5.1. Main Achievements
With the gradual increase in public awareness of public health and environmental preservation, the issue of environmental pollution and the health of the population are attracting increased attention in society. Despite that it propels socio-economic development [
79], urbanization can be detrimental to the environmental quality of cities as well as to public health. In this case, how to balance urbanization with environmental quality and public health has become a prevalent topic of discussion in the process of human survival and development. Based on previous studies, this paper has investigated the impact mechanisms of new-type urbanization and environmental pollution on public health from both local and spatial perspectives using statistical methods and analyzing the panel data of 275 prefecture-level cities from 2011–2020 using the spatial Durbin model and the mediating effects model. Furthermore, we conducted a regional heterogeneity test for the three major regions, namely eastern, central and western China, with the aim of clarifying the relationship between new-type urbanization, environmental pollution and public health. The research results are as follows.
Firstly, new-type urbanization had a ‘positive U-shaped’ local effect and a spatial spillover effect on public health in terms of the effect of total variable at the national level in China, indicating that the new-type urbanization had an impact on public health in the local areas, as well as a radiating effect on public health in the surrounding areas. This empirical finding is attributed to the overall transformation of China’s urbanization development model (from expansion to quality improvement) [
80]. In the first stage of urbanization, China mainly followed a scale- and spatially oriented urbanization path, which was accompanied by an increase in the scale of factors, but the benefits could not keep up with the rapid pace of urbanization, resulting in a shortage of public service provision and a high risk of environmental pollution, which in turn had a negative impact on public health. However, as urbanization is oriented along a more people-centered and environment-friendly path, the quality of urban development increases in terms of structural optimization and functional form within the cities. Additionally, ‘urban diseases’ related to environmental pollution, traffic congestion and social misgovernance might be taken care of as well in the course of time.
Secondly, the findings in our study pointed to an ‘inverted U-shaped’ local effect of new-type urbanization on environmental pollution. Specifically, the urbanization of the regions increased, while the local environment deteriorated. As a matter of fact, the urbanization of China took an expansionary scale in its early stage, when a large number of the agricultural population migrated to the cities and metropolitans along the coastal areas so that the pressures of production and living space brought about negative externalities of urban population agglomeration. In recent years, urbanization has transformed from a scale-oriented expansion to quality-oriented development so that the economy of scale effect has brought about population and industrial agglomeration [
81], it paving a way to improve the environmental quality, which is verified from our findings in the study. Aside from its attribution to a deteriorating environment as a society advances from a low to a medium level of social economic form, based on the ecological modernization theory [
82], urbanization in return gives birth to technological innovation and industrial transformation in the process of economic growth, eventually bringing about an improvement in the environmental quality as the society becomes advanced [
83]. Additionally, in 2017, both the global and local Moran’s indices for public health levels were higher than in other years. This may be attributed to the policy implementation of the “13th Five-Year Plan for Deepening the Reform of the Medical and Health System” by the State Council in early 2017. Several Chinese cities began piloting the implementation of tiered diagnosis and treatment, family doctor contract services, and various coexisting medical payment methods, among other healthcare system reforms [
84]. These reforms led to a more concentrated geographical distribution of residents’ health levels. Interestingly, our findings even discovered a significantly negative effect of the aging level as well as the employment proportion of the tertiary industries on local public health, which is consistent with the findings by Chang et al. [
85]. Actually, the elderly populations and those employed in the tertiary industries are more vulnerable to the fallouts of urbanization, and they are desperately in need of high-quality health care [
86], which encumbers the overall public health of a region. Simultaneously, we also found that the proportion of healthcare expenditure did not significantly affect residents’ health levels. This might be because health levels are influenced by multiple factors, with healthcare expenditure being just one aspect; it may appear relatively insignificant compared to the impacts of urbanization and environmental pollution, among other factors [
87]. Research indicates that even with ample healthcare expenditure, if healthcare service quality is low, medical resources are unevenly distributed, or regional economic development lags, the influence of healthcare expenditure on health levels may weaken [
88]. Therefore, the proportion of healthcare expenditure itself may not necessarily reflect residents’ health levels. At this point, urbanization is seen to affect public health in different ways, among which environmental pollution functions. This is verified by the results from the mediating effects test in our study, suggesting that urbanization and urbanization-induced urban environmental pollution can affect public health independently or synergistically, which is consistent with previous research findings [
89]. Rapid and unplanned urban expansion in the context of urbanization endangers the environment by polluting soil, water and air. Consequently, soil, water and air pollution progressively undermine public health, inviting myriad diseases, including cancers of all types [
90,
91].
Thirdly, in terms of the spatial distribution of cities, the cities crossing the inflection point T1 accounted for a minority of China’s cities, with almost all located in the eastern region where economic development has been faster. In response to this result, it is clear on the one hand that urbanization in most Chinese cities still negatively impacts the local environment and public health, so it remains challenging for China to continue increasing urbanization levels and minimize environmental changes (e.g., air pollution, water pollution, noise pollution, etc.) and public health risk factors (e.g., mental stress, overcrowding, social isolation, etc.) associated with urbanization. On the other hand, there is a synergistic relationship to some extent between the level of economic development of a region and the level of its urbanization, which is consistent with the findings obtained from World Bank data [
79]. The eastern regions have attracted a large amount of foreign investment due to their location and history, and their economic development has been among the highest in all of China’s regions, and in the process has led to the development of urbanization in the region. As such, utilizing the economic and urbanization development lessons from the eastern region to promote the development of the central and western regions is an issue that China needs to address now and in the future.
Fourthly, by a heterogeneity analysis using a sample of three regions, the impact of new-type urbanization and its consequent environmental pollution on public health was significantly different across the three regions, e.g., eastern, central and western China. Specifically, for west China as well as China as a whole, new-type urbanization had a ‘positive U-shape’ relationship with public health, with respect to both local effects and spatial spillover effects. In contrast to western and overall China, east China displayed a unique relationship between new-type urbanization and public health, characterized by an ‘inverted U-shape’ for both local and spatial effects. In the central region, an ‘inverted U-shape’ relationship with public health was observed only at the local level, not in terms of spatial effects. In our understanding, the regional heterogeneity across the regions is explainable as follows: For the first facet, east China grew as the main agglomeration of China’s rural-urban floating population in the early stages of new-type urbanization because of China’s initial policy of reforms and opening-up along the coastal areas, enabling a large population to access the economic benefits as well as health care; for the second, as stated in the health migration hypothesis, there is a self-selection effect, that is, the mobile population is generally in better physical condition, and their health status is selectively better than that of the general population in the place of emigration and the place of entry [
92]. As a result, the influx of the large mobile population at the beginning of the new-type urbanization generally contributes to the improved health of population [
93].
On one hand, the urbanization-induced regional ecological environment change in the relatively affluent eastern regions, encumbered by the pattern of relatively prominent ‘industrialization-led, urbanization-lagged’ development, posed serious health risks to the public health of the local population [
94], such as the urban heat island effect leading to frequent local heatwaves, and the declining air quality in urban areas contributing to an increased incidence of respiratory diseases among residents. Meanwhile, the number of urban-rural migrants in the urban villages was most vulnerable to respiratory diseases and injuries because of the poor living conditions and inadequacy of quality health care. Unlike in Western countries, China’s migrant population suffered from inequality in employment, housing, social welfare and educational opportunities because of restrictions posed by China’s ‘household registration’ system [
95], which makes them more vulnerable to health risks. Therefore, the process of urbanization can explain why it exerted a ‘inverted U-shaped’ effect on public health in east China because it promoted and then inhibited the development of public health. Secondly, China’s regional integration strategy in recent years has paved the way for urban agglomeration, which has given rise to the three largest and most mature urban agglomerations in China (including Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei, the Yangtze River Delta and the Pearl River Delta) encompassing almost all the metropolises along coastal China. Such urban agglomerations bring about positive externalities such as the optimization of factor allocation, knowledge and technology spillover and information equipment sharing because of their strong economic agglomeration and closely interconnected geographic space, but as a typical compact economic behavior that focuses on development and ignores ecology, they are therefore prone to environmental pollution due to problems related to increased energy consumption and environmental degradation due to expansion of production capacity. In particular, the “pollution clusters” are prominent. For example, the pollution levels of the three major urban agglomerations are much higher than the national average, as published in the 2014 “China Cities 100 Forum”. In general, there is a strong spatial linkage between the cities in east China, which explains the spatial spillover effects between the new-type urbanization and public health in the region by presenting the same ‘inverted U-shaped’ relationship as the local effects. Finally, the new-type urbanization also exerted an ‘inverted U-shaped’ local effect on public health in central China. We speculate that this phenomenon may be attributed to the central region’s geographical position as an intermediary between the eastern and western regions. In recent years, due to resource and environmental constraints, as well as rising labor costs, the eastern region has been steadily transferring a significant portion of its traditional technology-driven manufacturing and labor-intensive industries to the central region as the deepening of China’s economic regionalization. Given its role as a major industrial center, the central region bears a substantial burden on polluting industries. While the increasing levels of industrialization and urbanization in the central region initially bring certain health benefits to local residents, the relationship between industrialization and urbanization may become increasingly incongruent. This “emphasis on development at the expense of ecology” model leads to a series of ecological environment changes, ultimately resulting in a backlash against the improvement in public health. Consequently, the public health levels in the central region may exhibit an initial improvement, followed by deterioration as urbanization advances.
5.2. Sub-Regional Spatial Panel Regression Results
Most of the previous literature has used cross-sectional data to analyze the relationship between the independent and dependent variables of urbanization, environmental issues and public health, and a time series approach can be used to determine the causal relationship between these variables. This study uses panel data containing both time series and cross-sectional information to investigate the relationships between urbanization, environmental pollution and public health, trying to elaborate their relationships. However, there are still certain shortcomings to our current study. Firstly, our study has only generalized the new-type urbanization as a composite index and examined the relationship between this variable and other two, but it remains uninvestigated how its four dimensions (Population urbanization, Economic urbanization, Social urbanization, Spatial urbanization) affect the other two variables, which is certainly a worthy subject for further study. Secondly, although our research emphasizes that environmental pollution is an important mechanism, urbanization may affect health through other channels, which include social factors such as social cohesion, social integration, unhealthy lifestyles, and natural factors like high temperature and precipitation. Because of the difficulty in obtaining data on these factors, they were excluded from this study, and future studies may attempt to take them into account when analyzing the mechanisms of the impact of urbanization on public health.