Escaping African ‘Islands’

A special issue of Languages (ISSN 2226-471X).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: 31 December 2024 | Viewed by 9204

Special Issue Editor


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Linguistics Program, The Graduate Center, City University of New York, 365 Fifth Avenue, Room 7407, New York, NY 10016, USA
Interests: syntactic theory; syntax-phonology interface; West African languages; fieldwork

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

We are pleased to announce a call for papers for a Special Issue of Languages, entitled “Escaping African ‘Islands’”, devoted entirely to islands and their porousness/absence in African languages. To the best of our knowledge, the volume will represent the first of its kind in the literature.

The phenomenon of islandhood has played a central role in generative syntactic theory ever since Ross’s (1967) seminal work. Island effects have long been regarded as evidence for domain-specific innate constraints on language and, as such, have been cited as one motivation for the need for universal grammar. Decades of literature on islands have uncovered similarities in island effects across a wide range of languages, leading to the conclusion that a number of Ross’s island constraints are candidates for language universals. The languages surveyed that have given rise to this impression, however, tend not to be African languages.

Within the past few years, though, a number of works focused on the nature of islands in African languages have uncovered a trend in which one or more classic “island” configuration is transparent for A-bar dependency formation. Kandybowicz et al. (to appear) show that adjunct clauses of all varieties (e.g. conditional, temporal, and reason clauses) in Ikpana are fully transparent for A-bar extraction. Schurr et al. (2021) demonstrate that in Shupamem, all clausal configurations typically held to have island status (e.g., sentential subjects, relative clauses, clausal complements of nouns, adjunct clauses, factive clauses, etc.) are fully transparent for long-distance A-bar dependency formation. Hein & Georgi (2021) and Korsah & Murphy (2019) argue that sentential subject constructions, definite relative clauses, clausal complements of definite nouns, reason adjunct clauses, factive clauses, and embedded questions fail to have island status in Asante Twi. Hein (2020) shows that factive clauses and clausal complements of nouns are fully transparent for A-bar extraction in Limbum. Keupdjio (2020) points out that extraction out of definite relative clauses, clausal complements of definite nouns, temporal clauses, factive clauses, and embedded questions is possible in Medumba. Gould & Scott (2019) show that Swahili definite relative clauses are A-bar porous, while Scott (2021) argues that both temporal and reason adjunct clauses in Swahili permit A-bar extraction from within. Finally, Georgi & Amaechi (2020) demonstrate that non-clausal domains classically defined as “islands” in Igbo are transparent for A-bar dependency formation, but, similar to Medumba, require pronominal resumption.  

These findings, while both surprising and highly consequential for generative theory, are not unprecedented. Over the course of the generative inquiry into islands, evidence for cross-linguistic variation in island constraints has emerged from time to time. For example, Stepanov (2007) cites examples of acceptable sub-extraction from complex subjects in Russian, while Kiss (1987) and Georgopoulos (1991) present cases of successful subject sub-extraction in Hungarian and Palauan, respectively. With regard to extraction from adjunct clauses, Yoshida (2006) presents a case of genuine variation in island constraints based on data from Malay, while Faarlund (1992), Kush et al. (2018), and Bondevik et al. (2021) note instances in which temporal and conditional finite adjunct clauses in Norwegian fail to have strong island status. Instances of successful escape from complex NPs in French, Italian, Spanish, Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, and Hebrew have also been documented in the literature (see Cinque 2010, 2020 and Sichel 2014, 2018 for references and critique). Other instances of island-escape have been noted in the literature. Phillips (2013a,b) draws a distinction between “surface island variation” and “deep island violation”. Instances of the former involve cases in which variation in island sensitivity reduces to independently motivated differences in structural possibilities, which give rise to the appearance of variability in island effects without the need to assume variation in the underlying constraints themselves (see Cinque 2010, 2020 and Sichel 2014, 2018 for analyses of apparent counterexamples to strong islandhood along these lines). Instances of the latter involve cases that cannot be plausibly connected to independently motivated differences in structure, suggesting true variation in the island constraints themselves. Do the porous “islands” observed in African languages represent instances of surface island variation or do they reveal that island constraints are cross-linguistically more variable than previously believed?

This Special Issue brings together research on African languages that seemingly represent counterexamples to classical island constraints in order to address the issue of the universality of island constraints and enrich our understanding of the nature of islands. Articles submitted for consideration of publication should both document instances of purported “island violations” in African languages and provide argumentation for the claim that escape (i.e. movement) took place in such cases. Articles should also discuss whether the “violations” in question reflect instances of “surface island variation” or “deep island violation” in Phillips’ (2013a,b) sense and, if possible, speculate on why the relevant domains do not have island status in the language(s).  

We request that, prior to submitting a manuscript, interested authors initially submit a proposed title and an abstract of 400-600 words summarizing their intended contribution. Please send it either to Guest Editor Jason Kandybowicz ([email protected]) or to the Languages Editorial Office ([email protected]) by 12 September, 2022. Abstracts will be reviewed by the Guest Editor for the purposes of ensuring proper fit within the scope of the Special Issue. Full manuscripts will undergo double-blind peer-review.

  • Abstract submission deadline: September 12, 2022
  • Notification of abstract acceptance: October 3, 2022
  • Full manuscript deadline: December 2, 2022

Prof. Dr. Jason Kandybowicz 
Guest Editor

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Keywords

  • island insensitivity
  • extraction from islands
  • probe-agree into islands
  • A-bar relations across island boundaries
  • African languages

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Published Papers (6 papers)

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Research

22 pages, 427 KiB  
Article
Escape from Noun Complement Clauses in Avatime
by Travis Major and Harold Torrence
Languages 2024, 9(11), 339; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9110339 - 29 Oct 2024
Viewed by 396
Abstract
This paper discusses the status of island phenomena in Avatime, an endangered Kwa language of Ghana. We focus on clausal adjuncts, specifically noun complement clauses (NCCs). We show that while standard adjuncts are strong islands in Avatime, NCCs allow argument extraction. We suggest [...] Read more.
This paper discusses the status of island phenomena in Avatime, an endangered Kwa language of Ghana. We focus on clausal adjuncts, specifically noun complement clauses (NCCs). We show that while standard adjuncts are strong islands in Avatime, NCCs allow argument extraction. We suggest that this is related to the fact that NCCs in Avatime are not a type of relative clause. Instead, NCCs involve a kind of serial verb construction, which independently allows for extraction. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Escaping African ‘Islands’)
39 pages, 622 KiB  
Article
The That-Trace Effect—A Surface or a Deep Island Phenomenon? Evidence from Resumption and Prolepsis in Igbo
by Mary Amaechi and Doreen Georgi
Languages 2024, 9(10), 324; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9100324 - 9 Oct 2024
Viewed by 736
Abstract
In many languages, a subject/non-subject Ā-extraction asymmetry can be observed: While non-subject extraction is unproblematic, long extraction of the subject requires repair strategies. This phenomenon is known as the that-trace effect. Two broad types of approaches to this effect have been proposed [...] Read more.
In many languages, a subject/non-subject Ā-extraction asymmetry can be observed: While non-subject extraction is unproblematic, long extraction of the subject requires repair strategies. This phenomenon is known as the that-trace effect. Two broad types of approaches to this effect have been proposed in the literature: (a) structural accounts that prohibit subject extraction in the syntax; (b) surface-oriented PF accounts according to which nothing blocks long subject movement in the syntax, but a surface filter prohibits the output string where a trace follows the complementizer. In this paper, we argue for a syntactic cause of the effect in Igbo (Benue-Congo, Nigeria). The empirical evidence centers around the distribution of resumptive pronouns in the language. We show that Igbo has all the ingredients required for a PF approach to the that-trace effect (viz., long Ā-movement and trace spell-out); nevertheless, it does not apply them to enable long subject extraction but rather resorts to prolepsis (among other strategies). Further evidence against a PF account comes from the impossibility of short subject extraction. Finally, we provide evidence from subextraction from subjects for an antilocality component underlying the subject extraction restriction in Igbo. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Escaping African ‘Islands’)
41 pages, 668 KiB  
Article
Category-Sensitive Escape from Islands in Limbum and Asante Twi
by Johannes Hein
Languages 2024, 9(10), 317; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9100317 - 30 Sep 2024
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 564
Abstract
While strong islands generally constitute domains from which extraction is not possible, it has been observed that under certain conditions, they may allow DP but not PP gaps. Based on the recent literature on Asante Twi (Kwa, Ghana) and on novel data from [...] Read more.
While strong islands generally constitute domains from which extraction is not possible, it has been observed that under certain conditions, they may allow DP but not PP gaps. Based on the recent literature on Asante Twi (Kwa, Ghana) and on novel data from Limbum (Grassfields Bantu, Cameroon), this paper shows that strong island configurations in these two African languages are permeable to nominal extractees without restrictions, but the otherwise admissible movement of VPs and PPs is blocked. As DP-displacement from islands shows properties of A¯-movement; an explanation in terms of base-generation and binding of a covert resumptive pronoun, which is only available for nominal elements, is not feasible. Taking into account the overall distribution of overt and covert resumptive pronouns, for Asante Twi, an account of the selective island permeability in terms of repair by resumption, as suggested in previous literature, might be possible. For the Limbum pattern, however, this paper argues that such an approach seems implausible. It then goes on to develop an analysis of selective island permeability based on the distribution of ϕ-features and their interaction with complementizer agreement. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Escaping African ‘Islands’)
27 pages, 3617 KiB  
Article
On the Absence of Certain Island Effects in Mende
by Jason D. Smith
Languages 2024, 9(4), 131; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9040131 - 2 Apr 2024
Cited by 3 | Viewed by 1225
Abstract
The distinction between weak and strong islands has been extensively explored in the literature from both a descriptive and analytical perspective. In this paper, I document and analyze island constructions and constraints in Mende, an understudied Mande language spoken in Sierra Leone. Mende [...] Read more.
The distinction between weak and strong islands has been extensively explored in the literature from both a descriptive and analytical perspective. In this paper, I document and analyze island constructions and constraints in Mende, an understudied Mande language spoken in Sierra Leone. Mende has both weak islands (left branch and wh-islands) and strong islands (adjunct clauses, sentential subjects, and coordinate structures). Intriguingly, it has a third class of islands, that I call mixed islands which show a subject–non-subject asymmetry in allowing for movement out of relative clauses, only when they modify the subject. As such, subject-modifying RCs cannot be classified as (strong/weak) islands in Mende. This is the first systematic work on islands and island constraints in the Mande language family, and, as such, it brings novel data from an understudied language family to bear on our understanding of A-bar dependencies and the study of island escape in African languages. It also calls into question a neat paradigm of cross-linguistic island constraints. Importantly, this work also lays down a baseline for future research on island constraints in the broader Mande language family. In order to discuss island constraints, this paper also lays out the first analysis of relative clauses in Mende, while integrating new research on the left periphery, focus constructions, and wh-constructions. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Escaping African ‘Islands’)
34 pages, 546 KiB  
Article
The Absence of Islands in Akan: The Role of Resumption
by Sampson Korsah and Andrew Murphy
Languages 2024, 9(4), 127; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9040127 - 1 Apr 2024
Cited by 3 | Viewed by 1312
Abstract
The precise nature of Ā-dependencies that terminate in a pronoun has been a long-standing subject of cross-linguistic research. Traditionally, it has been assumed that there are two derivational strategies to form resumptive Ā-dependencies: movement and base generation. Island configurations have played a crucial [...] Read more.
The precise nature of Ā-dependencies that terminate in a pronoun has been a long-standing subject of cross-linguistic research. Traditionally, it has been assumed that there are two derivational strategies to form resumptive Ā-dependencies: movement and base generation. Island configurations have played a crucial role in determining which derivational strategy is employed in a given language, as islands effects are expected to arise from dependencies created by movement but not by base generation. The body of cross-linguistic research on resumption has shown that the situation is more complicated once other diagnostics are taken into account, as languages can have mixed resumption profiles. In this paper, we discuss resumption in Ā-dependencies in Akan, a Kwa language spoken in Ghana, and illustrate that, despite their general insensitivity to islands, resumptive dependencies also show many classic hallmarks of movement. We situate these findings in the broader context of a general understanding of resumption cross-linguistically and discuss how the conflicting diagnostics might be reconciled with a movement-based analysis. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Escaping African ‘Islands’)
35 pages, 1125 KiB  
Article
Absence of Clausal Islands in Shupamem
by Hagay Schurr, Jason Kandybowicz, Abdoulaye Laziz Nchare, Tysean Bucknor, Xiaomeng Ma, Magdalena Markowska and Armando Tapia
Languages 2024, 9(1), 7; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9010007 - 21 Dec 2023
Cited by 4 | Viewed by 2308
Abstract
Decades-long research on islands has led to the conclusion that island constraints are candidates for language universals. A recent surge in research on islandhood in African languages has revealed some would-be island configurations that are transparent for A¯- dependency formation. In [...] Read more.
Decades-long research on islands has led to the conclusion that island constraints are candidates for language universals. A recent surge in research on islandhood in African languages has revealed some would-be island configurations that are transparent for A¯- dependency formation. In this article, we show that in Shupamem, all clausal configurations expected to have the status of opaque island domains fail to block the formation of long-distance A¯- dependencies involving object ex situ focus. In support of the claim that A¯- movement has occurred in such cases, we rely on evidence from three wh- movement diagnostics (weak crossover effects, reconstruction phenomena and quantifier float). Furthermore, we show that non-movement dependencies across purported island boundaries in the language are also possible through the licensing of “island”-internal negative concord items by external non-local negators. We conclude that clausal island effects fail to materialize in Shupamem ex situ focus constructions and negative concord item-licensing domains. Based on an exploratory typological survey of islands in African languages, we indicate a trend toward varying degrees of island permeability in the area, concluding that while Shupamem is not an isolated example, it features one of the most permissive grammars known to date in this respect. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Escaping African ‘Islands’)
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