1. Introduction
Since the appearance of COVID-19 in November 2019, the world has been severely affected in many fronts. The global economy fell 3.1% in 2020, according to the International Monetary Fund [
1], being the largest drop since 1980; also, in August 2022, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimated COVID-19-related deaths to be about 6.5 million [
2].
Responding to the severity of the virus, the main laboratories of the world, supported by various countries, started immediately the search for an effective vaccine. By the end of 2020, at least three public-private initiatives had managed to pass stage III of research and managed to request authorization from health regulators to commercialize them. In December 2020, the vaccination process began in some countries, especially those that had directly invested in the development of the vaccines.
Initially, we could observe an unequal access to vaccines; moreover, most high-income countries received vaccines in numbers that surpassed largely their entire populations. This initial inequality in the access to vaccines caused WHO to coin the health crisis as a “two-way pandemic”, with high-income countries receiving 75% of the available vaccines and the majority of the countries having only the remaining 25%”. Then, with the firm aim of putting an end to the pandemic in 2022, WHO’s general director insisted on the need of eliminating the inequity in the vaccination process, assuring that populations will be entirely vaccinated by the middle of this year. However, by observing the vaccination rates around the world, this appears to be yet far from becoming true.
Indeed, according to Our World in Data [
3], until September 2022, only 69.7% of the world’s population received at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine. In addition, only Latin America (81%), Asia-Pacific (80%), United States and Canada (80%), and Europe (69%) have high complete-vaccination rates above the global average (66%), while the Middle East and Africa could only reach a vaccination rate of 58% and 28%, respectively.
Likewise, by September 2022, Chile and Peru had the highest vaccination rates (93% and 92%, respectively) not only in Latin America but also worldwide, which could be achieved due to the necessary financial resources to acquire the vaccines and an efficient vaccine distribution strategy. On the contrary, the countries with the worst performances were mainly African countries such as Congo (4.5%), Madagascar (5.4%), Cameroon (6.1%), Senegal (9%), Mali (11%), etc. [
3].
Therefore, the pandemic is still a serious health problem around the world, and it appears that it will be around for long. We are not sure yet if the virus will turn into less aggressive forms becoming endemic, requiring less effort from our health systems and fewer restrictions to people’s mobility or, on the other hand, it will continue mutating and eventually to more aggressive versions, demanding immediate action by improving current vaccines, health infrastructure, prevention or developing new treatments.
Public authorities around the world have insisted in vaccination as being the most effective way to face the virus. Moreover, they have exerted major efforts to acquire and inoculate vaccines to their citizens. However, the willingness of people in accepting vaccination can also alter the herd immunity [
4] and there still exist large asymmetries in the number of completely vaccinated people in different countries. At the same time, the effort associated to the creation of vaccines in such a record time has been, without doubts, a direct consequence of private laboratories’ research, partially supported by governments [
5]. It is very likely that these rapid results could not have been obtained without patents and intellectual protection rights and laws [
6]. Both pharmaceutical companies (which operate as oligopolies) and patents have carried quick advances in obtaining the vaccines; however, they also imply bigger proportional costs (on GDP) to less developed countries and, according to some recent economic literature [
6,
7], should been better defined, since they can slow or even impede the development of new products, or generate indefinite socially inefficient positions of domain [
8].
Even though manufacturing vaccines in sufficient quantities for the enormous demand and their subsequent distribution were noticeable issues at the beginning, problems in the global supply chain, the lack of infrastructure necessary to store and preserve vaccines, as well as the bureaucratic frictions typical of many countries, such as their logistical inability to be able to quickly inoculate their target population, could have caused the virus to cause many more deaths and to mutate to new variants. Even first-generation vaccines may have lost effectiveness against new variants [
9]. This fact affects not only those countries with lower inoculation rates but the whole world, due to the large number of people who move between countries and continents, which can spread the new variants, in very short times and put the whole world in serious danger again.
So, what are the observable economic factors that influence both the appearance of new variants of the coronavirus and the advances in the vaccination rate in 108 countries in a quarterly period from March 2020 to March 2022? These are the main questions this work intends to answer. We know that a war between Ukraine and Russia started in the first half-year of 2022; however, the effects on main variables are marginal, since our period of study overlaps with the war’s period only in one month.
Therefore, one of the objectives of this work is to find some observable variables determining the appearance of new variants of the virus, and if the variable “fully vaccinated people” results significative (as it is in our results), it may demonstrate that unequal access to vaccines can be an important issue to be accounted for all nations.
The other objective is to try to find some country-related factors influencing the process of vaccination for 108 countries (those with available data) which may be valuable to correct, or a reason to implement, public policies aimed to improve our response to this and future pandemics. In general, this work may help to recall politicians, authorities, and policymakers that global vaccination should advance more homogeneously both along countries and in the velocity of inoculation, which would reduce deaths and the probability of the occurrence of new mutations of the virus that could end up affecting the whole world.
In line with the objectives, the following specific hypotheses were raised:
- (1)
High vaccination rates and high levels of education [
10] decrease the probability of the appearance of new COVID-19 mutations, whereas population overcrowding and large urban populations cause the opposite effect.
- (2)
Improved health disaster preparedness, urban concentration, and relatively high economic complexity are expected to be associated with high coronavirus vaccination rates. On the other hand, large rural populations are inversely related with vaccination advances.
If our hypotheses can be demonstrated, this work would contribute to determine that the release of patents demanded by some countries to the WTO is not a sufficient condition to end the virus and that there are other important factors from the economic point of view that we must also observe, such as the capacities and dynamics of countries to acquire, distribute, and inoculate vaccines.
On this vein, it appears to be clear that we should quickly vaccinate as many people as we can, but we must know whether the access to vaccines per se is sufficient or whether we should also identify other problems or bottlenecks that require the same or more attention. In relation to this point, even international collaboration could be more efficient and faster than pushing for the revision of international treaties on intellectual property protection such as the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreements of 1995, which may entail discussions and negotiations which would go on too long considering the urgency of the problem.
2. Related Literature
About socio-economic variables affecting vaccination, Sarkar and Morshed examined Bangladesh in 2021 and found that both demographic factors (population density and urban population) and economic factors (percentage of industrial workers) are keys to the spatial priority of vaccine implementation [
11]. Also, Ambros and Frenkel investigated the same phenomena in Germany in November 2021 and found that the COVID-19 mortality rate and population density were associated with an increase in the vaccination rate, while the percentage of the adult population generated the opposite effect [
12]. Later, Gertz et al. examined 843,985 surveys in the US between February and November 2021, finding that higher-income people were more likely to complete vaccinations than those with lower income [
13]. Then, Lee and Huang evaluated Nueces County in Texas and found that people from low socioeconomic strata have low vaccination rates; likewise, the rejection of the vaccine in certain communities has spread to nearby communities of a similar socioeconomic position [
14].
Furthermore, Agarwal et al. examined 756 US counties, where the variables related to factors of socioeconomic privilege and political ideology influenced racial disparity in the vaccination rate [
15]. Also, Roghani used data from 25 countries from February to August 2021, finding that higher Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita was positively associated with greater vaccine acquisitions [
16]. Finally, Irfan et al. examined surveys of 754 households in Pakistan and found that pandemic risk perceptions positively affected the vaccination rate, while the cost to access the vaccine (transportation and leaving current jobs), and its unavailability, had the opposite effect [
17].
In terms of people’s willingness to vaccinate, Urrunaga-Pastor et al. used 784,460 surveys of people from Latin American Countries (LAC) and find that living in a rural area, economic insecurity, and having depressive symptoms were associated with a higher probability of fearing the adverse effects of vaccines [
18]. Also, Lazarus et al. used a sample of 13,426 people from 19 countries during a high rate of spread of COVID-19 in June 2020 and found that the heterogeneity by demographic factors of those surveyed to accept a vaccine (when it would be available) was substantial in explaining later the vaccination rate. They showed too that people with high levels of trust in a government’s information were more likely to accept a vaccine [
19,
20]. Cerda and García used 370 surveys in Chile and found that the variables related to the information on the severity of the vaccine side effects and effectiveness mainly explained the possibility of a vaccine rejection [
21]. Khaled et al. studied Qatar between December 2020 and January 2021 and found that a lack of concern about catching the virus was associated with resistance to the vaccine, mainly in female, Arab ethnic groups and non-immigrant Qataris [
22]. Khan et al. investigated 17 countries between November 2020 and April 2021 and found that people who were more exposed to warnings against the vaccine are less likely to be vaccinated, which reflects the importance of information management [
23]. Also, Ren et al. investigated 416 subjects in China in 2021 and obtained a high rate of vaccination of patients, to the extent that it provided them with specific information on the safety and importance of the vaccine [
24].
Harper et al. analyzed Facebook vaccine-related discussions in Australia from December 2020 and February 2022, they found that controlling access to or censoring vaccine-critical misinformation did not reduce prejudices and negative beliefs about vaccines but even reinforced them [
25]. Moreover, discussions deviate to political and social arguments. Similar results are obtained by Kwanho et al. who found ample misinformation about COVID-19 vaccines even in the public media. They argued that exposure to misinformation increases the perceived risk of getting a vaccine and even evokes negative emotions towards them, reducing vaccination intentions [
26]. Furthermore, Viswanath et al. used surveys of 1012 representative adults in the US and found that a higher perception of the risk of contagion and less schooling were positively and negatively associated with vaccine acceptance, respectively [
27]. Adedeji-Adenola et al. used 1058 adult subjects in Nigeria from April to June 2021 and found that a high level of awareness was positively associated with higher vaccination rates, but this relationship may be affected by variables such as religion or occupation [
28]. Davis et al. investigated six low- and middle-income countries and found that perceived social norms, perceived positive and negative consequences, perceived risk, and access to vaccines had the highest associations with COVID-19 vaccine acceptance [
29]. Holzmann-Litting et al. investigated 4500 health care workers in Germany in February 2021 and found a significant relationship between refusing COVID-19 vaccinations and the fear of side effects [
30]. In the same line, Huang et al. studied surveys of 1047 primary care professionals in the US at the beginning of 2021 and found that greater confidence in the COVID-19 vaccine, perceiving more positive social norms, and receiving recommendations to be vaccinated were associated with greater acceptance of the vaccine [
31]. Finally, Salman et al. used a survey of six countries (Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, India, Malaysia, Sudan, and Egypt) from April to August 2022 and found a significant positive correlation between conspiracy beliefs and vaccine hesitancy [
32]. All these works argue for the importance of understanding the diverse factors that impact the effectiveness of communication–including the context in which it is received–and the emergent properties created by communication processes.
On the other hand, at the time of writing this work, we have not found any research on economic variables determining the appearance of new COVID-19 variants or economic country-related variables (like we use) explaining vaccination rates, which will be our main interest from now.