also related to the life cycle [
41,
42,
43,
44].
Also, the motivation to become a farmer may affect the managerial attitudes in the sense that a strong identity as a farmer promotes a proactive behavior in innovating and diversifying farm activities [
7,
45,
46]. Somehow close to this, also the way of acquiring the farm, and particularly family succession versus newly formed farms, may impact the young farmers’ attitudes towards introducing changes to the farm activities. However, the sign of this impact remains uncertain as, on the one hand, family succession could imply reluctance to change things that have been traditionally carried out in a certain way; but, on the other hand, the interplay between generations and the experience acquired through time by the past generation may prove to be fertile and to provide a solid base for introducing changes [
25].
As for the role of the farmers’ family, the presence of family members involved as farm workers and, particularly, the possibility of exchanging views among different generations is regarded as particularly valuable in the decision process that leads to adopting innovations [
25]. This enhances the probability to innovate, particularly when considering that innovation requires, among other things, committed and trustworthy persons.
Contrastingly, the involvement of the farmer in off-farm activities may have a twofold impact on innovation. On the one hand, the presence of an off-farm job promotes the possibilities to innovate thanks to a wider network of relationships and easier access to information/knowledge [
15]. On the other hand, part-time farmers are found to be relatively less committed to the farm and may be subject to time constrains which then reduce the probability to engage in the complex process of innovation [
25,
47].
Clearly enough, family income is also regarded as playing a relevant role in the innovation capacity. Ghadim and Pannell [
11] affirm that family resources are relevant sources for self-financing investments required to introduce innovations; this is especially true for small family farms with difficult access to credit.
Lastly, as mentioned above, beside internal factors, the external environment where the farm operates, both at the local and at the national level, also has a major role in promoting/preventing the adoption of innovations and external relationships [
13]. Among others, this includes aspects such as the stability of the economy, the level of reciprocal trust among stakeholders, and the policy framework, together with the efficiency of the Public Sector that set the operating rules as well as the presence of (dis)incentives to adopt innovations.