The Unique Concept of God in Donghak (東學, Eastern Learning): An Emanation of the Religious Experiences of Suun Choe Jeu

Abstract

The religious experience of Suun Choe Jeu (水雲 崔濟愚, 1824–1864) was a decisive starting point for the Donghak (東學, Eastern Learning) religion. This paper illustrates how Suun’s religious experiences—which are both dualistic and monistic—are foundational to the Donghak conception of God and are integral to Donghak’s unique religious and ethical framework. Whereas the dualistic experiences are manifested both in Suun’s first encounter with Sangje in 1860 and in Cheonsa mundap (天師問答, “conversation with the Heavenly Master”), the monistic experiences are demonstrated in Suun’s Osim jeuk yeoshim (吾心卽汝心, “my mind is your mind”). Suun’s monistic and dualistic experiences emerge as the monistic and dualistic aspects of Donghak’s conception of God. In Donghak, God is both the object of a dualistic relationship with a human being and the object of a monistic or mystical union that confirms the ontological identity between God and humankind. Acknowledging the relationship between Suun’s religious experiences and Donghak’s concept of God reveals the weakness of the view that Donghak is merely a syncretism of Eastern and Western religions. Rather, Suun’s religious experiences are formative to Donghak’s unique conception of God; therefore, they are crucial to appreciating its religious and ethical creativity.

1. Introduction: Religion and Religious Experience

The extraordinary and religious experiences of the individual play a significant role in the founding of a religion. The example of Buddha is a case in point. The religious experiences of believers that help to maintain and develop the religion are also significant (Smart 1983).1 The early scriptures of Donghak (東學, Eastern Learning), which mark the religious experiences of Suun Choe Jeu (水雲 崔濟愚, 1824–1864), illustrate this fact. Suun’s religious experiences in 1860 provided the starting point of the Donghak Movement.

Previous studies on Donghak have largely focused on its political and social aspects rather than on its religious aspects (Oh 2005). Suun’s religious experiences are overlooked; instead, a sociopolitical approach that analyzes his person and impact predominates (Im 2015). To be sure, the Donghak Peasant Revolution of 1894 demonstrates the sociopolitical impact of Donghak. However, in seeking to fully understand the multidimensionality and uniqueness of the Donghak movement, Suun’s religious experiences must be considered (Han 2004 and Kim 2007). The religious dimensions of Donghak are best encapsulated in its concept of God. Donghak’s concept of God is distinct from that of the dominant religions of the time, in many aspects. It encompasses a personified God, dualism, and monism, extensively. This paper underscores the fact that the God presented in Donghak was directly influenced by Suun’s religious experiences.

By focusing on the connection between Suun’s religious experiences and Donghak’s conception of God, we will see how Suun profoundly impacted the religious ideas of Donghak. Indeed, an understanding of Suun’s religious experiences, based upon Donghak, both explains and highlights the unique aspects of Donghak. Donghak is neither a mere syncretism of existing religions of the time nor is it a blending of Yubulseon (儒佛仙, Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism). Rather, Donghak offers a distinct conception of God that emerges from Suun’s unique experiences, weaving together both dualism and monism.

The paper proceeds as follows: after reviewing some of the literature focused on the religious aspects of Donghak, the religious experiences of Suun are examined in detail. William James’ (1994) Varieties of Religious Experience provides a framework for this analysis. After examining Suun’s various religious experiences, I then turn to a discussion of Donghak’s concept of God. As I will show, the fact that Suun’s experiences have both dualistic and monistic aspects is integral to Donghak’s unique conception of God, and therewith to its authentic normative framework. A fundamental conclusion of this paper is that Donghak is an authentic religion precisely because it arose from the personal religious experiences of Suun.

2. Studies on the Concept of God in Donghak

The existing relevant studies can be organized into three categories. The first group includes studies that address the correlation between Donghak and existing Eastern religions, such as Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. These studies primarily focus on the impact that these pre-existing religions had on Donghak. Among these research papers are numerous studies that investigate Confucianism’s influence upon Donghak (Cha 2003; Cho 1990; Im 2003; Kim 2002; Park 2000). This is a reasonable approach, considering that Confucianism was the dominant religion in Joseon2 when Donghak emerged. The primary conclusion of this research is that Confucianism had a significant influence on Donghak. Notably, some papers argue that Donghak is a creative revaluation of Confucianism, with a focus on social revolution (Cho 1990).

A second group of studies focuses on the relationship between Donghak and Seohak (西學, Christianity). The majority of these studies are undertaken by theologians with Christian backgrounds and are concerned with comparing the concepts of God presented in the two religions. Scholars working within this group arrive at a variety of conclusions. While some conclude that Donghak was significantly influenced by Christianity, others conclude that Suun’s personal religious experience is responsible for the similarities between the Donghak and Seohak conceptions of God (Kim 1974b, 2003; Kwon 2004; Lee 1996).

The last group of studies deals directly with Suun’s religious experiences. These studies presume that Suun’s experiences in 1860 played a decisive role in his founding of Donghak. In interpreting Suun’s religious experiences, these studies utilize a diverse set of concepts, such as shamanic trances and mystical unions (Mun 1996; Chang 1987; Han 2004). Notably, there have been attempts in the psychiatric field to interpret Suun’s religious experiences from a psychological viewpoint (Kim 1974a, 1998; Lee 1974, 2008, 2011).

However, this research fails to adequately reflect the impact of Suun’s religious experiences upon the development of Donghak’s religious dimensions; specifically, on its concept of God (Kim 2002, 2005).3 Furthermore, few studies have made detailed comparisons between Suun’s various religious experiences or have attempted to analyze their meaning, with the exception of his encounter with Sangje4 (上帝, Supreme Being or God) in 1860, which is often the only experience reviewed by research papers. This is surprising, given the widely accepted fact that Suun’s religious experiences served as the starting point of Donghak.

I argue that Suun’s religious experiences had a profound impact on his conception of God, as presented in Donghak. That is to say, there is a direct cause-and-effect relationship between the two. In particular, the diversity of religious experiences that Suun experienced led to the uniqueness of his idea of God. Therefore, it is necessary to pay more attention to the different types of religious experiences and their meanings. Moreover, Suun’s religious experiences played a significant role in formulating the ethical codes and the overall content of Donghak.

3. The Religious Experiences of Suun

3.1. Religion and Religious Experience

Central to the academic study of religion are those human experiences that are classified as “religious” (James 1994).5 But what counts as a religious experience? The very concept of “religious” seems difficult to define (Smith 1998). Indeed, the definition of “religion” differs significantly according to era and context, making it all the more difficult to determine a singular definition of a “religious experience.”

The recitation of Buddhist scriptures would likely not be deemed a religious experience by most Christians. Even within the same religious tradition, opinions may differ on what counts as a religious experience. The act of worship, for example, seems to be a clear case of a religious experience. However, it is not easy to identify what makes worship religious. Is one’s subjective experience essential to religious worship, or does a particular action count as one of “religious worship”, irrespective of one’s subjective state? Does an individual need to feel “inspired” in any and all acts of religious worship, or are an individual’s emotions irrelevant?

To clarify such ambiguities, this paper uses the term “religious experience” as proposed by William James (1842–1910), who believed it to be “a relationship an individual develops with an unseen world” (James 1994, p. 36). James goes on to explain the importance of the “unseen” to religious experience, noting that “the belief that there is an unseen order, and that our supreme good lies in harmoniously adjusting ourselves thereto” is essential to religious experience (James 1994, p. 53). James expounds upon his definition:

Religion, therefore, as I now ask you arbitrarily to take it, shall mean for us the feelings, acts, and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine.

(James 1994, p. 31)

Thus, a religious experience is an event in which an unseen metaphysical reality or immaterial reality is revealed in the consciousness of an individual. Therefore, rituals, acts of worship, recitations of religious doctrines, and the reading aloud of religious scriptures are not necessarily defined as religious experiences by default. Instead, the defining characteristic of a religious experience is that it results in an alteration to the ordinary state of an individual’s consciousness.

In this context, the concept of “altered states of consciousness” (ASCs) can be applied to the definition of a religious experience (Tart 1990). This is a phenomenon in which an individual’s ordinary consciousness is altered, so as to bring forth intense emotional changes and epistemological insight (Wach 1958).6 In short, religious experiences serve as opportunities to experience an unseen reality, during a conscious state that is altered from the ordinary state. In his work, James goes on to assert that religious experiences are the source of diverse religious expressions, such as religious doctrines, rituals and myths (James 1994, pp. 34–37).

3.2. Dualistic Religious Experience of Suun

Let us now connect these ideas of James to the religious experiences of Suun Choe Jeu. Suun was born in 1824 to a ruined but aristocratic family. Rather than pursuing social advancement, he roamed the country focusing on religious practices until he was 31. Donghak-related literature testifies to the fact that Suun dedicated himself to conducting religious practices, prior to his encounter with Sangje (Pyo 2004; Yun 2004). For example, in 1858, he prayed for 49 days in ‘Tranquility (Jeongmyeol, 寂滅) Cave’.

However, his religious practice did not result in any of the achievements for which he had hoped. In 1859, when he was 36, Suun returned to his hometown of Yongdam (龍潭) in Kyeongju where he continued to carry out ascetic practices. It was in the following year of 1860 that Suun encountered Sangje (Cheonju or Hanullim). The details of this encounter are described in Donggyeong Daejeon (東經大全, Great Scripture of Donghak):

Suddenly, in the fourth lunar month, my heart quaked with cold and my body trembled, and I was unable to figure out what sort of illness this was. While I was in very difficult circumstances that I could not describe, words from the immortal (shinseon, 神仙,) spoke suddenly into my ears. Surprised, I jumped up to figure out what was going on, whereupon a voice said, “Do not be frightened or afraid. The people in the world call me Sangje (上帝, Supreme Being or God); do you not recognize Sangje?” I asked, “Why is it so?” The voice replied, “I have not achieved much, except that I have brought you into this world to teach people the correct practices. Have no doubts. Have no doubts.” I asked, “If so, then do I instruct the people by means of the Western Way (Seodo, 西道)?” The voice replied, “No. I have a talisman (yeongbu, 靈符), and it is called the elixir of immortality (seonyak, 仙藥). Its shape is that of the grand ultimate (taegeuk, 太極) and the characters gunggung (弓弓, shape). Receive from me this talisman and save the people from illness. Receive from me this ritual incantation (jumun, 呪文) and instruct the people on my behalf. Then you, too, shall have a long life and shall spread virtue under heaven.”

(Kallander 2013, p. 158)7

This encounter with a being who disclosed himself as Sangje was a decisive event in the formation of Donghak. The passage expressly states that Sangje or Hanullim was an agent, separate from and unfamiliar to Suun, appearing before him unexpectedly. According to records, for several months, Hanullim delivered new teaching to Suun, as well as a talisman and other charms through Cheonsa mundap (天師問答, conversation with the Heavenly Master) (Brown 1997).8

Applying James’ notion of religious experience to Suun Choe Jeu, it is clear that Suun’s meeting with Hanullim in April 1860 was a typical one. It must be emphasized that this encounter was triggered by the unilateral will of Hanullim without warning and that the abrupt nature of this meeting evoked strong negative emotions on the part of Suun, including surprise, perplexity and fear. In their first encounter, Hanullim advised Suun, who was seized by these negative emotions, several times not to fear or doubt him. The fact that this experience was unexpected indicates that the advent of Hanullim did not coincide with Suun’s preexisting worldview.

Prior to meeting Hanullim, Suun sought to resolve the social and political crises of his time by the application of religious practice. Then why did Suun feel fear and doubt of Hanullim, who imparted to Suun a means of salvation? However, at the time, Suun expected to achieve the enlightenment (Jeungdeuk, 證得) of non-personal principles by attaining Dao (道) or attaining Buddhahood (gyeonseong, 見性) on his own, in accordance with the teachings of Eastern religious traditions such as Yubulseon (儒佛仙). Thus, in this context, the sudden appearance of personified Hanullim was an event that Suun had not anticipated and that, in fact, ran counter to how he understood religion (Yun 1991).9 Interestingly, just as Yahweh teaches his name to Moses, Hanullim also lets Suun know his name only after Suun, awestruck, “pressed for” his name.

Though Hanullim urged Suun not to doubt him, Hanullim’s appearance and words did not immediately dispel confusion and fear in Suun (Lee 1970).10 According to Suun’s worldview at that time, it seemed impossible for Hanullim, the Supreme Being, to appear in person and to converse with an individual. Suun’s confusion arose due to his understanding of Hanullim as the God of Seohak (西學), or Western Christianity. In Suun’s view, a Supreme Being who proactively asserts his will could only exist in Seohak. That is why, when Hanullim told him to disseminate the Truth to the people of the world, Suun asked if he “should teach them based on Seodo (西道).”

3.3. Mystical Union of Suun

The fear and doubt that Suun harbored in this first encounter transformed into Suun’s teaching of sichonju (侍天主, to serve God), which calls on people to serve Hanullim devotedly. The concept of sichonju is a complete reversal of the negativity that Suun initially felt toward Hanullim. Suun’s later teachings of Osim jeuk yeoshim (吾心卽汝心, “my mind is your mind”) and Innaechon (人乃天, “all humans are divine”) further reflect the change in Suun’s beliefs. These statements can be interpreted as a mystical declaration that Hanullim and humans are ontologically identical. In order to understand the way that Suun’s doubts about Hanullim transformed into declarations of sichonju and Osim jeuk yeoshim, it is necessary to trace the trajectory of Suun’s religious experiences, beginning from that initial day in 1860.

The “Discussion on Learning” (Nonghangmun, 論學文) text reveals that Suun attempted to “practice and understand the teachings of Hanullim for a year”, starting in 1860 (Kallander 2013, p. 160).11 The record also says that, after internalizing Hanullim’s teachings meticulously, Suun began to preach the teachings in full swing, beginning in 1861. As such, the process of eradicating the fear and confusion that Suun initially felt during the first encounter was gradual rather than immediate (Kim 2007).12 The monistic declarations of Donghak, such as the concepts of Osim jeuk yeoshim, Innaechon and Cheonsimjeukinsim (天心則人心, “the mind of God is in fact the mind of a human”), emerged at the end of his journey of internalizing Hanullim’s words. In other words, Suun came to accept the authority of Hanullim gradually, through a long dialog of Cheonsa mundap. Lee Donhwa summarizes the process, as follows:

Cheonsa mundap took place from April 5th, 1860, to September 20th of the same year. During this period of uncovering and understanding the many questions and answers, Hanullim (another name for Sangje) on one occasion tested Suun, the Great Divine Teacher (Daesinsa, 大神師). Hanullim said, “…therefore, I will give you the highest position of minister to save the world,” to which Suun retorted, “Even Hanullim teaches me with wrongful Dao (道), so from now on I will never listen to his order or teaching (myeonggyo, 命敎).” After making this vow, he did not listen when Hanullim gave lessons. Even after fasting for eleven days, Suun did not change his mind. At last, Hanullim said, “Your will is good to behold, and your integrity is commendable. Your study is already exemplary and your practice has already reached the highest level, and your behavior is already perfected. I hereby grant you the perpetual harmony (mukungchohwa, 無窮調和).”

Hanullim gave “perpetual harmony” to Suun after he passed his test. This is the very Osim jeuk yeoshim event and mystical religious experience that allowed Suun to acquire the Great Cosmic Truth (Mugeuk Daedo, 無極大道). Lee Donhwa depicts this event in detail:

The moment Daesinsa heard this, a new energy circulated in his consciousness, and new thoughts arose in his mind. The words of Hanullim that were heard from out of the air now resounded within Daesinsa’s mind—this became kanghwa (降話, the teaching) that had descended from above, and from it he wrote a lengthy manuscript (manjijangseo, 滿紙長書). He asked himself and then answered himself, recited the eternal, then sung the eternal; the Heaven and Earth, Sun and Moon, the stars, grass and trees, animals and beasts, humans and things all answered to the song; millions and billions of miles of space spread before the eyes; millions and billions of years spread before the eyes so there was no space far or close and no time past or coming, so millions and billions of innumerable hours and space drifted inside the single piece of mind… At this point, Cheonsa mundap stopped, and the principles of the Great Cosmic Truth and the great virtue (Daedeok, 大德) were announced and answered based on simple kanghwa. He thereafter practiced on his own and unmistakably experienced Daedo (大道, the Way) of relieving people’s suffering everywhere (gwangjechangsaeng, 廣濟蒼生).

(Lee 1970)

Once Suun finally embraced the authority of Hanullim, after many questions and answers that continued for several months following their first encounter, Hanullim delivered to Suun the final teaching of Osim jeuk yeoshim, which confirmed the underlying identity of the ontological relationship between humankind and Hanullim. Hanullim’s words that came “from out of the air” now resounded “from Suun’s mind.” Suun chanted “eternity” (mugung, 無窮) and eventually reached the ultimate state wherein the concept of time and space disappeared completely. It is also logical that Suun no longer needed to engage in Cheonsa mundap with Hanullim after acquiring ontological identity with Hanullim.

Let us summarize the itinerary of Suun’s religious experience. It began abruptly, with the encounter in 1860, and continued through several months of Cheonsa mundap, culminating with the mystical union of Osim jeuk yeoshim (Yun 2000).13 In this context, we can understand the process through which unfamiliarity during the first encounter transformed into a positive acceptance of sichonju.

Suun’s religious experiences encompass both the dualism depicted in the first encounter in 1860 and the resulting Cheonsa mundap, as well as the monism shown in the Osim jeuk yeoshim experience (Seong 2009 and Lee 2012). The God that Suun encountered was an object of dualistic relationship, while at the same time being an object of monistic or mystical unity, which ultimately confirms his ontological identity. Suun confirmed this fact through his own religious experiences in 1860 and 1861.

Put differently, Suun’s religious experiences were ambidirectional; the revelation and encounters were given by Hanullim or were other-driven (James 1994, pp. 414–17).14 At the same time, Suun reached a state of union with the Supreme Being by means of his own, self-driven efforts. However, previous research has focused only on the first meeting between Suun and Hanullim and did not pay proper attention to the subsequent experiences that were clearly distinguished from it and from the process itself. These aspects of Suun’s religious experiences lead to the dualism and monism that are innate in the concept of God in Donghak.

4. The Unique Concept of God in Donghak

4.1. God as the Object of a Dualistic Relationship

As seen in his interactions with Suun, Hanullim is a personified being with free will and intention. It was Hanullim’s feelings of distress about the state of the world that led him to seek out Suun and to task Suun to save the world (Kallander 2013, p. 158).15 The God presented in Donghak is a volitional agent that can develop a relationship with humankind.

The dualistic feature of the relationship between Hanullim and humankind is confirmed by his intimate relationship with Suun. Donghak scriptures depict the intimate interactions between Suun and Hanullim at several points. Hanullim assuages Suun’s doubts and also consoles him affectionately. Occasions where Hanullim consoles the dispirited Suun appear often in Yongdam yusa (龍潭遺詞, Songs of Yongdam), as seen in the excerpt below:

How could you know you were not as worthy as others? How could you know whether your talents were as worthy as others? Stop such words. You are the first after being born into this world. You are surrounded by good fortune. I decided to bring forth a propitious pregnancy.

(Kallander 2013, p. 179)16

Upon hearing Hanullim’s mission for him, Suun questioned if he was qualified to accomplish such a mission. However, the words above demonstrate Hanullim’s consolation to Suun. Hanullim assures Suun that his life experiences have unfolded in accordance with Hanullim’s providence.

The fact that Suun experienced Hanullim as a volitional agent and an object of intimate relationship invariably had a significant impact not only on the formation of Donghak’s concept of God but also on the ethical code of Donghak. In particular, Hanullim’s hope of making this world a better place was developed by Suun into a powerful code of ethics, as presented in Donghak, seen in concepts such as gyeongcheon (敬天, respect for Heaven), gyeongin (敬人, respect for humans) and gyeongmul (敬物, respect for all things). Reflecting this spirit, Donghak was distinguished from other religions of the time in its consideration of socially vulnerable groups of people, such as women and children.

The intimate interactions between Suun and Hanullim demonstrate that Donghak’s God does not exist merely as a philosophical principle or transcendental being, existing beyond reality. True, the Donghak teaching of sichonju (侍天主) indicates that the Supreme Being of Cheonju (天主, Heavenly Lord) is an object of veneration and service. At the same time, Cheonsa mundap confirms that Hanullim, as the lord of providence, is a being that engages in dialog and can give human beings detailed advice about the proper path for humanity, as he did with Suun. Thus, the God in Donghak is a personified Supreme Being that is immanent within creation but that can manifest itself as a distinct entity, in order to have a dialog with humans. Such a manifestation of God cannot easily be found in traditional Eastern religions, such as Buddhism.

Due to this characteristic of God in Donghak, the Joseon dynasty and Confucian scholars considered Donghak to be a copy of Christianity, something that could not coexist alongside Confucianism. As a result, Suun was executed. The Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty (Seungjeongwonilgi n.d., 承政院日記) describe the misfortune and misunderstandings that Donghak’s concept of God faced: “This title Donghak is just another name for the tricks they use in the West, to confuse the foolish.”17 In short, its personification of God is one of the defining characteristics confirmed in a string of Suun’s religious experiences, spanning from the first encounter in 1860 to the Cheonsa mundap.

4.2. God and an Ontological Identity for all Human Beings

Dualistic religious experiences, such as the 1860 encounter and Cheonsa mundap, eventually developed into a mystical union with the ultimate reality. That is, Donghak’s God was not merely the object of a dualistic relationship. The Osim jeuk yeoshim event confirms that Donghak’s Hanullim is the single and ultimate being that encompasses all beings, including humans. This event breaches the ontological dualism between Hanullim and the human self. God is no longer an entity that is separate from human beings but is instead an entity that is identical to human beings.

Put differently, the God in Donghak was a being that could interact with human beings and was, at the same time, an entity that was identical to all beings at the fundamental level. Suun’s religious experience served as an opportunity to confirm the personification of the Supreme Being, as well as the internal presence of the Being within all people, and, more precisely, the existence of all beings within the ultimate reality. It is in this context that, as Kim Gyeongjae aptly points out, the God of Donghak strongly takes on panentheistic characteristics that encompass both transcendence and immanence (Kim 2005).

In addition, Donghak teaches that people can internalize this understanding by practicing incantation sincerely as a mystical practice. Differences in time and space or in religions do not act as stumbling blocks to this process. Suun was a religious universalist who asserted that all civilizations had Cheondo (天道, Heavenly Way), transcending time and space.18 However, Suun also emphasized that whether they actually practiced Cheondo was more important than whether they had Cheondo or not. Meanwhile, from the perspective of universalism, the name of God itself was not important to Suun (Park 1921).19 That is why Suun and early-stage Donghak traditions employed a wide range of names for the Supreme Being encountered by Suun (i.e., Sangje, Hanullim and Cheonju).

4.3. Dynamic Concept of God in Donghak

Donghak’s God is neither simply an aggregate of existing matters, nor a transcending principle that exists only behind or beyond matter. It not only interacts with human beings with intention but is also ultimately the entirety of beings. This unique concept of God in Donghak exerts immense influence on the religious thoughts of Donghak from many aspects, including the ethics of Donghak.

First, the God in Donghak created a powerful code of ethics through Suun; this code was the embodiment of teachings that Suun had received from Hanullim in person. The revelation from Hanullim, who commanded Suun to make this world a better place, served as the foundation for the ethical codes of Donghak. At the same time, the identity with Hanullim, as confirmed by the Osim jeuk yeoshim experience, developed into a mystical recognition that Hanullim existed inside all human beings. It is for this reason that all beings are precious. People must respect all others as a personification of another Hanullim. Hanullim’s revelation and mystical identification with Hanullim act as two crucial pillars of Donghak’s code of ethics (Seong 2020).

Second, Donghak’s unique conception of God also informs a distinct practice methodology that encompasses the relationship between God and human beings in its concept of sichonju (“to serve Cheonju or Hanullim).” The word “serve” is ostensibly premised on a dualistic distinction between the one who serves and the one who is served. However, the concept of sichonju that is presented in Donghak does not stay at the dualistic level because Cheonju exists inside all people in Donghak. As such, rather than simply serving another being dualistically, the practice of serving also refers to serving oneself.

The suffix “ju (主)” or “nim” is added to the concepts Cheonju or Hanullim to indicate immense respect for Hanullim, a volitional being. However, the practice of sichonju can be completed only when a person meets Hanullim residing within him- or herself and extends the identity of the self to include Hanullim (Yun 2009).20 Therefore, sichonju is a religious practice that helps people to recognize that God exists inside themselves; only by doing so can they achieve their true state of being.

Third, the unique concept of God in Donghak generates creative tension. It is difficult to integrate the dualism and monism that are inherent in Donghak’s concept of God. However, this difficulty enriches both Donghak and the relationship between God and humankind. God and human beings are not strictly separate, nor are they simply identical. As the 1860 experiences and the Cheonsa mundap of Suun show, God has an aspect of alterity, insofar as God is an intimate object with whom humans develop a relationship. However, as confirmed by Osim jeuk yeoshim, God is ontologically identical to us.

In other words, this aspect of God generates a creative tension that forces humans to interpret Donghak dynamically. Hanullim’s dualist and monistic qualities demand that humans recognize their genuine identity through their dynamic relationship with God. Hanullim acts with free will outside of humanity, and yet Hanullim is also identical to all humankind.

Letters are also eternal and words are eternal as well. I search infinitely and know infinitely, so within this infinite boundary of God, isn’t this the infinite me?

(Yun 2009)

In other words, each individual is one among an infinitude of beings that live and move around inside the cosmic God. As such, Hanullim, all humankind and all material entities should be respected as eternal beings residing inside the eternal God. From this perspective, all of our behaviors of eating (sik, 食), revering (sa, 事) and serving (si, 侍) are transformed into internal activities that are undertaken within the infinite Hanullim himself. For instance, Donghak describes the act of eating food as icheonsikcheon (以天食天), which means that “the heaven eats the heaven”. In this context, the reason Suun emphasized the truth of “It is not so, yet it is so” (bulyeonkiyeon, 不然其然) in his later years becomes clear.

To be sure, this concept of God may easily give rise to misunderstanding. Donghak is often considered a synthesis of the merits of Eastern and Western religions or a copy of a particular religion. This attitude was present not only during the Joseon dynasty but also remains true today. When the dualist nature of God is emphasized, Donghak appears to be a form of Western theism. When the monistic nature of God is emphasized, Donghak seems to be a copy of Eastern religions. As seen in the tension arising from the concepts of “mystical unity” and “mystical identity” that are found in Western religions, integration is no easy task, and yet, doing so unveils dynamic layers of meaning.21

5. Conclusions: Epistemological Validity of Religious Experience

How did Suun present such a unique concept of God, one not easily found in religious history? Was it the product of the multiple lines of religious thought of his time? Rather than deriving from theoretical syncretism, Donghak’s religious thoughts, including its concept of God, originated from Suun’s personal, religious experiences (Kim 1999, 2009).22 The dualism and monism incorporated in Suun’s religious experiences led him to develop this conception in Donghak, encompassing the characteristics of both Eastern and Western religions.

Suun confirmed through his own religious experiences that Eastern mystical ideas could be integrated with Western theistic ideas. Suun harmonized the Eastern notion that human beings could acquire an identity with the ultimate reality with a Western notion that emphasized the given nature of divine grace. Furthermore, by including Hanullim’s revelation, which commanded respect for all humankind and all material entities with Osim jeuk yeoshim or the mystical union, Suun created an ethical code of conduct and a unique presentation of God. This integrated God resonated with many people at the time and yet also resulted in brutal oppression.

Put simply, the concept of God in Donghak reflects the creativity and the uniqueness of Suun’s religious experiences. Analyzing Donghak’s concept of God in Suun’s religious experience inevitably gives rise to a few questions. Was the being that Suun encountered in 1860 actually the Supreme God? If so, why did Hanullim appear in front of Suun in 1860? Does Cheonju reside inside all of us, as Suun asserted?

Final answers cannot be given to these questions. However, just as merely the advent of Hanullim was surprising and marvelous to Suun, so the concept of God in Donghak still generates much wonder and many questions. Noting the impact of the unseen upon the seen, material world, William James writes:

[T]he unseen region in question is not merely ideal, for it produces effects in this world. When we commune with it, work is actually done upon our finite personality, for we are turned into new men, and consequences in the way of conduct follow in the natural world upon our regenerative change.

(James 1994, p. 516)

As a consideration of Suun’s personal experiences demonstrates, the “new man” that he became after his encounter and communion with the “unseen” Hanullim deeply affected Suun and the world around him. Although not everyone acknowledged and welcomed it, Suun’s religious experience had strong epistemological validity. A new conception of God was brought forth, guiding the Donghak movement and leading to events crucial to both the Korean and the international community, the effects of which still reverberate today.