1. Introduction
The concept of ecosystem services has been promoted as one of the key foundations in managing natural ecosystems since its creation just decades ago [
1,
2]. Central to this concept is that natural ecosystems, if managed properly, can produce multiple functions to serve society and people well. The concept is evident even within this special issue’s primary focus, “Urban and peril-urban forests (UPFs) can play a pivotal role in supporting the quality of life in our cities”. While substantial research and actions have granted an understanding of various ecosystem services and advanced theories, the necessary tools to forecast ecosystem services of various ecosystems across multiple spatiotemporal scales and to demonstrate ecosystem service potential have yet to be thoroughly developed [
3,
4]. Specifically, people’s perceptions toward the effectiveness of these ecosystem services require more attention and focus in the literature. Here, we argue that an individual’s knowledge of their surrounding natural environment and behaviors toward it directly relate to their perception of the ecosystem service’s effectiveness. Understanding this relationship will contribute to sound, adaptive management plans, future policy, and, ultimately, a sustainable maintenance of ecosystems and their services for all society. With the majority of people living in urban areas [
5], the need to understand people’s perception is ever urgent, especially when promoting global “green” or “smart” cities [
4,
6,
7]. In this study, we challenge ourselves with a key question: whether a citizen’s pro-environmental behaviors and plant knowledge directly influence their pro-environmental behavior towards urban forests and parks.
Many environmental issues are directly or indirectly associated with human behaviors [
8,
9,
10,
11], which in turn influence long-term solutions towards these issues [
12,
13]. It has been hypothesized, for example, that environmental education could have a positive outcome on the pro-environmental behaviors of a society and prevent further irresponsible behavior [
13,
14,
15]. Similarly, scientific investigations on pro-environmental behaviors are receiving more attention than ever to understand the roles of human behaviors and knowledge towards environmental issues and alternative solutions. For example, strong pro-environmental intentions occur at higher rates among environmentally educated students than among those who are uneducated [
14,
16,
17,
18,
19]. Therefore, environmental education in many nations is becoming a required component in higher education and research programs to promote environmental awareness and action (e.g., Environmental Education Grant offered by United States Environmental Protection Agency).
In the 1980s, environmental education became popular within most educational institutions, leading to new sources of empirical evidence for pro-environmental behavioral scientists. Collected mostly from surveys and interviews with students, the effort to understand education’s importance in human behaviors toward environmental issues expanded [
16,
18,
20,
21,
22]. These preliminary studies are biased, however, as the students reflect only a part of society, regardless of their future influence. In this study, we included multiple demographic groups to explore society’s relationship between pro-environmental knowledge and behavior and hypothesized that plant identification can be effective on the connections between people and nature, which in turn will affect their pro-environmental behaviors.
To test this hypothesis, we surveyed regular park users to explore whether a relationship exists between an individual’s plant knowledge and pro-environmental behaviors. Pro-environmental behaviors can be divided into either planned or habitual (e.g., routine) behaviors. The Theory of Planned Behaviors specifies that intention is the direct formative factor for planned behaviors [
23]. Following this school of thought, individual pro-environmental intentions can lead to planned pro-environmental behaviors. Habitual behaviors, however, are unconscious behaviors without subjective judgment [
24], whereas intention is a reflection of previous behaviors. Habitual pro-environmental behaviors can then lead, modify, or develop pro-environmental intentions and regulate their future pro-environmental behaviors. In addition to people’s pro-environmental intentions and behaviors, environmental knowledge can also shape individual pro-environmental behaviors. Although Kollmuss & Agyeman (2002) argued that a weak association exists between environmental knowledge and pro-environmental behaviors [
25], Cottrell et al. (2003) found a significantly tight relationship [
26]. Even fewer studies have focused on whether an individual’s plant knowledge can affect pro-environmental behaviors. In this study, we further hypothesize that a person’s individual knowledge can affect both planned and habitual pro-environmental behaviors. Pro-environmental behaviors can be quantified by tracking the specific actions of an individual, but an alternative is to solicit people’s self-reported behaviors (i.e., stated behaviors) with carefully constructed questions in studies where behaviors cannot be observed by the researchers.
We conducted an on-site survey within Toledo, Ohio’s top five most-visited urban parks to assess visitor pro-environmental and plant knowledge and ultimately evaluate whether it related to their planned and/or habitual pro-environmental behaviors. By combining both general pro-environmental knowledge (e.g., technologies, environmental issues) and plant knowledge, we collected both institutionally taught and location specific knowledge to explore how the park visitor relates to and understands their natural area’s ecosystem services. By disseminating surveys on site, we targeted a broad demographic and representation of metro-park visitors. Our overall objective, therefore, explored how people’s knowledge on plants and the environment may influence their pro-environmental behaviors by demographic group.
4. Discussion
4.1. The Influences of Demography on Knowledge
Through our ANOVAs, females (6.89) show more PK than males (4.05) (
Figure 4a,
Table 2), which indicates that females exhibit more knowledge than males in recognizing plants. A possible explanation is that women may have more access to plant identification knowledge than men; however, there is much discussion regarding historical gender roles in gardening and botany [
35,
36]. We also found that education was a major factor responsible for the difference between PK and EK among the visitors. However, there was an exception—low educated females (5.67) had more PK than highly educated males (4.21). From this study, it seemed that females are more knowledgeable on PK than males, regardless of the education background. Low educated males 40− years of age (2.29) knew more EK than those of the 40+ years of age group (0.86). Additionally, all visitors 40− years of age (5.35) knew more PK than visitors 40+ years of age (3.59), regardless of gender. This could be a result of progress in the education system, as current students always gain more knowledge than their predecessors [
14,
18]. However, highly educated visitors were an exception, possibly because education enhances people’s ability in self-education. This might also be the reason that groups 40+ years of age (6.24, 2.37) were highly educated and had more knowledge in both EK and PK than those 40− years of age (5.54, 2.07) (
Figure 4,
Table 2).
4.2. The Influences from Knowledge on Actual Behaviors
When creating SEM models, our hypotheses considered two possible types of pro-environmental behaviors: planned behaviors and habitual behaviors (
Figure 1,
Table 3). Harland et al. (1999) explained that pro-environmental behaviors are planned behaviors [
37]. We explored pro-environmental behaviors as habitual behaviors in this study, as there is very little research on this topic. Both models found significant relationships between AB and IN/FB (i.e., IN is intention in the planned behavioral model [Model A], FB is future behaviors in the habitual model [Model B]). In the planned behavioral model, pro-environmental intention is based on subjective judgment and decision-making, which is constructed according to an individual’s ethics on non-profitable and environmentally friendly behaviors. In the habitual behavioral model, pro-environmental behaviors will occur when the pro-environmental behavior is repeated enough to form a habit [
24]. Additionally, the behaviors conducted without consideration or planning can lead to a reflection, which in turn will form an intention that can indicate future behavior. Therefore, we recognized the intention as a future behavior in the habitual behavioral model. The two behavioral models can then be used for analyzing pro-environmental behaviors.
The casual relationships between AB and IN/FB in the planned behavioral model and the habitual behavioral model are statistically inversed. The causal inference by PLS-SEM supported both hypotheses (IN → AB [0.541, 0.837], AB → FB [0.657, 0.842]). Hence, it is possible that both behavioral models exist together. The cause-effect connection between intention and actual behaviors can be seen as either one-directional or a loop. Because PLS-SEM could only test one-directional causal action, we did not test the hypothesis on loops. Further study is necessary to answer this question.
Two types of knowledge have different influences on pro-environmental behavior (
Figure 1,
Table 3), including EK and PK. Environmental knowledge in our questionnaire covered many popular issues such as climate change and the depletion of natural resources. These issues could directly motivate and develop an intuition in people to value and protect the environment. Plant knowledge in our survey, on the other hand, relates less to current issues than EK and relates more to the aesthetics and science of nature. This knowledge attracts people to learn and, consequently, it can motivate people to value and protect it. For most cases, EK directly relates to human survival, whereas PK is closely related to the natural environment. Therefore, PK is perceived as not as useful as EK. For a market-driven society, knowledge is a product with certain utility [
38]. Therefore, EK is seen as more valuable than PK because the economy, investment, health, jobs, and other aspects of life rely directly on EK rather than PK.
The planned behavioral model (A) provided evidence that both EK and PK significantly influence IN (EK → IN [0.011, 0.352], PK → IN [0.005, 0.290]). Interestingly, only PK can significantly influence AB (EK → AB [0, 0.143], PK → AB [0.003, 0.185]). This implies that EK and PK can motivate pro-environmental intention, but only PK can motivate AB to protect the environment. In other words, PK is more important than EK to motivate pro-environmental behaviors, although the utility and monetary value of EK is more perceptible (
Figure 2).
The habitual behavioral model (B) provided evidence that both EK and PK can significantly influence AB (EK → AB [0.016, 0.367], PK → AB [0.010, 0.319]). However, neither of them can significantly influence FB (EK → FB [0, 0.011], PK → FB [−0.114, 0]). In a habitual behavior, reflection is based on personality and ethical values. People judge their habits as good or bad based on their morality, social norms, and many other psychological factors. Therefore, this reflection is not directly determined by knowledge. The result is consistent with our finding that FB (i.e., the reflection of actual behavior) is not significantly influenced by knowledge, although knowledge could influence AB (
Figure 2).
4.3. The Influence from Education, Gender and Age on Actual Behaviors
Our research includes three demographic variables: age, gender, and education. The result of ANOVA shows how these three factors cause the difference in the PK and EK for visitors. PLS-SEM also tested how the three factors influence the AB. In the planned behavioral model, only ED has a significant influence on AB (0.009, 0.222). Education as a major effect causes the difference of both EK and PK among visitors, and is also shown to be able to influence the AB. It implies that ED is an important factor to determine the pro-environmental behaviors. Education could improve both the knowledge and behaviors of people. In the habitual behavioral model, ED (0.008, 0.308) and AG (0.006, 0.318) can significantly and positively influence AB. Age is a major effect that can differentiate a population in many behavioral analyses. Different age groups will have different habitual patterns or characteristics.
While not in the planned behavioral model, the habitual behavioral model demonstrates that older people tend to be more pro-environmental than younger people (AG → AB [0.006, 0.318]). The reason for this may come from two perspectives: (1) the fast growth of the consumer market attracts people to consume more than before; and (2) the culture of younger generations values convenience more than older generations. Unfortunately, in the second perspective, convenience-based lifestyles cause more environmental issues (e.g., disposable cups, plastic bags, and unsorted waste).
In sum, our PLS-SEM indicates that gender is not a factor that determines AB in either model. The results of both ANOVA and PLS-SEM indicate that education is an important factor, and that sometimes age can influence both knowledge and behaviors.
4.4. Uncertainities and Limitations
Our exploratory analysis with PLS-SEM estimation provided two plausible and informative models. However, the models require more experimental data and further development than what was available. Our data was inherently less robust than CB-SEM when testing the hypothesized model with high confidence because the causal inference was not based on well-developed theories. Before confirming this pro-environmental behavioral model, more surveys need to be developed. Nevertheless, the results are valuable and can serve as a scientific reference for further study. There may be collinearities among knowledge and the other social variables, but the test of inner and outer VIF for collinearity met the cut-off value with a threshold VIF < 5 [
31].
The two behavioral models can both be feasible explanations. There is rich literature on the applications of the Theory of Planned Behavior to explain environmental behaviors [
37,
39]. However, there are very few studies explaining environmental behaviors as habitual behaviors [
40]. In fact, habitual behaviors guide our daily life activities, which means there is little consideration before an individual behaves pro-environmentally. More critically, our results on “behaviors” are based on visitors’ self-reported responses to the survey questions. Our questionnaire is designed to measure the relationships between plant/environmental knowledge and pro-environmental behavior that is self-reported instead of observed behavior. Therefore, the results are indications of actual behaviors; they do not directly indicate the potential casual relationships regardless of the high correlations (
Table 3 and
Table 4;
Figure 1). This has been a common problem in behavioral studies [
41], due to the difficulties in measuring actual (i.e., observed) behavior. More research is needed to extract accurate causality between people’s knowledge on plants and the environment and their actual pro-environmental behaviors. Long-term experiments that directly measure people’s behaviors are suggested. Clearly, understanding the mechanisms between planned and habitual pro-environmental behaviors needs further research.
Other limitations of this study include exclusions of other relevant measures of the visitors that might also be critical in influencing their environmental knowledge and pro-environmental behaviors, such as income, living conditions [
42], transportation, and walkability [
43]. Due to the limitation of data and the small sample size, these factors are not considered in our models but are critical for future endeavors.