3.1. Typical Nigerian Diet
The general agreement in the literature has been that a traditional Nigerian diet was high in carbohydrates and fibre, low-to-moderate in fats, and relatively low in protein [
1,
2,
5,
6,
7,
14,
15,
16,
17,
18,
19]. The 2018 LSMS survey [
12], which enquired from more than 5000 households across the country what foods they had consumed in the preceding week, suggested that Nigerian reliance on carbohydrates for calories has continued, even though it is slightly below the sub-Saharan African average of 71%, at about 69% of daily energy intake per capita [
20]. However, this is significantly above the averages in high-income countries, which in 2013 were estimated to be 52% in the UK, 49% in the US, and 46% in France, for example [
21]. The carbohydrate sources consumed the most across Nigeria, according to the 2018 LSMS [
12], were different types of grains, with almost all families surveyed having eaten them in the previous seven days (
Table 2). More households consumed unrefined grains than refined ones, but the difference between the two in 2018 was significantly lower than in 2010. The consumption of starchy tubers such as cassava was also high, at almost 80% (
Table 2). All schoolchildren and their families in the IITA survey also reported to have eaten grains or tubers in the two days before the survey (
Table A3).
In terms of fat and protein consumption, research [
20] has found fats to comprise slightly more (22%) and protein slightly less (9.3%) of the daily energy intake of Nigerians compared to the mean sub-Saharan African diet (19% and 9.8%, respectively). In contrast, an average inhabitant in the UK, as an example of a high-income country, obtained 36% of daily calories from fats and 12% from protein sources in 2013 [
21]. The Nigerian diet can thus still be described as comparatively low in protein and moderate in fat intake from an international perspective.
Looking at the key sources of these macronutrients, in the 2018 LSMS [
12] survey, 95% of Nigerian households regularly consumed fats and oils, with palm oil (91%) and groundnut oil (57%) being the most popular (
Table A4). Most households also reported to have eaten a variety of protein sources, with ‘nuts and pulses’ (85%) and ‘fish and shellfish’ (70%) the most represented. A total of 60% of households consumed some meat in the week preceding the survey as well. In contrast, 4% of households ate no high-protein foods, such as pulses and nuts, fish and shellfish, meat, eggs, or dairy, although they likely consumed protein as part of their vegetable and tuber intake. As Thompson and Kelly [
22] have noted, vegetables have traditionally been the cheapest and most readily available source of protein across Africa. Dairy and particularly eggs, as it appears from the 2018 LSMS [
12] survey, have thus far remained relatively less popular in Nigeria, with only 48% and 26% households, respectively, having consumed any at home in the week before the survey (
Table 2). Consumption of foods from animal sources among schoolchildren in the IITA survey [
13] was comparatively higher, with 84% reporting to have eaten meat, 68% dairy, and 64% eggs over the 48-h period examined (
Table A3).
Taking a closer look at the specific foods eaten by Nigerian households, rice was the most frequently domestically consumed source of carbohydrates in 2018, followed by bread, garri (pounded cassava), sorghum, and maize (
Table A4). Yams were the most ubiquitous in the ‘roots and tubers’ category, while white beans, brown beans, and groundnuts were most common in ‘nuts and pulses.’ In the IITA survey, households [
13] also reported rice, garri, yam flour, and semolina as their most frequently consumed carbohydrate sources. From foods from animal sources, beef was eaten most frequently, followed by fish and chicken, in both the LSMS [
11,
12] and IITA survey respondents [
13]. Onions, peppers, tomatoes, and okra were the most popular vegetables, with the consumption of eggplants and green leafy vegetables, such as jute mallow, water leaf, bitter leaf, cocoyam, and spinach leaves, also widespread. The most consumed fruits included watermelon, oranges and tangerines, mangoes, bananas, apples, pawpaw (papaya), coconuts, pineapples, and guava. These findings largely align with those of Alade [
23], who also added to the list of popular Nigerian fruits grapefruits, pears, cashew fruits, and avocado pears. Additionally, common Nigerian vegetables include turnip and mustard greens, kale, mushrooms, pumpkins, collard greens, carrots, cabbage, and lettuce [
23].
The specific composition of Nigerian meals varies significantly by region; however, one can generalise that it typically consists of a grain or starchy vegetable, accompanied by a ‘sauce’, also referred to as ‘soup’ or ‘stew’. The grain or starchy vegetable portion of the dish can be made up of rice, often either boiled or jollof (cooked with tomatoes, onions, and spices) [
14]. ‘Swallows’, i.e., pounded or pureed grains or starchy vegetables that can be made into balls and swallowed without chewing, are also popular [
14]. These differ across the country but can be made of yam (iya and amala isu), cassava (fufu, garri, eba and amala lafun), plantains (amala/elubo ogede), cocoyam (empkang nkuwo), corn flour (eko and agidi), wheat flour (semovita/semolina), fermented sorghum, maize, or millet (ogi and akamu), and many others [
13,
23].
The ‘sauce’ or ‘soup’ is a stew made of multiple ingredients, often including onions, tomatoes, peppers, and other vegetables, along with palm or another oil, meat, fish or crayfish, water, salt, and other seasonings [
1,
13,
14,
23]. Examples include ewedu soup (stew with jute mallow leaves and locust beans), afang soup (stew with spinach and water leaves), edikang ikong (stew with fluted pumpkin and water leaves), pepper soup, egusi soup (stew with ground melon seeds), efo riro (spinach stew with peppers and locust beans), miyan kuka (stew with dried baobab leaves), okra soup, and many others [
1,
4,
23,
24,
25]. Fried foods, such as pof-pof (doughnuts), fried bean cakes (akara), and fried plantain (dodo), have also been traditionally popular, particularly as snacks [
13].
The existing literature on the Nigerian diet has emphasised some of its aspects as positive and some as negative. A review of dietary quality in 187 countries between 1990 and 2010 [
26] found the Nigerian diet to be quite healthy from an international perspective. In the consumption of healthy food items (fruits, vegetables, beans and legumes, nuts and seeds, whole grains, milk, total polyunsaturated fatty acids, fish, plant omega-3s, and dietary fibre), Nigeria ranked 35th out of 187 countries (19th percentile), and in the non-consumption of seven unhealthy items (unprocessed red meats, processed meats, sugar-sweetened beverages, saturated fat, trans fat, dietary cholesterol, and sodium), it ranked 40th out of 187 countries (21st percentile). A review of dietary health consequences in 195 countries between 1995 and 2017 [
27] meanwhile concluded that in adults aged 25 years and older, Nigerians experienced the lowest proportion of age-standardised diet-related deaths (11%) and disability-adjusted life years (7%) out of all the countries in the sample. Other studies have highlighted the protective effects of the traditional high-fibre and relatively low-fat diet against colon cancer [
7], high cholesterol levels [
28], and diabetes [
29]. The nutritional benefits of Nigeria’s traditionally consumed green leafy vegetables have also been widely extolled [
22,
29,
30,
31].
On the less positive side, some concerns have been raised regarding vitamin A intake through the typical Nigerian diet, given that about 16% of children have been recently estimated to be vitamin A deficient [
32]. However, others [
25] have pointed out that the strand of Nigerian diet that relies on high consumption of green leafy vegetables and palm oils could provide the population with enough beta-carotene (main source of vitamin A in Nigeria).
Further apprehension about the typical Nigerian diet has revolved around the diet’s relatively high reliance on carbohydrates for energy and frequently low dietary diversity [
33]. Some scholars have highlighted the consequently higher risks of nutritional and particularly protein and micronutrient deficiencies, potentially leading to arrested bone growth [
5,
17]. This issue has been particularly notable among young children, who are often weaned on cereal pap, with little intake of other food groups [
34,
35,
36]. This has contributed to a situation where more than 37% of Nigeria’s children under five years old are stunted (too short for their age) [
37]. A less prevalent, but still serious, issue is one of rickets (Ref. [
38] – estimated in 2012 at 1.2%), which is generally not connected with vitamin D deficiency (as Nigerian children tend to spend a lot of time outdoors in the sunlight) but rather with low intakes of calcium due to a relative scarcity of dairy in the typical Nigerian diet (Ref. [
39], see also
Table 2). Finally, the Nigerian diet has also been estimated to be high in phytates, at three times the typical intake in a UK or a US diet, which has been linked with reduced absorption of iron, calcium, and other minerals [
40].
3.3. Changes over Time
Similar to all diets, the Nigerian diet has been evolving. Researchers have observed that diets worldwide have become more homogeneous over the past 50 years, evolving along trajectory of the ‘nutrition transition’ [
43]. This transition generally involves a declining consumption of traditional and unrefined cereals, pulses, fruits, and vegetables and an increased consumption of energy-dense foods, particularly foods from animal sources, plant oils, and sugars [
43,
44,
45]. Such dietary changes are often accompanied by increased incidence of overweight, obesity, and diet-related NCDs including hypertension and diabetes [
45]. Many lower-income countries have begun the nutrition transition when a substantial portion of their population still suffers from undernourishment and micronutrient deficiencies; therefore, they face the so-called ‘double’ or even ‘triple burden of malnutrition’ [
46,
47]. The following section assesses to what extent the Nigerian diet has changed in recent decades and whether these changes align with the hallmarks of the ‘nutrition transition’.
One aspect of the nutrition transition that evidently has occurred in Nigeria has been a shift in consumption away from traditional grains such as sorghum and millet towards rice and maize [
48]. As
Table A4 shows, while 24% Nigerian households consumed millet in the week before the 2010 LSMS, only 18% did so in 2018. Conversely, the prevalence of rice consumption increased from 86% to 92% of households between 2010 and 2018. There was also a significant corresponding increase in the consumption of bread, from 54% to 67%, and of maize flour, used for making breakfast pap, fufu, tuwo masara, corn pudding, etc., from 6% to 24% of households.
Other commonly noted features of the nutrition transition include higher consumption of foods from animal sources and altered patterns of fruit and vegetable consumption [
43]. The first of these two can observations also be observed in the Nigerian LSMS data. While the overall level of meat and fish consumption remained similar between 2010 and 2018, the proportion of households reporting to have eaten eggs and dairy products increased from 13% and 38%, respectively, in 2010 to 26% and 48% in 2018. These average figures may hide some regional differences. Glew et al. [
49], for example, found that northern Fulani communities in rural areas consumed significantly more daily protein in the form of meat and milk than Fulani communities in urban areas, indicating that urbanisation may have reduced the consumption of foods form animal sources in some communities. However, overall, Nigerians are now consuming significantly more protein from animal sources than they did in the past.
Trends in the consumption of fruits and vegetables are harder to decipher from the available data. The existing literature has claimed that the nutrition transition commonly leads to a decline in the consumption of indigenous fruits and vegetables [
50,
51] or even of all fruits and vegetables [
52]. Support for the first claim, i.e., the reduction in Nigerians eating traditional fruits and vegetables, cannot easily be discerned from the LSMS data, as the 2010 food frequency questionnaire was not as detailed in recording specific fruits and vegetables as the 2018 one. However, as explained earlier, the consumption of traditional cereals in Nigeria has declined (
Table A4). Meanwhile, other research has shown that the diversification of local diets in most places has been accompanied by a worldwide homogenisation of diets, with agricultural production around the world focussing more on the cultivation of major world crops [
43]. It is hence likely that the consumption of less internationally known indigenous fruits and vegetables has declined in Nigeria as well. Nevertheless, the LSMS data do not show Nigerians eating fewer fruits and vegetables altogether. In fact, it is quite the opposite; the data suggest that in the eight years between the two analysed surveys [
11,
12], the consumption of particularly vitamin A-rich fruits and vegetables and green leafy vegetables increased. Results from the IITA survey [
11] indicate that it is particularly in the Nigerian economic middle classes where this increase has occurred.
Another common characteristic of the nutrition transition is an increase in the consumption of energy-dense and processed foods. Existing research from Africa generally and from Nigeria specifically confirms the existence of this trend [
53,
54]. It has been linked to the rising prevalence of fast-food restaurants in Nigeria, including Mr Biggs, Chicken Republic, Nando’s, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Domino’s Pizza, and McDonald’s [
55,
56]. These eateries generally serve food high in sugar, salt, and saturated fats, accompanied by bottled high-sugar soft drinks or canned and packaged fruit juices [
55]. The meals are seen as both tasty and affordable, with eating out consequently increasing among all socio-economic groups [
55].
The LSMS data do not demonstrate a large increase in the home consumption of processed foods in Nigeria between 2010 and 2018, except for refined grains (particularly in the form of bread) and instant chocolate drinks, but that is likely because the 2010 survey did not inquire about the consumption of many processed foods. The data do indicate, however, that over the course of the decade, Nigerian families began to eat out more frequently (
Table 8). While the proportion of households eating full meals away from home did not change significantly, the prevalence of purchasing snacks (e.g., sandwiches, biscuits, meat pies, donuts, pof-pof, and akara) and roasted or boiled starchy vegetables (potatoes, corn, plantains, and yam) when outside increased significantly, from 33% to 47% and from 17% to 25%, respectively. The consumption of soft drinks outside the home rose even more, from 27% of households purchasing them in the week before the survey in 2010 to 42% of households in 2018 (more than a 50% increase). Schoolchildren and their parents in the IITA survey [
13] similarly reported to have increased the frequency with which they purchased lunches or snacks away from home over time. Furthermore, children from wealthier households in the IITA survey [
13] demonstrated a growing popularity of eating convenience foods for breakfast and on the weekends. While children from poorer households often consumed rice or spaghetti and stew with beans, meat or fish for breakfast, children from better-off households were more likely to eat toast, porridge, or breakfast cereal with milk, cocoa, or tea. On the weekends, wealthier children attested to frequently eating snacks such as yam or sweet potatoes with fried eggs, eggy bread, bean cakes (moin-moin or akara), and mashed potatoes.
Due to the higher consumption of processed foods, countries undergoing the nutrition transition commonly experience growing incidence of obesity and diet-related NCDs, including hypercholesterolaemia, hypertension, and diabetes. As mentioned already, the prevalence of these health problems has begun to rise in Nigeria as well in recent decades, and particularly quickly in more affluent areas and households [
57]. Adeloye et al. [
58] estimated the proportion of Nigerian overweight adults in 2021 at 25%, with women slightly more often overweight (25.5%) than men (25.2%). The equivalent percentage for overweight women obtained from the DHS surveys (
Figure 1) was similar, with 28% of women found to be heavier than the healthy weight in 2018. This constitutes almost a doubling from 2003, when 15% of women were estimated to be overweight. The prevalence of overweight was significantly higher in the southern regions—40% in the South-East, 43% in the South-South, and 38% in the South-West—than in the northern regions, where it was 26% in the North-Central, 15% in the North-East, and 16% in the North-West [
37]. The South-South region has commensurately seen the highest prevalence of hypercholesterolaemia in Nigeria (50.4%) [
36], while the South-East the highest prevalence of diabetes, at 3.5% [
29].
The growing popularity of processed foods and fast-food outlets across the world has been explained by a combination of increasing urbanisation and a related search for convenience and tastiness [
53,
59,
60]. However, it has also been argued that the consumption of ‘Western-style foods’ in lower-income, non-Western countries is seen as a proxy for wealth and/or status, which further increases the popularity of such foods [
61]. All these factors are likely at play in driving forward Nigeria’s nutrition transition.