1.1. The Impacts of COVID-19 on Urban Food Insecurity and Resource Access
As COVID-19 and its variants continue to spread across the world, it has become apparent that, in addition to health problems, there are far reaching adverse impacts. One key sector impacted is food systems which support the food security and nutrition of urban populations. Food security is a fundamentally important measure for determining the health and wellbeing of people [
1]. Considering that the majority of the world’s people currently live in urban areas, and urban populations will continue to increase [
2], attention must be given to urban food systems and food security [
3]. Urban areas consume up to 70 percent of global food supply and the pandemic has created disruptions that have hindered access to food and increased the food insecurity of vulnerable populations [
4]. Notably, measures such as lockdowns and the restriction of movement to contain the virus have concurrently affected the operation of actors within urban food systems, particularly consumers; as such, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a direct effect on urban food security [
5].
The pandemic has also resulted in widespread unemployment and loss of income, thus, affecting the overall purchasing power of consumers and exacerbating underlying socio-economic inequalities [
6,
7]. Already, poor urban households spend a large proportion of their income on the food they consume [
8], meaning that households have had less income to secure food. In addition, demand and consumption has been adversely impacted by the general closure of eating outlets, including restaurants, and as such, the majority of food preparation and consumption has been concentrated in households [
9]. Households dependent on meals away from home prior to the pandemic were more impacted as food preparation abilities have been associated with dietary intake and food security of households [
10]. The pandemic is, therefore, a wake-up call for understanding the challenges contributing to the vulnerability of urban households to food insecurity. Even prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, food systems and food insecurity were key issues of concern, as the number of food insecure people has been increasing globally, as well as drivers of food system change [
11].
Managing the effects of COVID-19 on urban food systems should involve decision-making by all stakeholders to ensure food systems are more equitable, inclusive and resilient [
12,
13]. However, apart from low preparedness in addressing the pandemic, there was poor consultation with key stakeholders, especially those in the food system in making decisions regarding COVID-19 containment measures [
5]. This begs the question of how to reduce the impacts of restrictive measures on food system actors, such as consumers, so that their vulnerability is not worsened? Knowledge of the sources of vulnerability to food insecurity by knowing who, where and why people are food insecure may guide management actions to reduce them [
14]. Measuring food security and determining these vulnerabilities is, therefore, very important but doing so has proven to be challenging. The reasons are that the food security construct is inherently latent, difficult to define and even operationalize [
15,
16].
Historically, food insecurity has been addressed by producing more food to increase availability and meet the needs of increasing populations [
17]. However, Sen (1981), through his seminal work on the causes of famine and starvation debunked this approach by indicating that even when food was available, poor households could not access it because of the lack of entitlements to obtain food [
18]. This influenced the definition of food security at the 1996 World Food Summit, defined as a condition which exists “
when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life” [
19] (p. 1). Such conceptualization addressing food insecurity should include demand and consumption factors, which result in the loss of entitlements (e.g., loss of employment) and negatively impact food access [
15]. For instance, the food security crisis of 2007, which triggered political riots, resulted from the lack of access to food for masses living in poverty [
20]. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization [
21], food security can be thought of as a multidimensional construct encompassing food availability, access, utilization and stability.
Food insecurity, therefore, refers to the lack of one or more of these dimensions [
8]. With the COVID-19 pandemic, availability has been affected by food supply disruptions, food access and food utilization are affected as consumers opt for lower quality food being limited by price, access to health and sanitation services. Finally, stability is affected by physical distancing measures and the lockdown of informal markets, affecting the food security of poor urban households whilst behavioral responses such as panic buying and hoarding have been identified in better off households [
22,
23]. Some pandemic-related interventions in addressing food insecurity, such as improved food distribution, have been based on the monitoring of food availability and prices in markets [
24]. This implies that, despite the broader definition of food security, a focus on food availability and supply has continued to influence the measurement of food security and interventions [
25,
26]. This also highlights increased calls for the appropriate measurement of food insecurity because of serious implications for health, development programs, nutrition evaluations, vulnerable group identification and informing various government policies [
8,
27].
Understanding the unfolding impacts of COVID-19 on the food security of urban households should be based on examining the existing drivers of vulnerability and all dimensions of food security not just availability. Within cities, emerging research has identified a potential relationship between infrastructure access and food access [
28,
29]. McCordic (2016) first established a predictive relationship between infrastructure access and household food access in a study of Maputo. Subsequent studies have also indicated that access to public resources (e.g., water, electricity, medical care) is predictive of household food insecurity [
30,
31,
32]. That said, these studies established this relationship by focusing almost exclusively on measures of food access, begging the question of whether this relationship would exist if a more multidimensional measure of food security were used. Sustainable cities need the improved measurement of indicators in order to reduce vulnerabilities and increase resilience [
33]. Furthermore, these studies have predominantly focused on Southern African cities, begging the question as to whether this relationship is generalizable to other cities outside of this geographic context. In order to address this gap in the literature, this study will build a multidimensional index of food security, assess its relationship to broader household resource access in multiple cities (within and outside the Southern African context) and review the implications of these findings for research and policy.
1.2. Measuring Urban Food Security
One of the great obstacles in food security research has been deciphering clear narratives around the drivers of food insecurity while appreciating the complexity of this development challenge [
34,
35,
36]. The multidimensional nature of food security impacts [
37] obstructs the precision of social research methods and analytical approaches. The multi-scaler and collateral impacts of climate change have exacerbated both national food supply and household incomes, rendering opaque images of food security vulnerabilities and obstructing effective mitigation measures [
38]. This challenge begins with the conceptualization of food security as a development challenge. Foran et al.’s (2014) interdisciplinary analysis of food security frameworks found several conceptual paradigms, often in tension with one another, and confounding effective food security interventions [
39]. As a result, there is a pressing need to develop innovative decision support mechanisms to support food security policy and research [
40].
Without the appropriate diagnostic tools, public policymakers can be left with the unenviable task of clarifying the nuanced narratives derived from social research. Previous approaches to overcoming this challenge have distilled satellite imagery into timely and relevant famine early warning systems [
41]. Scenario-based simulations have provided helpful visualizations to support policy decisions on food security impacts [
42]. Other researchers have developed novel metrics to account for the combined influences of multi-dimensional factors underlying sustainable food and nutrition security [
43]. Each of these approaches attempt to capture the dynamic and complex nature of food security [
44] by simplifying that complexity into a metric that is both valid and reliable.
The nature of this challenge is amplified in urban environments where food access, utilization and stability are often subservient to global economic and climate pressures translated through the local dynamics of market access and household entitlements [
45,
46,
47]. The complexity of urban food security challenges can hamper the effective translation of research into policy, often because of miscommunications arising from the nuance of urban food research findings [
48]. As a result, there is an urgent need for research tools that can effectively capture the complexity of urban food security in support of statistical modeling and public policy formation.
The complexity of modern urban food systems (encompassing food production, distribution and retail) can create significant governance challenges, particularly among cities in developing countries [
49]. The multitude of actors engaged in the urban food system creates a disaggregated network that is difficult to manage through centralized governance [
50]. Among developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, Maxwell (1999) further notes that the lack of formal safety nets can offload the responsibility of urban food security to the household [
27]. In response to this challenge, localized food systems (integrating rural and urban food production) have emerged as a solution to bolster urban food security has become a common theme in urban food studies [
51]. While complicating the urban food system, these alternative systems of food supply are a response to social justice concerns for equitable household access to food [
52]. As a result, Haysom (2015) notes the need for clear urban food research narratives to help coordinate urban policy action by multiple actors in municipal government [
50].
The importance of multidimensionality in food security paradigms has been further underscored by the growing recognition of vulnerability and risk in assessing food security [
53,
54,
55]. This new conceptualization of food security has supported research into the diverse set of drivers underpinning inconsistent food access among cities [
56]. Several authors have noted the crippling effects of household poverty on food security in cities of the Global South [
27,
57], which has been abundantly observed during food price shocks [
45]. Research has also indicated that poor households in cities can face disrupted food security under the strain of both communicable [
58] and non-communicable diseases [
59,
60]. Inconsistent access to infrastructure resources may also predispose poor urban households to food insecurity [
28]. It is important to remember, however, that stable food access in cities rests upon a functional urban food system connecting food producers to consumers. That supply of food can occur through both formal markets and supermarkets [
61] or informal markets and urban food production [
62,
63,
64,
65].
In order to inform urban food security policy, Haysom and Tawodzera (2018) have urged a renewed focus on building food security metrics that are applicable to the unique characteristics of urban food systems [
66]. Survey-based methods to examine experienced food security have provided a foundational platform to guide policy interventions in household food security issues [
67]. Freedman and Bell (2009) further note that, based on a survey of the urban poor, self-reported measures of perceived food in-accessibility can be accurate and provide a valid basis for food security interventions [
68]. Three widely used self-report food security scales were developed by USAID’s Food and Nutrition Technical Assistance (FANTA) programme. These measures include the Household Dietary Diversity Score (HDDS) [
69], the Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS) [
70] and the Months of Adequate Food Provisioning (MAHFP) [
71]. For the purposes of this investigation, each of these scales are discussed and assessed independently as measures of food utilization, food access and food stability.
1.2.1. Household Dietary Diversity Score
The Household Dietary Diversity Score (HDDS) measures the number of food groups consumed by any member of a household in the previous 24 h [
69]. The score is calculated based on the report of the household member in charge of food preparation or who can reliably describe the consumption patterns of the household. The scale can be adapted to the local food consumption patterns using the following food groups as a guide:
Any bread, rice, noodles, biscuits or any other foods made from millet, sorghum, maize, rice, wheat or any other locally available grain;
Any potatoes, yams, manioc, cassava or any other foods made from roots or tubers;
Any other vegetables;
Any fruits;
Any beef, pork, lamb, goat, rabbit, wild game, chicken, duck, other birds, liver, kidney, heart or other organ meats;
Any eggs;
Any fresh or dried fish or shellfish;
Any foods made from beans, peas, lentils or nuts;
Any cheese, yoghurt, milk or other milk products;
Any foods made with oil, fat or butter;
Any sugar or honey;
Any other foods such as condiments, coffee, tea [
69] (p. 4).
If the household has consumed any given food group in the past 24 h, a one is inputted for that food group. Otherwise, a zero is inputted for all food groups not consumed by the household in the past 24 h. The HDDS is then calculated by summing the number of food groups consumed by the household in the previous 24 h (thus, higher scores on the HDDS represent greater dietary diversity).
The HDDS was designed to measure dietary diversity, specifically focusing on the nutritional diversity in household food consumption [
69]. That said, the HDDS can also be administered to individuals rather than households. Dietary diversity makes up a key component of effective food utilization [
36] and has been used as a proxy measure of food utilization by other studies [
72,
73]. As a result, the HDDS can provide insight into effective household food utilization in social survey research. The HDDS is also supported by a growing body of evidence for its external validity. Cordeiro et al. (2012) found a strong correlation between the HDDS and energy intake in a survey of Tanzanian adolescents [
74]. The HDDS also demonstrated a strong correlation with the Food Consumption Score across several surveys [
8]. Faber et al. (2009) also found a strong correlation between the HDDS and the HFIAS in a survey of Limpopo in South Africa [
75]; however, this finding was not replicated in a study performed by Maxwell et al. (2014) [
76]. It is important to note (as was suggested by Maxwell et al.) that this finding may have arisen from the different dimensions of food security measured by these two scales. In summary, however, the HDDS provides important insights into a key facet of effective food utilization (dietary diversity).
1.2.2. Household Food Insecurity Access Scale
The Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS) is a survey instrument designed to measure the frequency and intensity of food access challenges experienced by a household [
70]. The scale comprises nine Likert questions meant to measure a diversity of physical, economic and social dimensions of food access challenges. The questions range from minor to more severe experiences of these food access challenges. The Likert scale accompanying each question ranges from never in the last month to more than ten times in the last month. The questions in the scale include:
In the past four weeks, did you worry that your household would not have enough food?
In the past four weeks, were you or any household member not able to eat the kinds of foods you preferred because of a lack of resources?
In the past four weeks, did you or any household member have to eat a limited variety of foods due to a lack of resources?
In the past four weeks, did you or any household member have to eat some foods that you really did not want to eat because of a lack of resources to obtain other types of food?
In the past four weeks, did you or any household member have to eat a smaller meal than you felt you needed because there was not enough food?
In the past four weeks, did you or any household member have to eat fewer meals in a day because there was not enough food?
In the past four weeks, was there ever no food to eat of any kind in your household because of lack of resources to get food?
In the past four weeks, did you or any household member go to sleep at night hungry because there was not enough food?
In the past four weeks, did you or any household member go a whole day and night without eating anything because there was not enough food? [
70] (p. 5).
If the household has experienced any of the included food access challenges in the past month, the respondent is asked to rank the frequency with which the food access challenge was experienced in the past month using the following scale: One = Rarely (once or twice in the past four weeks), Two = Sometimes (three to ten times in the past four weeks) or Three = Often (more than ten times in the past four weeks). The scores are then summed up to provide an overall HFIAS score from zero to twenty-seven, where higher scores represent greater frequency of experienced food access challenges.
The HFIAS is likely the most implemented of the three scales reviewed here and has assembled a strong body of evidence to support its use. Knueppel et al. (2009) confirmed that the HFIAS scores were supported by key informants in a study of rural Tanzania [
77]. Similarly, the HFIAS was also associated with increased odds of undernutrition among children in surveys carried out in Bangladesh, Vietnam and Ethiopia [
78]. That said, some studies have questioned the effectiveness of the scale. As an example, Dietchler et al. (2010) found that the HFIAS was less accurate in its classification of food security status than the Household Hunger Scale (citing potential challenges in translating the concepts of the HFIAS) [
79]. As with other measures of food security, the over-riding recommendation has been to use the multiple food security measures rather than attempting to rely solely on one food security scale and disregard other dimensions of food security [
76]. Among the multiple food security scales available for measuring different dimensions of food security, the HFIAS remains an effective survey measure of household food access.
1.2.3. Months of Adequate Household Food Provisioning
The Months of Adequate Household Food Provisioning (MAHFP) provides a measure of the stability with which households have maintained adequate food provisioning over the previous year [
71]. As with the other scales reviewed here, the scale is meant to be administered to the household member in charge of food preparation. The scale is administered using the following instructions:
“Now I would like to ask you about your household’s food supply during different months of the year. When responding to these questions, please think back over the last 12 months, from now to the same time last year. Were there months, in the past 12 months, in which you did not have enough food to meet your family’s needs? If yes, which were the months in the past 12 months during which you did not have enough food to meet your family’s needs?”
If a given month is identified by the respondent, one is inputted for that month, otherwise, zero is inputted for any months not identified by the respondent. The scale is calculated by subtracting the sum of the inputted numbers for each month from 12 (thus, higher scores on the scale are associated with greater household food stability).
Unlike the HDDS and the HFIAS, there have been fewer studies assessing the validity or reliability of this measure in spite of its widespread implementation in studies of urban food security [
28,
80,
81], many of which have identified common predictors of the MAHFP and other food security scales [
82]. As a result, this measure remains an empirically supported measure of food stability but without the same empirical support as the other measures reviewed here.
1.2.4. Index Development Considerations
While each of the reviewed food security scales provide measures of different dimensions of food security, they still represent distinct measures. In order to collapse the measures into one over-arching index, there are a number of considerations that must be taken into account. First, the relative weighting of each food security scale’s contribution to the overall index score should be decided [
83]. While this is usually a decision made on theoretical grounds, the index may either weight each scale’s contribution equally or disproportionately weight each scale’s contribution based on theoretical considerations. Second, given that the HDDS, HFIAS and MAHFP are measured on different scales, the scales need to be normalized to ensure that each scale is comparable [
84]. This is important because of its implications for the third consideration: aggregation. The means by which the scores are aggregated (averaged) can significantly impact the stability of the overall index. Decisions when aggregating scales in an index predominantly revolve around the theoretical implications of compensability (the extent to which performance on each scale can be traded off) [
85]. Some means of aggregation (such as arithmetic mean or Bordo ranking procedures) are perfectly compensable in that poor performance on one scale can be traded off for improved performance on another scale. Alternatively, Condorcet ranking procedures ensure that performance on each scale cannot be traded off for performance on another scale.
To support clear policy narratives and statistical modeling, an index of urban food access, utilization and stability will need to be comparable and theoretically address issues of compensability and weighting. Such an index will need to provide a means of normalization that is not relative, a weighting scheme that ensures equal priority to all included measures, and a means of aggregation that is consistent with the theory underlying food security measurement. Therefore, in order to assess whether the identified relationship between resource access disruption is applicable to a more multidimensional measure of food security, this investigation will construct an index of urban household food access, utilization and stability using the HDDS, HFIAS and MAHFP measures. Using the constructed index, the investigation will then assess the extent to which the previously observed relationship between household food access and resource access is present in cities outside of the Southern African context. Given the novelty of the multidimensional index constructed in this investigation, the investigation will also include a Southern African city to replicate earlier findings on this relationship and for comparison with the other cities included in the data set.