3.1. Written Production
Writing is a very costly and complex cognitive task involving various cognitive processes [
37,
38]: planning (generating ideas); translating (developing linguistic and graphic structures from internal representations); and reviewing (performing control operations on the text). The writing processing system is described as a capacity-limited system (see [
26], for a more descriptive explanation): when one allocates more cognitive resources to transcription, fewer resources are available for higher-level processes such as seizing ideas and organising them [
39]. Writing also entails the following [
40,
41]: 1—the treatment of several linguistic and conceptual dimensions during the graphic realization; 2—the cost of the transcription step, regardless of how small it is and; 3—the possible impact of the cognitive resources allocated to the low-level processes on high-level processes. As regards the spelling process, it becomes automated with age and experience, and it is only between 9 and 12 that children with typical development automate conversion from phonemes to graphemes and the motor processes linked to the graphic activity [
42]. Indeed, after the age of 10, handwriting becomes an autonomous skill, independent of spelling abilities [
43,
44]. From this age onwards, the dynamics of writing is no longer associated with the graphomotor aspects of written production, and proprio-kinaesthetic skills are acquired [
45]; these specific skills promote awareness of movement [
46], including graphomotor movement. Indeed, a deficit in proprio-kinaesthetic skills affects the automation of the writing gesture, as children adopt an inefficient pencil grip and compensate by exerting greater pressure on the pen [
45]. But it is not before the age of 16 that adolescents can totally manage all aspects of written production, including the planning process [
47]. Previous studies reveal that the quality and length of written texts depend on the automation and management of spelling conversion [
42]. Indeed, if spelling conversion becomes a low-level process, cognitive resources can be allocated to higher-level processes, such as a high-level planning strategy to organize their text. Moreover, it seems that the high cost of the spelling dimension, due to a lack of automation, results in “poor compositional performances” [
48] (p. 397).
The fact is that people with dyslexia do not totally automate spelling conversion [
42] and this impacts their written productions: more spelling errors, difficulties in handling punctuation, etc. This lack of automation also has an impact on the on-line dynamic of the written activity, such as handwriting speed [
49], which impacts the amount of text produced, but also its quality [
50,
51,
52,
53,
54,
55]. People with dyslexia who have not automated spelling are very disadvantaged [
56,
57]. During a writing activity, they have to carry out different operations (organizing their ideas, translating them into words in accordance with the rules of the writing system), and are faced with a number of constraints (types of text to produce, instructions, etc.). Non-automated spelling conversion entails the mobilization of cognitive resources to handle the process, and the direct consequence of this is that fewer cognitive resources are available for high-level processes.
3.2. Methods to Analyse Written Production and the Writing Dynamic
To have a better understanding of written language production, researchers in psycholinguistics can employ two types of methodologies: (a) an off-line method and (b) an on-line method. Off-line analysis, which is the oldest method and has led to the development of most production models [
58], focuses on the end products of language production, for instance by observing lexical and syntactic choices or errors. On-line analysis entails taking into consideration the processes involved in language activity in real time by studying behavioural indicators, such as pauses, flow or verbal protocols [
58,
59], which make an important contribution to the understanding of the mechanisms involved in language production [
40]. As said previously, during written activities different on-line indicators can be observed, such as pause duration. The first studies on pauses in written production date from the late 1970s, with the works of Flower and Hayes [
38,
60] and Williams, [
61], for example. Pauses were described as an indicator similar to eye fixation during reading [
62]. It appears to be a natural trace, since the interruption of graphomotor activity occurs without experimental intervention, and it is an easily observable trace: a pause occurs every time the writer raises his/her pencil and thus stops writing. This early work required very precise observations by the experimenter, who had to record (chrono-video) the writer while he/she was writing and then watch the films and time all the pauses (see, for example, the work of Matsuhashi [
63]). The advent of graphic tablets [
64] has made it possible to make greater use of pauses, as well as other indicators of written production such as pressure, handwriting speed, etc.
Concerning the observation of pauses, two aspects are studied: their duration and location in the written text [
65]. The duration of pauses is different according to their syntactic location. The longer the unit, the longer the pause [
65,
66,
67,
68], even if before certain unites like punctuation and connectors pauses do have a longer duration because they involve considerable syntactic planning [
66]. For instance, pauses are longer at the boundaries of large syntactic or textual units (sentences, paragraphs) than at lexical boundaries [
64]. In this sense, the length of pauses between paragraphs and sentences is mainly a result of knowledge management, and therefore conceptual planning, even if, at the beginning of sentences syntactic and lexical processes may be involved in conjunction with conceptual planning. Moreover, pauses between propositions would indicate linguistic formulation and pauses between words would be linked to lexical processes, such as vocabulary choices [
64,
69,
70]. The analysis of pauses can be completed by the observation of bursts, which can be defined as execution periods, defined as the time elapsed between two pauses during which the writer has produced at least one word [
64]. This indicator allows to observe the writing process, to describe and analyse cognitive operations (planning, transcription, etc.) [
68]. This unit is defined as the average length of text written between two long pauses [
68,
71,
72] and the idea is to see if writers have the skills to produce a long series of words without long pauses. The length of bursts may reflect writing skills: expert writers compose their texts with longer execution periods, translating fluidity in their production [
68,
71,
72,
73,
74]. Moreover, when motor execution is automated, planning, texting or revising can be implemented while the writers transcribe their text, although linguistic formulation of the text is most frequently used [
75,
76,
77,
78,
79]. Consequently, studying bursts or the syntactic structures that they contain can provide important information about writing strategies [
64].
Concerning flow and the dynamic of writing, handwriting speed, pressure and word rate can be observed. Handwriting speed provides information about the writer’s writing dynamic. It corresponds to the total distance of tracings divided by the writing time in cm/s, without taking into account pauses or movements in the air [
50,
68,
80]. During the writing activity, changes in the handwriting speed may reflect planning or difficulties in elaborating one’s text [
41,
81,
82]. Pressure corresponds to the pressure that the writer exerts on the pen when he/she is writing, i.e., the pressure exerted by the pen on the surface of the tablet [
45]. This indicator is directly linked to the graphomotor skills. Word rate, defined as the number of linguistic units (words, letters, syllables) produced in a given period of time (minutes or seconds), is rarely observed in studies on on-line indicators [
40], but it can be impacted by the cost of the transcription as well as by a spelling conversion system that is not totally automated. For adult writers, an increase in the cognitive load on the conceptual and linguistic levels can result in a slowdown of the word rate [
49], which is also sensitive to the degree of the accessibility of information in memory [
70]. Another criterion is familiarity with the theme of the text: the more familiar the theme, the faster the writing speed [
49,
82].
A link between the nature of the processes and the variation in the indicators is therefore possible [
65,
69,
70]. So, for example, the longer a pause, the more costly the cognitive activity correlated with it. Depending on its duration, and also its place, we can then deduce that the speaker/writer plans an entire paragraph by looking for relevant information, diagrams and plans [
65,
69,
70]. Moreover, this type of analysis helps to explain the written processes and the difficulties of typical and atypical writers [
45,
68,
80]. Finally, it seems obvious to link the two observation methodologies in textual psycholinguistics: on-line and off-line, which are essential keys to a full understanding of the production phenomenon and to understanding where the difficulties lie. Indeed, “analyses of pause locations and durations, combined with textual description, serve as a window to the cognitive framework underlying text production processes” [
83] (p. 21). To finish, an important fact should be stressed for the present study: handwriting speed is no longer associated with the graphomotor aspects of written production [
43,
44]. We can also observe on-line indicators without a possible impact of graphomotor gestures.
In this present study, we propose to examine some on-line indicators, such as pressure, handwriting speed, word rate and the duration and location of pauses, also taking into account some off-line indicators like grammatical class, length, frequency and the phoneme/grapheme consistency of words associated with the observed pauses (see Part 5.4 for a definition). Studies focusing on on-line indicators are rare, even more so those combining observations of on-line and off-line indicators, not to mention the population observed: indeed, studies on adults with dyslexia remain marginal compared with those on children or adolescents.
3.3. Dyslexia and Writing Dynamics
People with dyslexia have some difficulties that persist in writing; several international studies confirm lexical, spelling and syntactic difficulties (among others, [
13,
14,
15,
16,
17,
18,
19,
20,
21,
22,
23,
24,
25,
26,
27,
28,
29]). Concerning the dynamics of writing, there are few studies focusing on on-line indicators in people with dyslexia. There is no consensus concerning significant differences for handwriting speed between subjects with or without dyslexia among studies on dyslexic children [
84] or dyslexic students [
29]. It seems to also depend on the ages of the observed participants. The results of a study on children aged 9 reveal that handwriting speed (in terms of the physical distance covered by the pen divided by the time spent writing) is the same for both children with and without dyslexia [
45,
84], and that the slow writing of children with dyslexia is due to the production of pauses, which are longer and more frequent [
84]. According to Sumner and Connelly [
29], there is no significant difference between students with or without dyslexia, either in terms of handwriting speed (the same definition as [
84]) or pauses. However, a recent study on French dyslexic teenagers [
68] reveals that their handwriting speeds are below those found for typical middle-schoolers of the same age [
85,
86] and are more in line with the handwriting speeds of 11-year-olds. Few studies take into consideration pressure as an on-line indicator. But we can learn that the pressure that children with dyslexia (around eleven-and-a-half years old) exert on their pencil when they write letters of the alphabet or their first and last names is not different from that exerted by children of the same age without dyslexia [
45]. The authors also conclude that, at this age, proprio-kinaesthesia skills are preserved, even for children with dyslexia. Likewise, Sumner et al. [
84] provide one of the very few studies that include word rate in their indicators. They conclude that children with dyslexia (9-year-olds) wrote the same number of letters per minute in an alphabet task but fewer words per minute, compared to children without dyslexia. Similar results were found for students with dyslexia, concluding that they produce fewer letters per minute [
51] or fewer symbols in 90 s [
16] than control students.
As for pauses and bursts, they reveal some differences between subjects with and without dyslexia. For instance, teenagers with dyslexia produce an atypical transcription of words in terms of on-line indicators during written production, with a slower handwriting speed, a smaller length of writing passages without pause, or with longer pauses between words and punctuation than typical teenagers [
68,
84,
87]. The authors conclude that the allocation of cognitive resources is modified by cognitive hindrances, and that the process of word transcription can slow down or disorganize other higher-level cognitive operations. These conclusions confirm those of Galbraith and collaborators [
88], who showed that students with dyslexia produce longer pauses within and between words than control students, and concluded that persistent difficulties with low-level processes interfere with high-level processes. Nevertheless, some studies on the writing processes of students with dyslexia do not support this view, specifically concerning pause times [
29], suggesting that the transcription process (fluency of handwriting/writing) is not more hindered by spelling difficulties [
29]. Moreover, previous studies reveal a difference between teenagers (12-year-olds) with and without dyslexia, also concerning bursts: the written production of dyslexic adolescents is regularly suspended by long pauses (threshold at 2s), which is less the case for adolescents without dyslexia [
68]. The question is also to know, in the present paper, if university students with dyslexia are able to have long moments of production without a long pause, or if they rather have short moments interspersed with pauses of varying lengths [
45].